Build the Conquest of Power in the Midst of the People's War!

#PUBLICATION NOTE

This edition of Build the Conquest of Political Power in the Midst of the People's War has been prepared and revised for digital publication by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism under the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Switzerland on the basis of the following editions:

• Build the Seizure of Power Amidst People's War!, in A World to Win, No. 20, 1995.
• II Plenum of the Central Committee: Building the Conquest of Power in the Midst of the People's War, The New Flag, blythe.org/peru-pcp.

#INTRODUCTION NOTE

This is the communique of the Second Plenary Session of the First Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru, drafted by Comrade Gonzalo in Lima, Peru in February-April 1991. It was first published as a pamphlet by the Red Flag Publishing House.

#Workers and oppressed people of the world, unite!

#BUILD THE CONQUEST OF POLITICAL POWER IN THE MIDST OF THE PEOPLE'S WAR!

#COMMUNIQUE OF THE SECOND PLENARY SESSION OF THE FIRST CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU

#Gonzalo

#February-April 1991

#★

#1. ON THE PREPARATORY SITTING

#1.1. GREETINGS

On the occasion of the victorious success of the Second Campaign to Push Forward the Development of Base Areas, Chairman Gonzalo, the Standing Committee, and the Political Bureau extend their greetings to the members of the Central Committee, to the directors, cadres, and militants of the Communist Party of Peru, to the fighters of the People's Guerrilla Army and the masses who work with us, and to the people in general. This is an important part of the Great Plan to Conquer Political Power Throughout the Country, the inevitable objective to which we all contribute our efforts and blood, which we gladly offer for the achievement of such a brilliant prospect.

#1.2. ON THE AGENDA AND THE PROCEDURE

#1.2.1. INTRODUCTION

#1.2.1.1. PREPARATION AND CONDITIONS

The Second Plenary Session has been prepared through lots of time and arduous work by the Political Bureau under the appropriate and correct leadership of Chairman Gonzalo, who guarantees its realization and success. There has been two months of preparatory work on the part of the Political Bureau, followed by a preparatory sitting together with the Standing Committee, which expresses our great unity and profound faith in our objectives and methods. The Second Plenary Session is ripe.

One product of this preparatory work is the 413-page document, which has been distributed to all members of the Central Committee in advance, with enough time for everyone to study it and comment on it, with the objective that the meeting shall reach clear and concrete conclusions that shall serve to further develop the People's War and prepare the conquest of political power throughout the country.

It is very important to emphasize this document, because, for the first time, we have a document as thorough as this, given the specific and concrete conditions in which we find ourselves today. The document is an expression of Gonzalo's Thought and is guided by the appropriate and correct slogan: «Build the conquest of political power in the midst of the People's War!»

#1.2.1.2. ON THE PARTICULAR CONDITIONS

We know the facts; the problem consists in analysing them correctly and learning from them. Once more it is demonstrated that the Party, its leaders, and Chairman Gonzalo specifically and mainly know how to navigate and steer the ship through storms in turbulent waters. Chairman Mao teaches us that all developments generate disequilibrium, and this, as well as struggle, is absolute. As a result, we must learn to deal with disequilibrium; but what is implied by dealing with it? Draw out its laws, for if the laws which govern the process are understood, be they simple or complex, it can be dealt with and these laws can be applied to transform reality to benefit the proletariat and the people and serve the revolution. Our glorious perspective of conquering political power will be the finishing stroke for the democratic revolution, and we will immediately begin the socialist revolution, and that interval of blood and victory will be one of profound disequilibrium; even after we conquer political power there will be troubles and tempestuous winds. Thus, these types of situations strengthen us; that is, this is how Communists are forged, in turbulence and difficulty, never in calm. It is said that those who win are the ones who endure to the end, and we know how to endure to the end, because we have the true ideology: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo's Thought, which arms our souls and hands with the incontrovertible truth. Disequilibrium, however slight or profound it might be, forges, tempers and steels us. Chairman Mao said: «In times of difficulty we must not lose sight of our achievements, must see the bright future and must pluck up our courage.»¹ Today, Communism is being attacked around the world and also here in our country by the lackeys of imperialism and the followers of foreign revisionist masters. What to apply? Maoism, unleash the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo's Thought campaign to crush this sinister counter-revolutionary counter-offensive that is converging from imperialism and revisionism. Our Party is at a new moment in the war, higher, more complex, more victorious, and the particular circumstances of the Plenary Session reflect this. What we confront is nothing more than part of the disequilibrium, and it is tempering us for the truly complex moments that all revolutions must go through. Communism teaches us to be prepared for defeats. Chairman Mao said that whoever doesn't understand victories and defeats doesn't understand war. He also said that it took two victories and two defeats for the Chinese Communists to understand the laws of the Chinese revolution. We have not yet suffered even one great defeat. Therefore, this new period in the war and the convergent offensive are part of the very complex circumstances that we must go through before communism can shine on Earth. They are part of disequilibrium and serve to test our ability to fulfil our responsibilities as Communists. The Party has shown that it knows how to create the leadership that corresponds to our conditions and needs. We are sufficiently tempered. We are not scared of risk; danger does not stop us; this period is nothing more than yet another, welcome test. It is part of the revolutionary process, and we are handling it as one more test. A Communist's life is one of struggle, not one of comfort. Marx once told his daughter: «What is happiness? It is struggle.» Years later, Chairman Mao taught us: «Work is struggle.» We adhere to all of this; we can overcome difficulties, because we are a new force with a brilliant future.

Another derivation we can make is that we are collectively confronting the circumstances and have shown the highest degree of cohesion, as well as great fortitude. This is the product of a coherent ideology that is distinct from and opposed to that of the bourgeoisie and of all other classes. We Communists are, and always will be, the most advanced part of all classes, the vanguard of the proletariat, and, as such, we feel the responsibility to fulfil our objectives by giving everything that the revolution demands, laying down our lives for communism, because we are guided by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo's Thought. This ideology is what allows us, not only to manage, but also to utilize every situation to the greatest possible extent, and to transform a bad situation into a good one. What have we demonstrated? That we are cohesive; that we reaffirm our leadership, the centre of our Party's unity, that is to say, Gonzalo's Thought, our ideology, our principles, and the tasks that we must accomplish. These circumstances provide us with better conditions — they are part of our tempering, and we have a good document that serves this tempering. We have collectively confronted these conditions by maintaining a high degree of cohesion; we learn and act better by acting as a collective, united we are invincible, and we are not only tempered on great battlefields, but also in our daily lives.

The Second Plenary Session of the Central Committee was necessary, and we are accomplishing whatever the Party demands and requires of us. The reactionaries aim to destroy the leadership, the Party, and to crush the revolution, in addition to separating the Party from the masses; to liquidate the Party would mean to crush the revolution, but not to destroy it permanently. We must take these very important points into account in order to preserve the Party's leadership. Once again, we have demonstrated that the Party is united and that we confront all dangers with firmness and resolve, certain to manage them, so as to accomplish our tasks and always come out on top. Any one of us may fall, but the Party will go on, and our lives laid down will encourage those who are left behind, and they will continue taking our path until communism is imposed on the Earth. This is our conviction.

Well and good. But to be aware of the derivations and the specific conditions does not silence the errors that we have committed. The point is not to curse anyone or to lament the errors, but to see reality and its causes in an objective way, to find the roots of the problems, to propose solutions, and to take up our responsibilities, that is, to take the decision to transform things. Corrective measures must be taken with regard to those who are responsible for the problems; such measures are necessary and serve to correct errors and to strengthen the Party.

To derive one more conclusion: It is time to reflect. On the one hand, we must reflect on the Party's struggles; here, we are referring to the People's War that it leads, which has not stopped for a single minute. The Party can never be paralysed, because the road it must traverse is clear, because it is united around Chairman Gonzalo's headquarters, around the Party's basis of unity, around the People's War, and around the Strategic Development Plan. Once again, the Party is expressing strategic centralization and tactical decentralization; our plans consist of campaigns, and those campaigns are continuing. A political party united around these elements is strong. We emphasize strategic centralization and tactical decentralization, because this is the practice of the Communists, and it is our concrete experience. With the glorious trajectory of 11 years of the People's War, the People's War cannot be stopped. We see things in this way. The leadership could be wiped out, in part, not in its entirety, but the directors who remain must and would continue to follow the plans, continue the struggle, and continue the People's War. We are tempered in the struggle and resolutely believe that the revolution cannot be stopped, it cannot be paralysed. Chairman Mao taught us: We pick up our dead, tend to our wounded, and continue fighting.

Hence, to view the derivations as a whole, we must draw out the positive from the negative. It will always be like that, because there are contradictions and laws in everything. In conclusion, the Second Plenary Session has successfully prepared a new victory for the Party. In the midst of difficulties, a preparatory document of this kind has been prepared for the first time, and for the first time there is enough time to study it. This also shows that we have continued to work and fulfil our tasks.

#1.2.2. AGENDA

The Standing Committee and the Political Bureau propose the following agenda:

• On building the conquest of political power in the midst of the People's War.
• The Strategic Construction Plan.
• The Third Plan to Push Forward the Development of Base Areas.
• On construction and questions of secret work.
• Implementation of the decisions.

Of the above five items, the Third Campaign is the main one. Special attention must be paid to strategy, objectives, and our standpoint. The Third Campaign is the last task in the Great Plan to Develop Base Areas and the basis for a new plan.

#1.2.3. PROCEDURE FOR THE MEETING

Since the First Plenary Session of the Central Committee, we have decided to adopt new forms for our work, as well as for holding meetings, by heightening the «Five Necessities of Party Work» as part of building the conquest of political power in the midst of the People's War. Having developed the Preparatory Sitting, having received the corresponding documents with enough time to study, and having emphasized the points for discussion, it is up to us to specify some of the questions on the agenda, mainly regarding the Third Campaign. Then, each director will state their opinion, and, through the contributions to the discussions, we shall reach decisions and the tasks to be transmitted downward. The reports and data have been received and shall be studied in meetings with each committee.

#2. ON BUILDING THE CONQUEST OF POLITICAL POWER IN THE MIDST OF THE PEOPLE'S WAR

The Standing Committee and the Political Bureau have decided that the different opinions will be addressed by taking all the different questions on the report as a single whole, but focusing on its ideological and political basis, which is the guide for all the Party's work. The objective is to approve our political and ideological standpoints, which constitute our basis, and to address the new fundamental decisions in the document. In synthesis, the point is to approve the final document, which will be our guide and which will define our specific policies. The key link in this question is to apply the document and to fight any deviations that may appear.

#3. ON THE STRATEGIC CONSTRUCTION PLAN

Three sections of the report deal with questions of construction, and in this report, the central question is Section 2, which deals with the further development of our construction work and the «Three Bases and Three Guides»; moreover, we must pay attention to the application of the two periods of the Strategic Construction Plan, and, particularly, the necessity of organizing a commission to finalize a document summing up the decisions of this Plenary Session.

