Proletarians of all countries, unite!
There is one goal, the conquest of power!
Communist Party of Peru
|Red Flag Publications||Translated and reproduced by|
The Red Flag
|Excerpt from the Summary Document of the 1st Congress of the Communist Party of Peru, 1989.|
Geographical features. 600.000 km², 1.000.000 inhabitants, the state with the largest population on Earth. From this comes the weight of China. Since the last century, China has been subjected to aggressions by Tsarist Russia, the French, the English, the Germans, the Yankees, the Japanese, etc. They all wanted to seize China because of its key position; traditional center of world contradictions. With repercussions on the whole Pacific area, great contradictions of imperialist powers were fought out there, and in the present time the contradictions between the great powers and the intermediate imperialist powers clash in China. To the south is Southeast Asia, to the north Korea, to the west Japan, which has great power dreams of ruling China. It has borders with India, another colossus with 800.000.000 inhabitants, and borders with the USSR. Consider that the Pacific basin has the largest population on earth: to the east is the U.S., California is a part of it that is undergoing great development; to the west is the USSR, there is Japan, Southeast Asia, a densely populated region, India, Indonesia, the Philippines, etc., there is also the fifth continent, Oceania.
If we look at history, we find that the Mediterranean was the sea that served the highest development of antiquity, then the Atlantic that of the modern great powers, and today it is clear that the Pacific is the ocean of the future. It is where the great powers, the great imperialist powers and the oppressed nations meet. The West is the crucial part of the basin, and that is where China is.
It is not a simple geography, which, by the way, we must also consider, because the revolution and the war are taking place on one territory. What we reject is geopolitics, which involves interpreting history starting from the geography and weight of the State. The Chinese Comrades taught us to look at geography within history and class struggle. With the victory of the Chinese Revolution led by Chairman Mao in 1949, the balance of power in the world changed and most of the world from the Pacific to the Mediterranean lived under socialism. That is why Chairman Mao later said that the wind of revolution was stronger than that of counter-revolution.
Something about the historical development process of the Cultural Revolution. China had the longest process of feudalism in human history and obviously has an ancient culture.
In 1949, the democratic revolution was victorious, and the construction of socialism began. By 1956, the Chinese had already laid the foundations for the construction of socialism, and from then on, intense internal struggles took place, which were resolved by arms. Chairman Mao defined China as a great unity and tried to push forward the development of the backward regions in particular. (China has about 56 nationalities, but 90% of the population is Han). In „The 10 Major Relationships“, he laid out how to conceive of and develop unity by having the regions help each other. The dictatorship, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPCh) headed by Chairman Mao, would have to lead this process. He said the north should not be dependent on the south, the center should not be the most economically developed region, and the border area with the Soviet Union should be developed.
He conceived of China as a backward country that needed at least 50 years to develop and whose social base was the peasantry, which represented 80% of the population. Knowing that the peasantry and petty bourgeoisie were producing capitalism 24 hours a day, he began a strong push to collectivize the country toward socialism, while Liu Shao-shi in particular opposed it and tried to undermine and prevent it.
Chairman Mao advocated that the problem was to develop rural areas mainly through the immense labor power of the peasantry with the aid of mechanized means of production, the latter being improved along with agriculture.
He considered agriculture as the basis and industry as the guideline. He considered how this agricultural base should develop, taking into account that it had to support a heavy industry, whose development was vital, and a light industry, which was indispensable for the supply of a range of products for daily life. Therefore, he suggested that Chinese industry should be based on two legs: agriculture and industry.
In this way, he showed his understanding of economics from the point of view of politics, and developed a political economy whose core is the relations of exploitation or production, depending on whether there is exploitative rule or whether a country is emancipating itself.
The three flags. Chairman Mao defined: 1) The basic line of building socialism: he said that under socialism the class struggle continues and may come to a head under certain circumstances, that is, the class struggle does not stop, nor is it decided who will defeat whom, whether socialism defeats capitalism or vice versa. But Chairman Mao referred to the concrete problem of building socialism in China, where it is not decided who will win, capitalism or socialism, the bourgeoisie or the proletariat, and that a long road will be necessary, and he made it clear that the establishment of the People‘s Republic was a first step of a long road of a thousand li, that is, socialism had a long process of development ahead of it. 2) The People‘s Commune, which represented a great leap in the development of collectivization of agriculture. The People‘s Commune was not only an advance in economic terms, but aimed to give the future society a social base, because it had to develop agriculture and industry, as well as create an administrative apparatus, a New Power and a militia to support it. And 3) the Great Leap Forward, which involved a great effort by the Chinese proletariat and people to develop industry, paying attention to heavy industry. Although everyone was producing steel, it was obviously of poor quality and this meant a waste of energy. Revisionists like Teng said that „it would be more practical to buy it from the foreigners“. But Chairman Mao’s view was not to focus on immediate economic profitability, but to keep the perspective in mind, because the Great Leap was to act as a great impetus, a great push to develop the industrial process and agriculture by means of mechanization.