Here, the objective is to approve the Strategic Construction Plan as a pilot plan and to form the commission. As part of this, we propose to prepare a document which will allow for the discussion of central questions of organizational construction.

#4. ON THE THIRD CAMPAIGN TO PUSH FORWARD THE DEVELOPMENT OF BASE AREAS

#4.1. ON THE THIRD CAMPAIGN

Obviously, this question is the most important one and deserves that very special attention be paid to the questions of strategy, objectives, and our standpoint, which shall serve to establish the Third Campaign and the prospects of the People's War.

Here, the objective is to approve the new campaign, which will complete the Plan to Push Forward the Development of Base Areas, and to lay the basis for a new plan, which will still not be the Plan to Conquer Political Power, as that will come later. On this question, we should broaden the discussion and elaborate more specific questions that we did not deal with at length in the preparatory sittings. Let us take a look at these questions.

We conceive of the Third Campaign as the completion of the Plan to Push Forward the Development of Base Areas and as the basis for the next plan, which will serve the future Great Plan to Conquer Political Power. The latter plan must be the greatest expression of the People's War. We must bear in mind that it will develop the Strategic Construction Plan by building under the slogan: «Conquer political power throughout the country!» It must build apparatuses superior to those of the reactionaries. The commission will develop the Strategic Party Plan, the Strategic Construction Plan, and the construction of better apparatuses for the conquest and defence of political power.

For the first time, we have broad, deep, and extraordinary prospects like never before, which demonstrates that we have advanced in our work.

In Section 5 of the document, «General Outline of the Third Campaign», Page 387, we have an introduction with nine points:

• On the «encirclement and suppression» campaigns and counter-campaigns.
• War of a jigsaw pattern.
• Initiative, flexibility, and planning as part of the strategy and tactics of people's war.
• Strategic defensive and offensive in the guerrilla war.
• Transforming guerrilla warfare into mobile warfare.
• On so-called «low-intensity warfare».
• Proverbs on war.
• Strategy.
• Objectives.

To the last point, «Objectives», we can add «Some Considerations», «Our Standpoint», and a time schedule.

On Page 411 of the document, «Eight Strategies», we should emphasize that we also for the first time include the third strategy, the construction strategy: «Build the conquest of political power in the midst of the People's War!» We also have the political strategy, «People's War», and the military strategy: «People's War: Develop mobile warfare and push forward preparations for the armed uprising.» In the first part of the distributed document, we explain the reason for these three strategies. In synthesis, they are inseparably interrelated and are derived from the great slogan which serves as the title of the Second Plenary Session: «Build the conquest of political power in the midst of the People's War!» As to the three tasks of development, construction, and conquest, the main one is development, construction is a necessity, and the conquest of political power is the objective. Then, in the military strategy, as to the two tasks of development and pushing forward, the main one is development, which emphasizes the differences in the process of transforming guerrilla warfare into mobile warfare. Now, we shall examine «Some Considerations: On the People's War and the Third Campaign».

#4.2. THE PEOPLE'S WAR

The People's War is a war waged by the masses under the Party's leadership. The countryside is the centre of the People's War, and the centre shifts toward the cities as part of the conquest of political power throughout the country. This is a great leap in the incorporation of the masses in the People's War. The objective is to incorporate the masses of the people in the People's War in an organized way. This is the key link in the conquest of political power throughout the country, and especially in the armed uprising and the defence of the People's Republic as part of the future Plan to Conquer Political Power.

Here, we should note a few considerations of importance for the conquest of political power throughout the country, the armed uprising, and the defence of the People's Republic, that is, the conquest and defence of the New Political Power. Our thesis comes from Marx, who talked about the general armament of the people, and we apply it to develop a sea of armed masses, because, without the guarantee offered by the sea of armed masses, there can be neither conquest nor defence of political power. Let us remember that we have more than ten years of the People's War and that the prestige of the Party has grown and developed to a high degree. The masses expect certain things from the Party, and that torch of hope which we have lit must reflect the brilliance of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo's Thought, so that the minds of the masses will be lit up with this ideology. Once their minds are armed, their hands will be armed as well. Thus, we shall take a leap in the organized power of the masses. Engels said that there are only two great powers on Earth: the organized power of the reactionaries and the disorganized power of the masses. We think that, as long as the organized masses are led by the Communist Party, they shall become the only true power on Earth.

This is a material fact, not our imagination or wishful thinking. Otherwise, what was the Great Cultural Revolution, or the Communist Party of China? What do we win from having 1'000'000 loose sprouts? They are weak on their own, but united by a Party 100'000 strong, they cannot be broken. This is crucial for the conquest of political power, because without it, how could we carry out the final armed uprising? It is a necessity for the coming revolutionary crisis. It is a necessity for the defence of political power, because, once conquered, the point will be to defend it, and not to allow it to be taken away. This is done by mobilizing the armed masses, who must always be led by the Communist Party. Such a broad and organized incorporation of the masses is the basis for the sea of armed masses. The countryside is the centre, but the shift to the cities must take place, because, if it doesn't, the enemy will entrench themself there, disseminate their rotten ideas, and undermine our victory. This means that we must take measures for the future shift in the theatre of the People's War; we still haven't got to the stage of shifting the centre to the cities. When we achieve this objective, it will also expose the lies of the «Senderologists».

This question is linked with educating the masses in revolutionary violence, in the ideology of the proletariat — Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo's Thought — so that they will understand the laws that govern the Universe and apply them by transforming the world, so that they can take their destiny into their own hands. We must educate them by applying the only Marxist tactic of tempering them in revolutionary violence, inseparably fighting revisionism and imperialism, and persevering on the revolutionary road.

We should also note what the plan specifically states about the armed uprisings, that is to say, pay attention to the organized incorporation of the masses in the People's War in the cities.

Therefore, this incorporation is crucial in order to fracture the Old State. The organization of the masses in the cities is carried out for two reasons: first, to carry out the armed uprising and defend the revolution in the cities; second, the fact that the centre of the People's War continues to be the countryside, and that we should emphasize the mass character of the People's War and maintain the New Political Power by using the masses, who make up the united front and who are organized in the People's Guerrilla Army, the mass organizations created by the Party, and under the leadership of the Party.

#4.3. QUESTIONS OF MILITARY STRATEGY

The three specific stages of the protracted people's war in Peru. Strategic stalemate and preparation for the counter-offensive: the enemy tries to recover positions to maintain their system; the Party prepares the strategic offensive by building the conquest of political power. The reaction needs to annihilate the People's War and the Party, while the people must build the conquest of political power.

Note well the stages of protracted war. Chairman Mao teaches us that people's war goes through three stages: strategic defensive, strategic stalemate, and strategic offensive. This theory is not exclusive to the anti-Japanese War, but rather a component part of the theory of people's war. We must see how the particularities of these stages are reflected in our People's War, and what specific characteristics each one of these stages adopts.

It is of great significance to have defined and proven in reality and here to officially affirm that we are in the second stage of the People's War, a new stage: strategic stalemate. Chairman Mao defines it as the stage where the enemy as well as the revolutionary forces take positions and prepare themselves for the decisive battles which will take place in the strategic offensive. In Point 37 of On Protracted War, referring to the enemy, he said that «they will try to safeguard the occupied areas», and, referring to the revolutionary forces, he said that «our guerrilla war will develop extensively in the first stage, and many base areas will be established seriously threatening the enemy's consolidation of the occupied areas, and so in the second stage, there will be widespread fighting." He later continues, "the duration of this stage will depend on the degree of change in the balance of forces between us and the enemy and on the changes in the international situation». «This second stage will be the transitional stage of the entire war; it will be the most trying period but also the pivotal one.»²

We have specified: «Strategic stalemate and preparation for the counter-offensive: the enemy tries to recover positions to maintain their system; the Party prepares the strategic offensive by building the conquest of political power. The reaction needs to annihilate the People's War and the Party, while the people must build the conquest of political power.» We think that, given the development of our People's War and the situation of the counter-revolution, these are the points that characterize both belligerent parties. The Peruvian reaction must «regain positions» on all levels, mainly politically; where we have generated a power vacuum, we have built the New Political Power, we have the people's committees and base areas, we exercise political power. Even in the cities, we decree an armed strike and the masses follow the voice of the Party. The reactionaries themselves see that the Old State doesn't extend to many areas in the countryside and in others it cannot rule. Even worse, the lowest and deepest fundamental masses and the people as a whole feel more and more that the Old State doesn't satisfy their elementary needs for food, health, and education, and we must draw attention to this more clearly. The Old State is worm-eaten to its foundations, incapable of fulfilling its specific functions, and a State that doesn't fulfil its role loses credibility before the masses and is undermined. The current regime, the new government which leads the Old State, represents the big bourgeoisie, mainly the comprador bourgeoisie, and the feudal lords and is the most unabashedly pro-US-imperialist. It has taken office in worse conditions than the prior government. It is much more discredited. It lacks a majority in parliament. It doesn't have a political party, and the so-called Change 90 lacks cohesion. For example, the leaders of the Old State see themselves subjected to the growing strength of the Executive, the main laws are dictated by decree, and, since Belaunde's first government, they have been ruling like this, abusing Article 211, Paragraph 20 of the Peruvian Constitution. Parliament is stripped of its role of passing laws and supervising the budget. Fujimori has attacked the Judiciary since he took office, and every day there is flagrant violation of their own rules, laws, and Constitution. The contradictions between the factions and groups of the big bourgeoisie have deepened in the midst of collusion and contention. They cannot, and will not, be able to resolve the economic crisis. Moreover, it is going to worsen. The counter-insurgency war becomes a war without prisoners, genocide, as they vent their rage against the masses. The armed forces commit murder and do not respect even the most fundamental so-called human rights. Regarding the entire national territory, 2/3 is under a state of emergency, and the Communist Party of Peru through the People's War controls and influences wide areas, mainly in the countryside. In addition to all this, there is the Party's work abroad and the international repercussions of the People's War in Peru. To summarize, their State is in serious danger.

The only way in which the enemy can regain political and military positions to save its State is to wipe us out. Looking at any serious study of the People's War in Peru, and even the most simplistic commentaries, for example that of Ayacucho Congressmember J. Valencia, we see that they refer to either the absence or the weakness of their Old State, to which must be added the continuous resignations of old authorities.

Since the Congress, we have been planning to build the conquest of political power and we are building that conquest. The strategic stalemate is a political fact, not a mere slogan. We are building the conquest of political power. Why did this demand arise urgently at this time? We have already passed through four stages in the leap from guerrilla warfare to mobile warfare, and this shows how the process develops; the problem is that, if they don't wipe us out, we'll wipe them out. The reactionaries need to destroy the People's War, we need to build the conquest of political power. When a mouthpiece like Raul Gonzalez says that «there is still time», that proves even the reaction realizes this fact. His declarations are in the magazine Gestión [Gestation] of the beginning of the current month. The reaction plans to annihilate us but doubt corrodes them, such that the Institute of Legal Defence considers that this possibility exists before the end of Fujimori's government. Also generals like Arciniegas, Renjifo, and Jarama publicly declare that the Party is preparing to take power. That they recognize it as an objective fact is extremely telling.

Note here that we are not saying that it will only be the Party's task to build that conquest. It is also that of the people. The Party's situation and the growing explosiveness of the masses, appropriately and correctly analysed and specified in our Programme, are intimately linked. There is no separation at any point. If we look at the «Three Bases and Three Guides», we have another example: «Strengthen the People's Guerrilla Army, especially build the main forces!» «Develop the New Political Power and build open people's committees!», and, leading the three, are the references to the Party: «Strengthen construction work and temper cadres!» We also point out that «Prepare the strategic offensive through building the conquest of political power!» is part of the strategic stalemate. It is here that the basis is laid for the coming stage: our strategic offensive.

All of these elements demonstrate a political fact. We insist, it is a material fact, real, existing in practice, in society, in the class struggle of the country, in the People's War, and from there we reflect it in ideas. Make it known to the people and grasp it: We have entered the stage of strategic stalemate.

The three stages of revolutionary civil war have different characteristics than in anti-imperialist wars of resistance. In the former, the strategic defensive is more protracted and goes from guerrilla warfare to mobile warfare, which is the main thing.

Here, the point is that the three stages of people's war don't occur solely in an anti-imperialist war of resistance, but rather in all of the specific forms of people's war, for example in our revolutionary civil war and in each period of people's war. It is part of the general theory of people's war. It doesn't apply exclusively to the Anti-Japanese War in China. Therefore, these characteristics differ in the three stages. They occur in one way in the period of civil war and another way in the period of the anti-imperialist war of resistance. In the civil war, the strategic defensive of the revolution is more protracted and also goes on to develop from guerrilla warfare to mobile warfare, this being the main thing. Third, taking into account what Chairman Mao teaches us in Problems of Guerrilla War Against Japan and which we have dealt with in the document of the Preparatory Sitting of the Second Plenary Session, Page 390, the defensive and the offensive occur in all battles and campaigns.

The three stages of the protracted war have different characteristics in each period. For example, the defensive is different in anti-imperialist war. There, the defensive is brief. It is not the same as in civil war. During civil war, the defensive is longer; our war today is a civil war and we have gone over from the strategic defensive to strategic stalemate. Thus, if direct imperialist aggression were to occur, it would signify a change in the primary contradiction, and the nature of the war would change from that of civil war to anti-imperialist war. It would become a national war which is when many more masses take part in the revolution. The majority unite. For example, if 5'000 or 20'000 soldiers invade with all the materiel at their disposal, it would be a powerful, bloody imperialist offensive, and this would imply our retreat. We would go on the defensive, but this defensive would be shorter than that which occurred in the civil war, when we began the People's War. Besides, it would not be the same. We would have more favourable circumstances for the conquest of political power than during the initiation of the armed struggle. If the anti-imperialist war of resistance occurs once we are in strategic stalemate, we would go over to a distinct strategic defensive, and, by means of successive and more developed defensives and offensives, we would reach the strategic offensive and the conquest of political power. It could happen that imperialism would become involved once we are in the strategic offensive; then, too, we would be on the strategic defensive for a time. But this would be necessarily brief and we would return to the offensive and conquer political power. The defensive in a civil war is not the same as in an anti-imperialist war. In the anti-imperialist war, the imperialist offensive is devastating, powerful, and bloody and generates a strategic defensive within the strategic stalemate or within the strategic offensive. The strategic defensives are not the same, each has its own specific strategy, always applying offensive operations, each has its own characteristics, but the strategic defensive is shorter in the anti-imperialist war because in changing the primary contradiction and the character of the war, it unites a broader majority of the people more deeply and firmly, and at the same time international support grows and becomes more powerful.

Another change occurring at present is that guerrilla warfare is giving way to mobile warfare, which will become the main form, but not the only form. The guerrilla war will continue developing as fundamental for the immediate future.

The protracted character derives from the correlation of three situations: first, ours; second, that of the enemy; and, third, the international situation. The last is the one which now and in the immediate future presents problems, but, aside from the fact that revolution will more concretely express its condition as the main trend spurred on by the counter-revolution itself, the main thing is to rely on our own efforts and conquer political power to serve the development of the world revolution. We will continue to develop our own socialist revolution, building socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Of the three situations, the problem is the international one, but the main thing is us. The conquest of political power in the entire country is in our hands. This conquest by the Party will be in the service of the proletarian world revolution. We will proceed immediately to the socialist revolution, build it, develop it, as well as set up and defend the dictatorship of the proletariat until, through cultural revolutions, we reach communism.

The international factor, even though not primary, is fundamental, and we should grasp that, although today it presents problems, in the immediate future, the revolution will express its character as the main trend, spurred on by the counter-revolution itself. We can triumph without revolution being on the offensive on the world level. Some say: «How can we triumph alone in the world?» They don't see that, as Chairman Mao says, the main thing is to rely on our own efforts, that that is the way to advance and will be decisive. This will necessarily accelerate the international situation.

If we look at the Gulf War, US imperialism is aiming to become the sole hegemonic superpower. Soviet social-imperialism has problems, but it continues to be a superpower, and it uses war to regain positions domestically and internationally. The situation is similar to that of the 1960s. The United States aims at becoming the sole hegemonic superpower and the gendarme of the world. We must fight it as our main enemy, without forgetting the other main enemy, the Union of Socialist Council Republics [USCR], which is the «skinny dog», while the other one, the United States, is a fat, rabid dog, which, as such, must be struck hard. It should not be ignored that the USCR is trying to take advantage of the conflict to fix things internally and to win positions externally. Collusion and contention continue to take place between the superpowers and powers; collusion is primary today, but it is decreasing in weight and contention is being expressed. For example, the USCR proposed a «peace plan» for the Gulf War, under which Iraq would withdraw from Kuwait, but not have any conditions imposed on it. It supports maintaining current State machines and borders. It opposes «all sanctions» against Iraq and any punitive action against Hussein. The White House announced that it would review the proposal meticulously and send its response to Moscow, but that the war would continue. The next day, Bush rejected the proposal as «clearly deficient», and said: «There will be neither negotiations nor concessions.» We can also see the actions of the imperialist powers through the fact that England expected the USCR to continue supporting the multinational forces and the decisions of the United Nations, but also rejected the USCR's proposal; that Canada thought that the Soviet proposal aligned with the decisions of the United Nations, while Kohl said that he would look at the proposal again and that the war could still be stopped with negotiations. Israel saw a dual danger: on the one hand, maintaining the war machine, and, on the other, keeping Hussein in power.

The slogan that we have spread, «Support the Arab people!», is good. In no way do we support Hussein. He changed from being an aggressor to being a victim of aggression, and imperialism, mainly US imperialism, is carrying out an arrogant invasion by using the United Nations as a cover. Iraq is an oppressed nation. We must distinguish between Hussein's hegemonic ambitions, on the one hand, and imperialist aggression, on the other. The United States is carrying out an occupation against the Arab people. It overthrows peoples and acts like a gendarme. We must call US imperialism a big gendarme, because it is. Hence, we are already sowing conditions for the time when the main contradiction in our revolution will change. It is very good that we support the Arab people against US imperialism. We are doing it together with the masses. In the country's capital, 56 Red Flags with the Hammer and Sickle were conspicuously put up at San Marcos University. In a shantytown, there is a huge flag, which waves between 05:00 and 16:00 every day, and no one has taken it down. The slums are where the deepest masses are to be found; that is where we must sow anti-imperialism. (The Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement [MRTA] makes a lot of noise; as the saying goes, an empty barrel makes more noise when you hit it. They are trying to take credit for our actions, which is yet another example of them being parasites.) Our rule is that our actions must echo in the minds of the deepest masses, must educate them, so that they will consciously grasp their destiny in their own hands. We, the Party, do not make the revolution. The Party leads the revolution, but the masses are the makers of history. We are carrying out armed actions in connection with the masses throughout the country. We are sowing ideas and winning the minds of the masses, mainly in the countryside, with the peasants, mainly the poor peasants. We are kicking up a cloud of dust, and the dust particles find their ways into the lungs of the deepest masses, the ones on the bottom on society, educating them politically, allowing the seeds of our actions to sprout into ideas. Comrades are laying down their lives, heroically sacrificing themselves to fight against the US imperialist gendarme, which destroys nations, and our comrades are doing it in support of the Arab people. They write our slogans with their own blood: «Yankees out of the Middle East!» «Support the Arab people!» These are the beautiful words of the proletariat and the people. We are not eating a dead horse; that is being done by the MRTA, which has begun to solely carry out terrorist actions.

What has the MRTA done since its reappearance? Nothing, and they keep latching on like parasites to the People's War led by the Communist Party. Cassinello said that armed groups pass through a process of development, in which they begin as «terrorists», then become guerrillas, and finally become soldiers. Well and good! That is the path we are taking, but the MRTA is not. They don't apply selective liquidations, but rather narrow and outdated terrorism. After having disguised themselves as soldiers in their zeal to compete with us and promote themselves, what is the main thing? To educate the masses or to launch rockets? Obviously, to educate the masses. The fact is that to go among the masses and to work together with them is decisive. Our war is not being imposed on the people, but is rather embodied in the deepest and lowest masses. Julio C. Guerrero said: «Soldiers are soldiers because they have uniforms. Guerrillas are soldiers because they have an ideology.» Our strength lies in our ideology. The People's Guerrilla Army is an army that is led completely by the political party of the proletariat. We do not allow any other class to lead it. It carries out the political tasks demanded by the Party, and it carries them out by force of arms. We do not need pompous officers. We have fighters, commanders, and nothing else. We do not base ourselves on weapons, but on people, and these people base themselves on the ideology that motivates our actions. This war also confirms this fact. That is why we say that we are proving the validity of Maoism, its viability. With all its powerful and very sophisticated materiel, US imperialism dreamed of destroying Iraq in two or three days. It is now February, and the war is still going on. Moreover, it is trembling at the thought of a ground offensive. We repeat, this fact once again proves the viability of Marxism. Weapons are not the main thing; the point is the ideas that arm people's minds. Ideology is the weapon that actually wins victory. Lenin also taught us this, and it comes from Marx; thus, we have a strictly Marxist-Leninist-Maoist standpoint. To the revisionists of the MRTA, the uniform is everything, weapons are the main thing. This also proves the fact that the primary contradiction in the world is the contradiction between the oppressed nations on the one hand and the imperialist superpowers and powers on the other. The fact that the imperialists are fighting against an oppressed people is very clear, and the fact that they want to plunder and divide up Arab oil among themselves and to overthrow Hussein to install a more reactionary ruler who will be more loyal to their interests is also clear, but, until now, they have not been able to achieve this.