Chairman Mao understood China as the base of the World Revolution. He did not say the center, but he was fully aware that China was the center of the World Revolution, because it was he who showed us that the center of the revolution had undergone a shift to the East, from France to Germany in the 19th Century, then to Russia and China in the 20th Century. But the most important thing for Chairman Mao, was that this role involved a responsibility and understood it as his task to use all the power of China to serve the world revolution, to enforce the main trend of history.
In the 1960s, under Chairman Mao, China waged a great ideological struggle against revisionism, the center of which was the USSR. And it should be remembered that Chairman Mao said that if China became revisionist, it would have to be fought, and it was from this point of view that thousands of Chinese and international cadres were educated. Chairman Mao did not accept anything that Khrushchev advocated, and the latter wanted to pressure him with a low blow by breaking the Sino-Russian economic and trade agreements and withdrawing all economic aid. At the same time, there was a drought in China, and this intensified the intense struggle in the country. The dispute will be fought with the three flags. The problem was to achieve ideological progress. Therefore, Chairman Mao proposes an alignment campaign in the 1957 propaganda conference, which is a struggle of ideas to align with the Party line. Education also received his special attention, especially the education of the peasantry. He refers to it in the text „Where Do Correct Ideas Come From?“, which is a masterful outline of our world outlook, and argues that the education of the peasantry must start from the world outlook of the proletariat.
All this leads to the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR). The basic problem was the further development of socialism. Initially, it started from how to judge the problem of ideas, how the classes that lost political power retreated to the field of ideology, as in China the feudal class and the bourgeoisie had retreated in this way, as well as the imperialist ideology with which they were connected. It was a hard and intensified struggle, and as always, the revisionist right acted from ambush. For example, Peng Chen, an ossified revisionist who is still alive, with the permission of Liu Shao-chi, circulated a document on how to orient the Cultural Revolution, which in reality was intended to prevent the progress of ideological transformation and the construction of socialism. Chairman Mao published a document in which he presented: 1) the condemnation of this pamphlet, 2) revisionists are being hatched here and now, and 3) the power of the scholars must be overthrown and the power of the people, the proletariat, must be established. Thus began the GPCR and it was the Party with Chairman Mao at its head that conceived of it, promulgated it, led it and carried it out.
In 1966, the Chinese Cultural Revolution began. But what happened in that year? Based on Chairman Mao‘s positions and call, the struggle against the academic authorities took off and they fought back. Liu and Teng formed groups to defeat the youth and proletarian militants who opposed the path of the Right in the field of culture. Chairman Mao called a meeting of the Central Committee and published „My First Big Character Poster. Bombard the Headquarters!“. In it, he said that right-wing fascist gangs had tried to shake class morality and that the black headquarters should be bombed. From this came the purge of the Central Committee and the dissolution of the Party. Only the Central Committee remained, as the other levels of leadership had been infiltrated by the Right. Chairman Mao called for every Communist to prove himself as such. These events caused a great commotion: the first blows were struck at the Peking Municipal Committee, where Peng Chen and others were overthrown. On this basis, the powerful Red Guards movement developed. Millions of young people gathered in Beijing, where they were trained and exchanged experiences under the leadership of the GPCR Commission, which included Comrade Chiang Ching, and then set out to tour all parts of China.
January 1967, the January Storm of Shanghai. The reaction tried to strike a blow at the industrial center of the revolution. It cut off the lines of communication, committed acts of sabotage, etc. But the working class, led by the Communists, rebelled, overthrew the traitors and took power. A mistake of the Shanghai Communists was that they proposed to form a Commune, a form that Chairman Mao opposed, because when the same thing had been proposed in the 1950s, it had been shown to be impractical. The problem is not only to set millions of masses in motion, the central problem is the leadership of the Communist Party so that the course is maintained, because without this political leadership the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot develop in the long run towards Communism, as Marx conceived (Gotha Programme). Since the development of the Commune was not yet mature and, moreover, the Party was in a process of purification, Chairman Mao proposed that, instead of a Commune, Revolutionary Committees be formed with a three-in-one composition, consisting of: 1) Communists, outstanding representatives, 2) members of the Army called to support the GPCR, and 3) revolutionaries who had emerged from the masses. In this way, a great step is taken towards the recovery of power and its advancement.