#4.4. «ENCIRCLEMENT AND SUPPRESSION» CAMPAIGNS AND COUNTER-CAMPAIGNS

Encirclement and suppression» campaigns and counter-campaigns are the main form of people's war. Through them, broadening and developing them, mainly by maintaining the initiative, we have reached the strategic stalemate. We have not suffered any great defeat. We prepare ourselves to prevent this. But if it does happen (which would require major direct or indirect action by US imperialism), it would only be a partial and relative defeat within a perspective of developing the People's War aimed against US imperialism and its puppets within the context of national polarization moving toward the conquest of political power. In addition the international situation and above all proletarian internationalism and the support of the peoples of the world will be expressed more broadly and resolutely.

In ten years of the People's War, we have expanded through these «encirclement and suppression» campaigns and counter-campaigns. What we have to see here are the particularities of our case. This process has brought us to a new stage. We have passed through «encirclement and suppression» campaigns and counter-campaigns from the strategic defensive to the stage of strategic stalemate.

Militarily speaking, retaining the initiative has been the key link. Since the beginning of the armed struggle we have set political and military objectives for ourselves and we have met them. No one can show that we have not obtained our objectives, that the New Political Power doesn't exist in the diverse forms of people's committees, from the organizing committees to the open people's committees. It is evident that the enemy aims to annihilate the commissars, trying to destroy the New Political Power. The existence of the People's Guerrilla Army, with its platoons, companies, and battalions, is so real that the newspapers even report about it. If it does not exist, why do they write that 300 storm or attack this or that barracks? There are main forces, local forces, and militia rooted among the masses — if not, who are they fighting and why do they destroy villages and slums accusing them of being «Shining Path members»? And who leads all this? The Party. And who sustains these apparatuses? The masses. Are they phantoms? The fact that one or another mouthpiece for US imperialism and the Peruvian reaction is paid to deny the truth is so common in the old and rotten bourgeois systems that it should not surprise us. Now that we have entered the strategic stalemate, they say: «It cannot be!» «It's impossible!», and so on, and so forth. But the process will continue unfolding and will not stop just because some shills dejectedly wail and rack their brains to deny it.

Going back to the point: «We have not suffered any big defeats. We prepare ourselves to prevent this.» Until today, this process has developed with successes and setbacks. We have lived through hard times, like the years 1983-84, without a single big defeat. Nevertheless, we think that in the same way that the revolution develops and grows powerful, the counter-revolution also learns, as it applies plans, tactics, and so on. We know they are preparing the involvement of US imperialism. The greatest quantity of coca in the world is grown in Peru (together with Bolivia, we have 90% of the coca fields). The biggest consumer of cocaine is US imperialism, and it deals with drug trafficking with military action, as part of its global interests. If we add that, in Peru, a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo's Thought people's war is unfolding which has communism as its final objective, then the problems and dangers are even greater for imperialism. The fundamental point is that here there is a confrontation between revolution and counter-revolution. Here, Marxism is being applied, the world revolution; the People's War in Peru is the beacon of hope for the Communists, proletarians, and peoples of the world. For these reasons, it is extremely important that we strengthen ourselves ideologically and politically in the best way possible, and that we prepare on all levels, mainly militarily, for a direct or indirect invasion by US imperialism. If imperialism directly invades us, it will be US imperialism. Then we will have as our main enemy the superpower that seeks hegemony, the big gendarme. We know this and we are not afraid. But this doesn't mean that we have forgotten the other imperialist superpower, the USCR, which is the skinny dog at which we should also take aim. While today, it has problems, it is still one of our main enemies. Of course, we never forget the imperialist powers. We always take into account the contradictions in the imperialist camp and make use of them, especially in a national anti-imperialist war. We have solemnly promised to never lay down our weapons until we have reached communism, to persist in the struggle for communism, even if the superpowers or other powers come, armed to the teeth with their powerful weapons. We Communists know what we want and why we are struggling. Nothing should or can stop us from fulfilling the Party's objective to serve the people, the proletariat, and the world revolution.

Let us teach the masses that US imperialism and the reactionaries are paper tigers, not to fear imperialism, to be prepared ideologically and militarily. We know how to build tunnels. In China, they provided a great experience which was later also successfully applied in Vietnam. It is possible to develop «tunnel warfare», and, moreover, Chairman Mao taught us that their construction is a strategic guide. We have been digging tunnels since 1983. Today, we should develop them further. It is a key link.

If imperialism invades, it will do so with enormous propaganda, to justify its occupation and ravaging of the people. Behind talk of ending drug trafficking or crushing Communism and defending «democracy», its deeds would be those of imperialist aggression, an unjust war, a great massacre, and cruel and sinister destruction. Starting today, we should denounce this. We do not fear this, rather it makes us stronger. What they are doing in the Persian Gulf, their arrogance, invading and murdering to the point of genocide and with great cynicism (they have bombed an oppressed people like never before) is an example of the monstrous barbarism that imperialism, US imperialism in particular, harbours in its very entrails.

If, during the strategic offensive, US imperialism should directly intervene with all the bloody ferocity that its monopolistic, parasitic, and moribund conditions allow, we would be in a situation of going on the defensive. But that would not change the stage of strategic offensive. Our defensive would imply a strategic retreat in order to counter-attack. Obviously they would hit us and the masses hard, but we would retreat, then regroup, outflank them, and concentrate on their weak points and annihilate them, bit by bit, until we defeat them and throw them out. It would be an arduous and bloody task, but these would be magnificent conditions to unite the immense masses of the people and lead a war of national liberation against imperialism, a prelude to the conquest of political power throughout the country, which also would mean overthrowing the imposed puppet regime. There would be greatly heightened polarization: on one side, the imperialists and the pro-imperialist elements, all of the big bourgeoisie and its partners, the feudal lords and their lackeys; on the other, the classes that make up the people, the patriots, and all the anti-imperialists. We would continue to grow through superior offensives and successive, ever higher levels of campaigns and counter-campaigns, finally going over to insurrection and the conquest of political power in the entire country.

We should also consider the different forms of imperialist intervention, direct or indirect, through other countries or by applying its «low-intensity warfare». They accumulate forces, and come in as «advisors» giving «help», responding to «terrorist aggression», or they might intervene after we conquer political power, using pro-imperialist elements and armed groups to systematically undermine us, waiting for the opportunity to reverse the situation with a counter-revolutionary coup. Because of that we should prepare ourselves to conquer and defend political power with people's war. The Yankees do not want to get bogged down in a Vietnam War, a protracted type of war, which does not suit them. They prefer quick, decisive action to «restore order» and to «help» their lackeys with pacification. We should be prepared for various types and methods of imperialist aggression, mainly by US imperialism. They could dislodge us from areas and even regions fundamental to our struggle, but they will not crush the People's War. It would seem to be a great defeat, but it would be nothing more than the logical course of imperialist aggression. We would continue to learn and apply the principles of people's war. We would fall back to other regions and areas and we would return more tempered than ever to recover them. We would return more tested and closer to the conquest and defence of political power throughout the country. This defeat, then, would only be partial and relative within the perspective of developing the People's War, aimed mainly against US imperialism and its puppets, within the national polarization moving toward the conquest of political power throughout the country. That is how we unfold the strategic offensive. As to the cost, we are as always prepared to pay the highest cost, but we shall struggle to ensure that it is as low as possible, applying the principles of people's war. In facing imperialism, as in everything, we maintain strategic firmness and tactical flexibility according to the specific existing conditions.

Also, in such conditions, proletarian internationalism and the support of the peoples of the world would be broader and more determined. The counter-revolutionary action of imperialism will itself generate the anti-imperialist action of the proletariat and the people of the world.

The war is developing in a jigsaw pattern and in our favour. By maintaining and developing correct and appropriate ideological and political lines, we shall fulfil the three tasks of development, construction, and conquest. We must reaffirm this slogan.

The questions of the People's War, the «Two Camps», mobile warfare, «low-intensity warfare», a general strategic plan, and specific plans for each committee and organization were also deal with in the document and will be the subject of meetings with the different committees. The question of the «Two Camps» is part of applying the law of contradiction to the question of war. Let us consider that we have established four stages of mobile warfare. We are beginning to better understand what so-called «low-intensity conflict» means. A question that is very important is the establishment of plans by each committee as part of mobile warfare and guided by the Party's Military Line. The Strategic Plan for the Development of the People's War is good, but we must implement it. This is one necessity; the development of plans for each committee and organization is another. Without the future Plan to Conquer Political Power, we will not conquer political power. But that is not the next plan. Needless to say, we must prepare for it. Everything should serve the development of the Plan to Conquer Political Power. It is like building a stairway to get from one floor to the next.

#4.5. THE THIRD CAMPAIGN TO PUSH FORWARD THE DEVELOPMENT OF BASE AREAS, AND HOW TO COMBAT THE PROGRAMMES, PLANS, AND POLICIES OF THE NEW REGIME

Bearing in mind the «Three Tasks», we must aim to selectively liquidate the genocidal officials at the highest possible levels, whether Peruvian or foreign, no matter their sphere of work, so as to deliver hard blows against those who are involved in pushing forward bureaucrat capitalism, restructuring the Old State, or annihilating the People's War (the latter of which is their main task), taking aim against those who are pushing forward bureaucrat capitalism, particularly high-level foreign representatives, so as to seriously set back their plans.

As we have demonstrated, sabotage actions also serve the same purpose. The point is to make a good political selection of the targets and to guarantee the execution of the actions, taking aim against their biggest plans, and especially trying to do the most possible harm to the targets, to paralyse them, and, finally, to destroy them.

Obviously, agitation and propaganda actions and guerrilla actions also serve these functions, as does the political content of the campaign. Agitation and propaganda actions serve to unmask how the reactionaries' «Three Tasks» are expressed in their concrete programmes, plans, and policies, which must especially serve to push forward the expression by the masses of their fundamental demands and needs. As to the guerrilla actions (the main one of the four forms of struggle), they serve to firmly and resolutely fight against all the counter-subversive actions developed by the enemy in order to achieve their «Three Tasks», which we do by always taking aim against the armed forces in particular.

The Third Campaign must be carried out firmly and resolutely by developing the construction and the fighting spirit of the People's Guerrilla Army and the masses, so as to unbreakably fight the enemy with the objective of completely destroying them. To undermine, prevent, hit, and destroy their reactionary programmes, plans, and policies is fundamental in causing the failure of their «Three Tasks» and in advancing our plan to develop, build, and conquer.

We have also added «Our Standpoint»:

• Our centre is combat.
• Our basis is the proletariat and the people.
• Our road is the People's War.
• Our objective is the People's Republic of Peru.
• Our ideology is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo's Thought.
• Our final objective is the proletarian world revolution and communism.
• Our axis in everything is the Communist Party of Peru, its leadership, and Chairman Gonzalo.

Our «Nine Objectives» are very clear and concrete and serve as specific slogans. Here, we base ourselves on the political objectives of the Third Campaign, on fighting the «Three Tasks», on the forms of struggle against the programmes, plans, and policies of the new reactionary government, which was already unmasked in the document of May 1990 (its character and the interests that it serves), on pushing forward the development of base areas, and on the fact that the Third Campaign is the completion of the Plan to Push Forward and lays the basis for a new plan as part of the Great Plan to Develop Base Areas to Serve the Conquest of Political Power, which will be a great, earth-shaking, and complete victory that will be carried out with superior actions.

To undermine and finally destroy the reaction is the basis for causing the failure of its «Three Tasks» and for advancing our tasks of development, construction, and conquest. We thus see the two aspects the destruction of the old order and the construction of the new, the two aspects of the counter-revolution and the revolution.

Finally, we propose a time schedule for the Third Campaign to Push Forward: To develop this campaign against imperialism and against the current most unabashedly pro-imperialist government, so as to develop mobile warfare.

As to the offensives, each committee should elaborate plans in accordance with its own specific conditions, which should include the following points:

• Annihilate and disintegrate the armed forces.
• Commemorate the 11th anniversary of the People's War.
• Oppose the imperialist superpowers and powers, mainly US imperialism, and Fujimori's pro-US-imperialist regime.
• Support the class struggle of the masses and their specific demands within the context of the conquest of political power.
• Oppose the genocide of yesterday and today, and commemorate the fifth anniversary of the Day of Heroism.
• Carry out a special series of actions against imperialism and against the most pro-imperialist government to date by using the symbols of the «Three Revolutionary Weapons».

#4.6. ON THE RECTIFICATION MOVEMENT

#4.6.1 TRANSMITTAL AND IDEAS THAT ARE BEING FOUGHT

We should make efforts to accomplish this task well, without stopping at the surface, but rather going deeper and excelling in carrying out all our fundamental policies. Do not lower the level of Marxism — little pills do not educate the masses. We must elevate the political level of the Party and all the organizations led by it, and of the masses as well. If we do not create public opinion favourable to the conquest of political power, then the masses will not consciously see it as a necessity. The masses want politics; moreover, they want to learn the Party's politics, and our Party has always been characterized as being strong in politics.

#4.6.2. PARTY DOCUMENTS

We must strive to ensure that all Party members have the Party documents. There are many ways to reproduce the documents without changing anything: they can be photocopied or copied by hand. We should give copies to friends and other people to hear their comments. We also do not lose anything by sending the documents to all the news agencies.

The document, No to Elections! Yes to People's War!, is the key link in and the main document of the rectification campaign in the Party, in the People's Guerrilla Army, and among the masses. It should be studied thoroughly. It is the great summary of the first ten years of the People's War.

#4.6.3. CADRE SCHOOLS

Cadre schools are very necessary, as we are going through a process of tempering cadres, but we should never forget that cadres are tempered in the midst of the class struggle, in people's war, and never on its margins. We should distinguish between the rectification movement, on the one hand, and the basic, intermediate, and advanced political training, on the other. A rectification movement (one form of developing the two-line struggle) is not the same as the regular schools for new activists who are just recently beginning to learn the Party's policies. Both are important tasks, but they are different from each other, and therefore should be carried out in a disciplined way.

The people's schools must elaborate study guides, presentations, and discussions on the Party's basis of unity together with their own participants.

As to the transmittal of ideas, we must apply the norm of starting with a general transmittal, which includes the following points:

• How did the meeting develop and what contradictions emerged? What were the different aspects? What law emerged and how did the struggle develop?
• Analysis of summary documents and the content of reports.
• Decisions.
• Round of taking stands.

After that, the reports are transmitted part by part on a clear and solid basis by giving priority to the main section and then discussing the sections one by one, so that the branches make their opinions clear, ask questions, and discuss them. If this is not done, then the water will stand still and the collective will not obtain cohesion. We insist on the Maoist principle that ideology and politics decide everything, and we apply this principle firmly in building the conquest of political power; moreover, we must always think about the prospects. The point is to conquer and then to defend what has been conquered, and if we do not carefully put politics in command, then we will not be able to manage the complex problems that will present themselves. Something that merits our special attention is how to immerse ourselves in the omnipotent ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo's Thought, as this is the only way to uproot selfishness, which is the basis for revisionism. This ideology then takes the form of politics in the class struggle, so we cannot divorce ourselves from it. It also takes concrete form in organizational construction; if it did not, we would not be able to build new organizational forms.

As to the rectification movement, we think that it is one form of carrying out the two-line struggle, and we are trying to apply it. Remember that the objective of the two-line struggle is to unite, differentiate, and lead by adjusting ourselves more according to the Party's basis of unity, by upholding that the slightest deviation from Gonzalo's Thought will cause us to slip into revisionism. In order to prevent the Party from giving rise to a Right-opportunist line, which would be a revisionist line, we need to fight against the «Four Changes»:

• Change in the character of the Party.
• Change in the Party's line.
• Change in the Party's leadership.
• Change in the character of the People's War.

We must handle the Party documents according to the decisions, put an end to free interpretation, and study what is relevant.

Here, too, we apply, as in all other work, strategic centralization and tactical decentralization. We shall apply the experience of the rectification movement launched by the First Plenary Session of the Central Committee. Today, we apply this experience to the May 1990 document, with its four sections, and mainly Section 4, which has a transcendental importance in our work to conquer and defend political power and in terms of its importance to the world revolution, because it is a fundamental part of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo's Thought counter-offensive that the Party is developing. We must be careful not to neglect study in favour of armed actions — that would be a Right-wing deviation and fertilize revisionism. We know how to manage and further develop our ideological understanding in the course of different stages.

#4.7. CELEBRATIONS

In the document, we pointed out that the proletariat, the People's War, and Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo's Thought are the themes for our celebration of the International Day of the Proletariat. We added the theme of building the conquest of political power in the midst of the People's War. Today, we add that Party Day should be celebrated using the slogan: «The Party guarantees the road of the revolution!»

#4.8. SOME POLITICAL QUESTIONS

The new government's plan takes up three counter-revolutionary tasks. In order of priority, these are:

• To push forward bureaucrat capitalism by aiming at lowering inflation and achieving «reinsertion» into the international financial system, which would mean nothing but submitting to the conditions imposed by imperialism.
• To annihilate the People's War by persisting in genocide, preventative actions, reprisals, war without prisoners, and disappearances. The talk about a different «new strategy» is nothing but demagogy by the crafty Fujimori, which will quickly fall apart. The fact is that, until now, he has not defined a «new strategy».
• To restructure the State by beginning to implement fascist policies or fundamentally fascist standpoints, such as «popular participation», «integral democracy», and so on.

Behind Fujimori stands the Institute of Liberty and Democracy, headed by Hernando de Soto, an international bureaucrat and agent of US imperialism and Fujimori's chief advisor, just as that Institute served Garcia before. This Institute of Liberty and Democracy takes on more posts in the State, the economy, and in foreign affairs day by day. It has elaborated the so-called «Fujimori Doctrine» and the decree on autonomous authority for alternative development as well. In this way, the Institute of Liberty and Democracy is a legislative fountain that undermines its own bourgeois democracy. They are planning to «take a leap to integral democracy with citizens' participation». Their objective is to incorporate the masses in their plans.

They are preparing important new decrees. Their starting point is the premise that they are carrying out a «revolution», their propaganda about the modernization and liberalization of the Peruvian economy, and in order to do this, they need to restructure their State, even though they are advancing at a slow pace. They also need to ensure that imperialism (mainly US imperialism) will support their so-called «reinsertion». Among the decrees that they are preparing, one concerns labour stability, another the agrarian question, a third administrative simplification, and so on.

We are seeing more ideas and standpoints that are fundamentally fascist. However, we are not saying that the government is fascist. Moreover, we think that the big bourgeoisie is aiming at replacing the old bourgeois-democratic system with a new form of fascism, which will not have the same characteristics as the old forms of fascism; its essence would be the same, but the form would be different. They have to adjust themselves to the new conditions of the class struggle. We repeat that we should consider this new form of fascism and pay attention to their plans for implementing it.

#4.9. ON THE «THREE-EIGHT» STYLE OF WORK

We must popularize the «Three-Eight» style of work in the People's Guerrilla Army. It was one of the norms that governed the Chinese army, and it can be very useful to us now. We have already used it in the past.

The «Three-Eight» style of work refers to three mottoes and eight Chinese characters. The three mottoes are:

• «Keep firmly to the correct political orientation.»
• «Maintain an industrious and simple style of work.»
• «Be flexible in strategy and tactics.»

The eight Chinese characters mean: «Be united, alert, earnest, and active.»

#4.10. ON THE ANTI-PARTY CAMPAIGN AND THE USE OF VIDEOS BY THE REACTIONARIES

Concerning the so-called «victory». In an interview with the paper Gestation, Raul Gonzalez says: «Political use of the cassette will aggravate the internal struggle in the Shining Path.» This individual emphasizes the political use of the cassette. This is a new part of their strategy, which aims at division while constantly proclaiming that such a division is taking place. But Gonzalez affirms that Fujimori did not say that this was a new strategy. It is a lie. Thus, we can see how lowly this person is. The whole of society is witness to this. He says that it is a distinct method and implies that «we can go on the offensive in terms of intending to create problems within the Shining Path». They are saying that we are condemned to failure. This Plenary Session itself unmasks this stupidity. He always traffics and tries to be hired as an advisor. This «offensive», on the contrary, has failed ever since it began to be planned. All of the hoaxes and infamies of Fujimori and his acolytes shatter in the face of the Party. Proof of this is how the armed actions are intensifying and how many people praise Chairman Gonzalo. This so-called «Senderologist» is a cynical careerist, who is accustomed to eating the scraps from other people's plates.

Gonzalez adds: «This offensive should be supplemented with the assistance of the population», and he seeks to «legitimize the State». Another element of the so-called low-intensity war is the cheap proclamation of the counter-subversive war, which, he says, should be reflected in the plans for healthcare, education, transportation, and so on. But the reactionaries and the government will never really meet the needs of the people. To do so would go against their class instincts and their profits, and not even social aid, which is indispensable for their counter-subversive war, can be provided without imperialist «aid». The cholera epidemic, which affects hundreds of thousands of Peruvians and threatens millions of the poorest masses in the country, is the most obvious and painful current demonstration of the starvation, poverty, and neglect into which the people are being sunk by the rotten and nefarious Peruvian society. And the decrepitude of the Old State, whose incapacity to confront fundamental problems like cholera, increasingly shows the need for its demolition. Thus, their so-called «legitimization» has no chance of success.

Gonzalez also advises the regime: «A solution should be found to the problems faced by the police.» For example, the problem of salaries. We should stir their consciences by using the starvation salaries that they are paid in return for being used as guard dogs and being treated like dirt and crushed underfoot. In the same way, he advises the government to «return leadership to civilians», that «civilians should once again assume control of the emergency zones», which the revisionists and opportunists have demanded for quite some time. Then, he makes a good confession: «If the armed forces left Ayacucho today, with all certainty, the Shining Path would take it.» That is to say, the Shining Path is bad, but it is also good. He says: «I think that they're not advancing at all.» However, «the territory under their control is growing», and «I think that the Shining Path will be around for a while». That is to say, it will be difficult to erase 11 years of violence, and he adds: «Thus, if Guzman were to be killed tomorrow, we would still have political violence in the country for a while.» Even though he doesn't want to, he recognizes that the People's War is advancing. He has drawn the conclusion that the People's War must be counted a success simply due to the fact that it is maintaining itself (as though it weren't advancing as well). But, if it is able to incorporate the masses and advance, then it will become a complete success. We can derive from his own words that we are in a strategic stalemate, but this «Senderologist», like all the rest, is incoherent, because all that drives him is finding a way to earn some scraps to eat by whatever means necessary, even by bootlicking. He says: «The country still has time to destroy it, and there are great possibilities for it», because, as he always says, the Shining Path is not meeting its strategic objectives, even though he also says that we are expanding the territory under our control.

In conclusion, today, this individual serves the regime's campaign in order to gain economic «aid» from imperialism (mainly US imperialism), with which to fight against the People's War.

In order to better understand the present political questions, let us look at the following comments by Chairman Gonzalo. (We shall quote those from April due to their usefulness.)

#4.10.1. ON ECONOMIC QUESTIONS

Comment on the criticism by Expreso [Express] of the opinions of the economist Gonzalez del Valle, who is opposed to the big reduction of tariffs and promotes the increase of the exchange rate of the Dollar (30th of January, 1991):

Contention continues and will persist.

Comment on the statement by S. Majluf, President of the National Industrial Society, to El Comercio [Commercial] (1st of February, 1991), and on the statement by J.F. Raffo, President of the National Exporters' Society, published in the Express:

The struggle between non-traditional and traditional exporters within the big bourgeoisie in general and the comprador bourgeoisie in particular is sharpening.

Comment on the rejection by M. Sotomayor, Vice-President of CONFEIP and Ex-President of the National Fishing Society, of the affirmation by the Association of Exporters that «a sector of exporters seek the extinction of the industrial sector through a monstrous demand for funds» (23rd of February, 1991):

This is a controversy between the Association of Exporters and the National Exporters' Society led by Raffo, one of the big beneficiaries of the current government.

#4.10.2. ON POLITICAL QUESTIONS

Comment on the front-page article in the Express, «Hideout of Abimael Guzman Found» (3rd of January, 1991):

They are promoting the MRTA while the government is proclaiming its successes and the «failures» of the Shining Path.

Comment on the 5th of March, 1991:

We denounce the cholera epidemic as an expression of the profound poverty and the poor sanitary conditions of the nation, which have been created by the Old State and its consecutive governments. Fujimori's present government at first covered up and now minimizes the problem, but what has it done to solve it?

Comment on the resignation of Minister Guido Pennano not being accepted by Fujimori (6th of March, 1991):

This is one more round in the struggle between the different sections and groups of the big bourgeoisie.

Comment on Fujimori's remarks on the Catholics outnumbering the Party members, soldiers, and masses of the Shining Path (8th of March, 1991):

If we round the numbers, the Catholic Church can count on 0,01% of the world population as its directly organized forces with which to lead the Catholics. The Shining Path, which has 20'000 organized forces, can count on 0,1% of the Peruvian population to actually lead the revolutionary process. Aside from the fact that this is an understatement of our forces, the Church is 2'000 years old. How, then, can Fujimori and others talk about the insignificant forces of the Shining Path?

Comment on the implementation of Fujimori's decrees (10th of March, 1991):

This is part of how the State seeks to advance in the fulfilment of the task of its restructuring, namely, by questioning the bourgeois-democratic order. The Institute of Liberty and Democracy is the source of its legislation (urban and rural registration, street vendors, autonomous authority — the Fujimori Doctrine — administrative simplification, and so on) and the concept of «direct democracy» (participation, integral democracy). This process is and will continue to be directly linked with US imperialism through the Institute of Liberty and Democracy (de Soto), which is carrying out State functions, such as economic and political functions, for example. Moreover, there are fundamentally fascist standpoints, a new form of fascism, which replaces the old bourgeois-democratic plans.

Comment on the editorial The Pennano Proposal and the Amaru Proposal by J. Diez Canseco in Gestation (recall his adherence to the «Amaru Plan» and his disagreements with the Pennano Plan, because the latter involved «social benefits» and «establishes a minimum wage of USD 45):

The United Mariateguist Party (and the United Left and others) are making plans within the framework of their tactic of frontism and of their Right-wing opportunism, by tailing one section of the big bourgeoisie and calling it the national bourgeoisie, which is supposedly partially «progressive» and «favourable to national industrialization». Thus, this old, opportunist tactic is being renewed and upheld once more.

The Prime Minister himself stated, according to an article by S. Majluf and another by J. Diez Canseco published in Gestation on the plans to change the economic programme (15th of March, 1991): «The national priority is to stop inflation, increase workers' incomes, redistribute wealth in a more equitable manner, and regain a sovereign management of the national economy. Because of that, [...] the types of exchange and salaries should be simultaneously indexed to the inflation rate of the previous month, and at the same time freeze the current prices of public services in Peruvian Intis.» «It is indispensable to correct this distortion, as an incentive to purchasing power thanks to increased income.» «Regulate tariffs and prioritize imports [...].» «The programme should be accompanied by a limitation on debt payments, as has been proposed by the President of the National Industrial Society himself. It will do no good to continue insisting on ‹reinserting› ourselves in exchange for nothing.» «These proposals are nothing new [...]. It is time to change course, and for once, President Fujimori should be conscious of his electoral promise of ‹no shock therapy›. We expect that, this time, he will not waste another opportunity.»

Comment on a denunciation by the magazine Oiga [Listen], No. 523, of the fascist roots of Fujimori's slogan of «participation» (25th of February, 1991):

The questioning of parliament is a fundamentally fascist standpoint, which takes aim against the traditional bourgeois-democratic State structure through the negation of the principles, liberties, and rights that were established in the 18th century, which stands for a corporate organizational form, and which empowers reactionary violence to the maximum, all in the service of the most unbridled bourgeois class dictatorship (in our case, the dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie) and in the service of imperialism. Historically, fascism has emerged during the most critical moments for the Old State, mainly whenever the revolution has threatened to overthrow the decrepit ruling order, but, since the Second World War, fascism has not been able to openly present itself as fascism, much less carry out corporatization, in spite of its multiple attempts and «theorizations», including «democratic corporatism», «full participatory democracy», «social-democracy», and so on. In the 1970s in this country, Velasco's corporatization failed, and, in the 1980s, Garcia Perez could not even convene the «Economic Congress». Today, the reactionization of the Peruvian State is its natural tendency, and the need to restructure the Old State anew is one of its current tasks (one of three such tasks, which are inseparably united: to push forward bureaucrat capitalism, to restructure the Old State, and to annihilate the People's War). Once again, they are posing the question of fascism and counterposing it to rotten «bourgeois democracy». It is within the context of these processes and this situation that we should look at Fujimori and his government and unmask all of his obviously fascist standpoints, but without forgetting the following points:

• The crisis of bourgeois democracy, which runs through the whole of this century, has not yet ended. They are even trying to portray bourgeois democracy as being revitalized, victorious, and, moreover, the only viable option.
• To put an end to bourgeois democracy requires that the bourgeois class dictatorship be demolished completely together with it through revolutionary violence, whose concentrated, proletarian expression is the People's War, and that a New State be built, a new society, in our case, New Democracy, which, once the democratic revolution is completed, will develop as a dictatorship of the proletariat.
• There is no so-called failure of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The problem that arose was the usurpation of political power by the revisionists, which has led to the restoration of capitalism. On the contrary, during the few decades of its practice, the dictatorship of the proletariat has led to the greatest and most profound transformations ever seen in history. Consequently, the point is to defend the dictatorship of the proletariat and its indestructible continuation, because it is essential for the victory of communism.
• The old society creates fascism as one expression of its reactionization, as weapon, mainly when the revolution is threatening to destroy it. But it is not the only form of reactionization; the other form is the current reactionary evolution of the bourgeois-democratic parliamentary system, as in the United States, England, France, and so on.
• Fascism has a history in Peru, especially during the 1930s, but it was never able to advance. Its biggest failure was Velasco, who was nonetheless the greatest advance of fascism in Peru to date.
• Fascism is reclaiming its road. It is pushed forward, as it is necessary for imperialism, mainly US imperialism, and for the Peruvian reactionaries in the face of the conquest of political power throughout the country. Obviously, it is drawing lessons from its experience in the country and aims at presenting a «new», «popular», «democratic», and «revolutionary» face, but its essence is, and will always remain, the same: «Old wine in new wineskins.» This process will take place (as is already being demonstrated) in the course of sharp collusion and contention in the heart of the big bourgeoisie, between its comprador and bureaucrat sections, and between the groups of each section. It is a complex struggle within the very heart of the reaction, whose contradictions should be utilized to serve the victory of the democratic revolution.
• We should bear in mind this situation and its prospects in order to develop the People's War, build the conquest of political power, and conquer political power throughout the country.

Comment on the opinion of the Commercial on the «Original Proposal of the Institute of Liberty and Democracy», which was published in El Peruano [The Peruvian] and later commented on in the column «Without Confirmation» (6th of March, 1991):

This allows us to differentiate between the form of reactionization of the State proposed by the bureaucrat bourgeoisie (corporatism based on organized participation by trade unions and institutions) and that proposed by the comprador bourgeoisie. The latter does not advocate corporatism, but rather a greater strengthening of presidential power as the axis of the Executive, which will allow the monopolies with economic power to directly exercise the legislative and administrative functions of the State in the service of imperialism. It obviously aims at restricting the growing power of the Legislature and seeks the direct command of the Executive in a way that tends toward the absolute concentration of functions in the hands of the President. This undermines the State structure and the balance of powers within the traditional bourgeois-democratic State.

Comment on the column, Requiem for Abimael by D'Ornellas, published in the Express (7th of March, 1991):

The standpoint of the big bourgeoisie (mainly the comprador bourgeoisie is as follows: «We already have a gendarme. We can sleep at ease [...].» But, aside from the fact that this expresses absolute obsequiousness and submissiveness, we note the following: ­- Being the «world gendarme» opens up the prospect for the United States of confronting everyone, mainly the oppressed nations. This implies drawing lessons from the 1960s, which was a vibrant decade in the proletarian world revolution.

• The United States has never been more powerful nor prestigious than it was at the end of the Second World War. We must remember that all this faded in the course of its struggle against the national-liberation movements.
• The so-called total victory of the United States creates far more problems for imperialism (mainly US imperialism) and its lackeys than they can resolve. This is not the strategic prospect, but present reality. This is for example the case in the Middle East.
• **It is the dream of all reactionaries to «turn the revolution into dust» when it conquers political power. The reactionaries have never renounced this dream. Today, they are more self-confident and sure of themselves than ever. They rest on the laurels of the supposed failure of socialism and weakness of Marxism in the face of «low-intensity conflict» (in our case, in its revised form), of the «total victory over Iraq», and of blind faith in the renewed slogan of the «invincibility» of US imperialism. None of this is new, except for the drunken triumphalism of the government headed by Bush and his gang (whose novelty is the immense lack of realism that underpins it).

We, who firmly base ourselves on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo's Thought, are certain and convinced of the victory of the proletarian world revolution, the unstoppable march of humanity toward communism, and the transcendent victory of the Peruvian revolution. We should always be more resolute in our struggle for the conquest of political power throughout the country and more dauntless and unyielding in our struggle for the complete and total victory of the new social order, «from socialism to communism». We should very much bear in mind all the experience of the world revolution, and mainly that of our own revolution. The Party counts on the «Eight Possibilities» and on the intervention of US imperialism, whether direct or indirect, alone or in an alliance, and we must get prepared on all fronts to confront it any time and in any conditions by weaponizing our ever-victorious proletarian ideology and developing the invincible People's War, everything always being led by the Party, always determined to drown imperialism and all reactionaries in a sea of armed masses that serves the conquest of political power, the People's Republic of Peru, its defence, and the future objective of communism. On the other hand, we should gut and crush the ideas to the contrary, like those of the hack D'Ornellas, and all other attacks, as they are nothing but part of the psychological warfare of the enemy that seeks to undermine the revolutionary ranks and make the people think that victory is impossible or useless. Of course, by their own words, they are demonstrating that the People's War threatens to completely demolish the Old State. As Chairman Mao said: The road is long and tortuous, but the future is bright. Therefore, we should dare to conquer and defend political power. We shall conquer our destiny with our own hands!

Comment on Decree DS-009-91-A9 on land (1st of April, 1991):

This, like the other recent measures taken by Boloña, is part of the effort to push forward bureaucrat capitalism. Until now, the Fujimori government has taken the following measures to this effect:

• The July Outlines.
• The readjustment measures of August, Hurtado's propaganda, supplemented by the December readjustment.
• Boloña's measures.

To the latter should be added the Prime Minister's programme and the recent measures, which express the transactions between different sections of the big bourgeoisie and which benefit primarily the comprador bourgeoisie and especially its groups of big financiers and exporters. The exporter group itself and industry in general are suffering the consequences. The measures obviously harm the national bourgeoisie and weighs the most heavily on the masses of the people, and are direct attacks against the working class. The March measures are the concentrated expression of the most obsequious submission to US imperialism to date, in spite of the resistance and rejection they have created among the masses. They are finding difficulties with their so-called «reinsertion», which is the apple of their eye, as well as with signing the newly proposed agreement against drug trafficking. The whole plan of the big bourgeoisie (mainly the comprador bourgeoisie) pushing this forward has to be implemented in the worst possible domestic and international conditions of a protracted, worsening, critical general situation. This is in addition to the fact that the poverty of the masses continues to worsen, that the class struggle is leading to a revolutionary crisis, and, mainly, that the People's War and the New Political Power are developing. Thus, the new plans and measures face difficult and arduous prospects and are already aggravating the recession, and the big bourgeoisie itself has become an orphan of the programme which brought about these measures (at least they have not agreed on it until now). As to the people's camp, the chickens will soon come home to roost. Until now, the comprador bourgeoisie has been unable to formulate a programme and plans like those of the Velasco bureaucracy. It also lacks a political apparatus and support for their application. In these circumstances, imperialism and the reactionaries are trying to revive themselves by way of the Boloña measures, without ever winning a respite in terms of their financial situation, as had previously been done by the fascist military government when it applied its programme. As to the agrarian question, bear in mind what was discussed at the October meeting.

Comment on the observations of the Institute of Liberty and Democracy on Decree DS-009-91-A9 (9th of April, 1991):

They want to maximize and generalize the sale and rent of land. Obviously, this will take place through the eviction of the poor peasants.

#4.10.3. ON INTERNATIONAL QUESTIONS

Comment on the change of the name of the Communist Party of Italy (6th of February, 1991):

The smoke clears. The «100 Marxist-Leninist Parties» have become totally unmasked, declare themselves to be bourgeois, and shamelessly renounce their past.

Comment on an Israeli statement about the US denunciation of the massive destruction of oil wells in Kuwait:

What this spokesperson says is what the United States thinks, but it obviously favours its sole hegemony.

Comment on the complicated diplomatic negotiations, in which two proposals were made, one eight-point proposal by the United States and another six-point one by the USCR, the latter of which Iraq accepted (23rd of February, 1991):

Evidently, the United States and its allies are seeking to overthrow Hussein and to reduce Iraq's military power and political weight to the greatest possible extent.

Comment on the agreement by the foreign and defence ministers of Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and the USCR to dissolve the Warsaw Pact:

This is a victory for the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO]. It opens up the possibility of major splits in NATO and leads to a general rethinking on both sides, especially on the Soviet side.

Comment on Iraq's withdrawal from Kuwait:

If this really happened, and everything indicates that it did, then it was a notable operation of military retreat. This type of operation is neither simple nor easy, more so under the conditions in which it was accomplished.

Comment the official Iraqi radio broadcast: Baghdad Will Not Surrender (28th of February, 1991):

To analyse the Gulf War, we have to take into account what we discussed at the October meeting, and consider the following points:

• The conditions in which the war began, especially the buildup and preparations of the allied forces led by US imperialism, the main gendarme of the current boastful world counter-revolution.
• The development of the war, in sum: first, the initial devastating aerial bombardment by the imperialists shows the capacity for resistance of Iraq, mainly of its people, and the difficulties faced by the imperialists in crushing a nation that they expected to surrender in a few days; second, the diplomatic efforts that placed upon Iraq growing imperialist (mainly US imperialist) pressure, and the hypocritical and self-serving Soviet advice to capitulate, which undermined the anti-imperialist resistance; and, third, the broad ground offensive by the allies, including their Arab puppet States, using mainly armoured and airborne troops, and, on Iraq's part, not persisting in a firm, shrewd resistance (which would have aimed at creating political changes, mainly among the Arab people, and at sharpening inter-imperialist contradictions), neither in Iraq, nor in Kuwait, ending the acceptance of the resolutions of the UN Security Council.

In evaluating the current situation and prospects resulting from the Gulf War, bear in mind the following:

• Hussein and Iraq.
• The Middle East.
• The imperialist powers.
• The imperialist superpowers, especially the United States, which is advancing toward sole hegemony.
• The oppressed nations.
• The trend toward a new global strategic system of correlation of forces and contradictions (the primary contradictions remains the same one, and its importance will grow, given the prospect of sharpening contention and collusion among the superpowers and powers).

There are special lessons to be drawn for the oppressed nations, and mainly for the proletarian world revolution.

Comment on the 1st of March, 1991:

First, he expressed confidence in the United Nations. Second, it would have been erroneous to listen to them, as he demonstrated, having already listened to the USCR. Third, the point is that the Iraqi armed forces were not compelled to wage a firm and tenacious war of resistance. On this last point, they are praising to the sky the «invincible military might of the United States», which is «based on the latest and most modern technology». This is a repetition of the theory that «weapons decide everything». To be precise, the first big lesson that we should draw from the Gulf War is that people decide everything in war: the ideology that drives them, the class that leads them, the interests they defend, and the cause they serve. Concerning S. Hussein, first, he thought that the United Nations would not support the United States; second, he did not listen to advice from other Arab leaders; and, third, he thought that his army, the fourth largest in the world, would be able to win great victories in a ground war.

Comment on the United Nations' proposal to postpone the ceasefire (10th of April, 1991):

They are winning time to reach an agreement on the Kurdish enclave.

Comment on the article, «Chemical Holocaust», by Martha Meir on the questions of war and weapons, in the Commercial (12th of March, 1991):

Hrusev said the same thing. In the end, these are the same old, bourgeois-pacifist arguments.

#4.10.4. ON IDEOLOGICAL QUESTIONS

Comment on an editorial by Luis Leon Herrera in the Commercial entitled Hegel (8th of March, 1991):

Here you see the ideological basis, especially philosophically, of a Peruvian fascist. Of course, he is ignorant, crude, and fatuous, as well as arrogant, both as a cadre and as a reactionary intellectualoid. The fact that such a person gets printed in the editorial section of the Commercial, the self-proclaimed national conscience and tribune of intellectualism, is very expressive, even though it is nothing strange.

Comment an article in the Commercial entitled Capital and Labour (10th of April, 1991):

The so-called «failure of socialism» is part of the so-called «defeat of Marxism» and «uselessness of the totalitarian dictatorship of the proletariat». This cause is also proclaimed in El País [The Country], which is concretely linked with Fujimori's government (it stated that he is «taking responsibility for the past»). None of what has happened negates Marxism, the necessity and transcendence of socialism, nor the unstoppable march toward communism, our irreplaceable objective. We repeat that the point is, first, that we have an insufficient understanding of the laws of socialism, because of the short period of time in which it developed; second, the inevitable struggle between restoration and counter-restoration; and, third, the sinister actions of the revisionists, which were nurtured by and carried out in collusion with imperialism. In synthesis, the point is to continue the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the face of the revisionist and imperialist campaign against socialism, we should do the following:

• Firmly reaffirm Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo's Thought. (The document, No to Elections! Yes to People War!, serves this objective.)
• Point out and publicize the great conquests of socialism and the glory of socialist construction. In no historical epoch has a mode of production done so much, in such a short period of time, and for so many deeply and broadly exploited masses as socialism has! Modern history and the people of the world are undeniable witnesses to this.
• Incessantly unmask the monstrous exploitation and oppression perpetrated by imperialism (mainly US imperialism) and revisionism by showing how they are sailing through a sea of blood spilled by the international proletariat and the peoples of the world.
• Who has brought us to this point? Who is letting the Peruvian people sink into the deepest crisis in their history? Who is responsible for this? The «Three Mountains» that exploit and oppress the people, namely, imperialism, bureaucrat capitalism, and semi-feudalism. These «Three Mountains» maintain the ruling order of continued oppression and exploitation through the organized reactionary violence that is the Peruvian State, a State which rests on its armed forces (its backbone) and its bureaucracy, and which is headed and led by the big bourgeoisie (mainly the comprador bourgeoisie), supported by revisionists and opportunists of all stripes, and protected by its master, imperialism.
• «We must all make sacrifices for a better future.» This is an old story that is now being retold. It was told by Leguia, Velasco, Belaunde, and Garcia Perez, among others. Fujimori's «new» version of this story must be unmasked and denounced.
• Propagate how the People's War is building a new society that truly serves the people, and that the only prospect for the people is the conquest of political power throughout the country.

#4.10.5. ON MILITARY QUESTIONS

Comment on the editorial, Changing the Strategy, in the Express (25th of January, 1991):

We should learn from the People's War. Should we «learn from Huayhuaco» and help the repressive forces? No.

Comment on the headline, Car Full of Weapons Abandoned in Midtown Lima (1st of February, 1991):

This «discovery» of the weapons sent to Huallaga should be linked with the situation and the criticism of the Minister of the Interior.

Comment on the headline, Another Arsenal Found in Car (5th of February, 1991):

As part of the same police plan, the Express, as always, serves US interests by fighting drug trafficking and aiming against the People's War to push forward economic interests. That is their concrete objective now.

Comment on C. Barrera Bazan's opinion on Fujimori's Presidential Message on the Problem of Terrorism in the Commercial (9th of February, 1991):

This sounds like Fujimori.

Comment on the article, Abimael Guzman's Hideout Found, in the Express (3rd of February, 1991):

They are putting the MRTA on a pedestal while proclaiming the «successes» of the government and the «defeats of the Shining Path».

Comment on the Express headline, Persiles' Murder Was a Mafia Vendetta, after the murder had been blamed on the Party (23rd of February, 1991):

As always, the Express is mudslinging.

Comment on the «rescue» of M.L. Cumpa by the MRTA (12th of March, 1991):

Another convenient «escape». This is part of slowing down the investigation of the escape of Polay and his followers. It is an obvious part of their dispute.

Comment on the Commercial headline, Three Soldiers Die in Accident (12th of March, 1991):

Couldn't it have been a mine? That seems more likely.

Comment on the headline in The Peruvian that Subversives Kill 20 Peasants in Urpay (10th of March, 1991):

This was an important action. For example, it was a stunning blow against the policy of civilian patrols, it unmasked the so-called «pacification of Ayacucho», and it demonstrated that the Third Campaign (of which this and other actions currently shaking up the country are part) has begun victoriously and is firmly, decisively, and persistently aiming at fulfilling its objectives.

Comment on the headline in The Peruvian, Shining Path Arsenal Discovered in Huaraz (10th of March, 1991):

This is part of the psychological operations of the counter-revolutionary war, on the one hand, by attempting to discredit us in the face of the people, and, on the other, by promoting the MRTA and putting it on a pedestal. The Peruvian, like the Express, is part of the general reactionary campaign and are reactionary means of communication.

Comment on the denunciation by Archbishop Vargas Alzamora of the fact that 12 people died on the day of a blackout (12th of March, 1991):

Very good. Here is a clear-cut example of the role of the Church: The main leader of the Catholic Church in Peru is viciously attacking the People's War while pinning his hopes on imperialism. This is an expressive example, which, like others of its kind, should be explained to the masses.

Comment on the Commercial article, Shining Path Attacks the Town of Ancash (12th of March, 1991):

This is what the Prefect of Chavin Region announced a few days ago in The Peruvian, and which implicates the MRTA in actions carried out in this zone. This confirms a previous comment, namely, that putting the MRTA on a pedestal is part of the reactionary campaigns. Obviously, these lies and inventions are reactionary weapons against the Party and the People's War.

Comment on Fujimori's announcement, by the end of his visit to China, that «the Shining Path differs from Chinese Communism» (13th of March, 1991):

Very good. We have nothing in common with Soviet, Chinese, or any other revisionism. Fujimori lets this great truth shine through his anxiety, and, by doing so, he repudiates all the attempts to link us with Soviet revisionism and to defame us by implying that we receive aid from East Germany via its secret police (the Ministry of State Security), which is nothing but an invention by the United States that also serves the Peruvian reactionaries. The «statement» by that country's former Minister of the Interior is simply an invention by putrid revisionists and US agents who serve to seek their new masters.

#5. ON CONSTRUCTION AND QUESTIONS OF SECRET WORK

We are requesting opinions on the necessity of developing new forms for holding meetings by elevating the «Five Necessities of Party Work» as part of building the conquest of political power. We must always remember that, just as we fight for the complete and total destruction of the Old State, the Old State seeks to destroy the Party, stop and crush the revolution, and finish off the People's War. Thus, in this way, we are considering the question of the price as a solid example of the fundamental principle of war, not only in military affairs, but in all spheres of Party work. Here, we should comment on some issues.

Concerning construction. By taking the principles and norms of construction as our starting point in this sphere, we are developing our construction work under the guidance of the Great Construction Principle of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo's Thought: «Take ideological and political construction as the basis, and simultaneously carry out organizational construction in the midst of the two-line struggle and the People's War.» We apply the law that organization is derived from and serves politics, that all political leaps require an organizational leap, and we know what it means to «adjust the organization to the political level of the leadership». Finally, our current political orientation is development, construction, and conquest. We understand that to conquer political power, we need to develop the People's War, and in order to do this, we need to build apparatuses superior to those of the enemies.

Thus, we can see that, as the result of ten years of the People's War, we have entered a new stage, the strategic stalemate, which will prepare the strategic offensive in which political power will be conquered throughout the country; we are in the midst of building that conquest, many things that used to be good are no longer sufficient, other things need to develop themselves further, and there are also new things that should be created. We are taking a political leap toward the conquest of political power throughout the country, and it must be solidified in an organizational leap. That is why we are building the conquest of political power. This starting point means that we need organizations superior to those of the enemy, that we need a highly political organization consisting of a tempered detachment of people, and that we need every Party member to be like a bastion in the fortress that is the Party. This must be done, so that we shall adjust ourselves better in preparation for the political leap and adjust our organizational construction according to that political leap. We count on the rectification movement to do all this.

According the Party's experience in construction work, the task of construction develops by applying the principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo's Thought as a guide, but the construction work itself takes concrete form according to the degree of development of the revolution. For example, the construction plan for the initiation of the armed struggle in 1980 was adjusted in 1985, and now we have the Strategic Plan to Build the Conquest of Power from 1990. It is like when a child grows up and its clothes get too small; organization is derived from politics. It is necessary to heighten the organization to the political level of the leadership. Not to do construction work is an expression of limitations in the apparatus and leaves openings through which the reactionaries can strike us. We must not forget that one of the «Three Tasks» of the reactionaries is to annihilate the People's War; because of that, they aim to separate the Party and its leadership from the masses. This is why it is highly decisive to approve the Strategic Construction Plan and to immediately begin applying it as a pilot plan. The point right now is precisely that: to build the conquest of political power.

The document of the commission should concern questions of construction and of open and secret work. It should apply new forms and evaluate the underground organization.

The Strategic Construction Plan should be applied as a pilot plan in the course of the Third Campaign. We reaffirm what was established in the Summary Document of the Preparatory Sitting of the Second Plenary Session, Page 248, Points 1-4, and the points on Page 3 of the Outline of the Preparatory Session. Every new plan must begin with an evaluation, and every successive plan must get better at handling the «Two Camps».

We emphasize the following points:

• Agitation and propaganda actions are of fundamental importance and serve to create public opinion in favour of conquering political power throughout the country. They aim at exposing crimes and at educating propagandists. Sabotage actions undermine the critical economic infrastructure of the Old State; their quality must be heightened and their quantity increased. Guerrilla actions (ambushes and assaults) are the main form of struggle, being developed in all parts of the war; they must be further developed, increased, and, most importantly, intensified. Selective liquidations should be escalated, take aim against the directors of the «Three Tasks» of the reactionaries, and be very careful in selecting targets whose liquidation actually serves to develop the revolutionary united front.
• Our mass work is developing the incorporation of the masses in the People's War in two different ways: first, by increasing the actions in support of struggles for daily demands, and, second and mainly, by pushing the masses to use higher forms of struggle, such as strikes. We should persist in our actions and empower them more, because there are conditions of growing explosiveness in which we can expand our mass work. We count on specific policies for all spheres of struggle, and the objective of our mass work is to advance toward the revolutionary crisis by utilizing all forms of struggle that we can, above all the main form of struggle, the People's War. We must give the masses leadership, then they will do the rest. Moreover, we must emphasize the successful struggles, so as to create national and international public opinion and multiply the struggles.
• We must explain how mobile warfare and its four stages are developing and in what stage we currently are. Develop mobile warfare and prepare for the armed uprising!
• The main thing is the People's War and this Second Campaign, whose completion has brought us to the strategic stalemate, the second stage of the protracted war.

In addition to these points, we must emphasize more points: The Third Campaign to Push Forward the Development of Base Areas will complete the Plan to Push Forward and lay the foundation for the next plan, which will not yet be the Plan to Conquer Political Power, but in which the Strategic Construction Plan will be applied as a pilot plan, before being definitively approved during the next plan. It serves this plan and in this way develops this new campaign against imperialism and this most unabashedly pro-imperialist government to date, in order to develop mobile warfare and prepare the armed uprising. We are in a very important period of the People's War, that is, the period of the development of the strategic stalemate as part of the conquest of political power throughout the country.

Finally, we emphasize the following points:

• The big wave of September and an even higher new wave in December 1990-January 1991.
• Simultaneously with the development of the war during the Second Campaign, our construction work also developed. Great leaps were taken, and the fifth leap in the incorporation of the masses allowed for a notable advance in the «Three Bases and Three Guides». The organizations led by the Party continue to grow and strengthen themselves, especially the People's Guerrilla Army and the New Political Power. We should manage disequilibrium and disproportion better while taking into account that they are signs of growth.
• The rectification movement continues to develop, and it is necessary to better adjust ourselves to the Party's policies. We must take care to better structure the People's Guerrilla Army, carry out the tasks of the New Political Power, and temper new Party cadres.
• Study the main actions, that is, both the best and the worst actions, so as to draw lessons from them and to strive to study, learn, and apply the Party's Military Line.
• In the question of war, whether in actions, battles, or campaigns, the point is to set political guidelines to be followed in military actions. Today, everything must serve the purpose of conquering political power throughout the country.

#6. ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DECISIONS

• Approve the document, Build the Conquest of Political Power in the Midst of the People's War!.
• The Second Campaign to Push Forward the Development of Base Areas and its broadening is a great victory for the Party and the people and has solidified the new stage of the People's War, the strategic stalemate. We greet the masses, the People's Guerrilla Army, and the Party membership on the occasion of this brilliant and transcendental success.
• Approve the Strategic Construction Plan and immediately begin to apply it as a pilot plan until it can be definitively approved at a later date.
• Develop the Third Campaign to complete the Plan to Push Forward by aiming against imperialism (mainly US imperialism) and the Fujimori government, which is the most unabashedly pro-imperialist government to date.
• Celebrate with revolutionary fervour the fifth anniversary of the Day of Heroism as an indestructible victory.