In this way, a powerful mass movement developed with the GPCR, politically led by the Party. To this day, the world has not seen such a broad mobilization of the masses and ability of organization and leadership. The greatness of the movement was due to three circumstances: 1) the ideology, Mao Tse-tung Thought (as was said at that time), without which nothing would have been achieved, 2) the People‘s Liberation Army (PLA), which was capable of supporting the people, the working class, and 3) a great mobilization of the masses.
All this led to a powerful storm amidst the hostility of the USSR, with which there were hundreds of skirmishes on the border, and the hostility of the United States. The problem was whether China would preserve its unity and which side it would take, that of the USSR or the U.S., or whether it would continue on its own path.
The struggle went as far as armed clashes, which were exaggerated by the Western press, which, as usual, distorted the facts without the slightest knowledge of what the Chinese Communists were referring to when, for example, they developed a „movement of cutting off noses and ears“. The PLA in Canton rebelled and even arrested members of the Central Committee, among others, an extremely serious problem that showed that the revisionists were using the Army against Communism, the dictatorship of the proletariat and to support their treason. In view of this, Chairman Mao gave them 24 hours to surrender and moved airborne troops to the region. As a result, they had no choice but to submit. The revisionists ruthlessly murdered many workers, peasants, soldiers and young Red Guards.
But in the midst of this struggle, the supporters of the capitalist way were overthrown, including Chinese Khrushchev, Liu Shao-chi, and the incorrigible Teng Hsiao-ping, who in his self-criticism to save himself said that he did not believe in the masses and therefore should never have become a Party leader. And what do we see today? We see the truth of what Lenin taught: The Right and the revisionists are ready to sign anything if it will save their skin.
The revolution made great progress and Chairman Mao said: „We have found the road we have long sought; we have found the form to continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.“ The 9th Party Congress of 1969 followed, one of the most important in the history of the CPCh. At it, similar to the decision of the 7th Party Congress of 1943, which was deleted at the 8th Party Congress in 1956 by the work of Liu and Teng, it was stipulated anew that the Party would be guided by Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought. Teng supported the statutes that followed Liu‘s political line and essentially said that there was no longer a class struggle in China and therefore the contradiction between productive forces and relations of production should be developed. The 9th Party Congress has a great significance. It stated that the USSR was an imperialist power that also had to be fought.
The Cultural Revolution continued. The experience of our Parties shows that when the Right is fought, „Left“ radicalism always appears, demanding to take the struggle further than the situation allows; without seeing with objectivity the concrete conditions, it believes to be able to foresee the future and takes positions that go beyond the goal and possibilities. But as Lenin said, the Right and the „Left“ radicals represent bourgeois positions, the „Left“ radicalism is the Right deviation turned the other way around. The participation of the Army in the Cultural Revolution increased its weight and importance, and Lin Piao took advantage of that. However, we should be aware that Chairman Mao planned the Cultural Revolution with Lin Piao in addition to the group closest to him, formed by Chiang Ching, Kang Cheng, Chang Chun-chiao. Lin Piao launched a movement of praising Chairman Mao, aiming to turn him into a holy ghost, as Chairman Mao himself calls it in a letter to Chiang Ching. He said, many believe that I have no doubts, but I have doubts, in me is the tiger and the monkey; but I apply what Lu Hsun said, I dissect myself, and no one can imagine to what point I do it, to analyze in depth my ideas, they try to put me on a pedestal according to the criterion, the higher someone is, the easier it is to overthrow him; but I am prepared for it, I know that I can break into a thousand pieces, but the matter is not destroyed, it is only transformed. The things I tell you must not be published, he continued, because if the Right takes power, it would use it against the Left, and what a beautiful spectacle it would be if the Right and the Left raise me to defend their own ideas. At a Central Committee Plenum, Chairman Mao picked apart this campaign. After that, Lin Piao went so far as to plan the assassination of Chairman Mao. However, this devious plan was discovered and Lin Piao tried to abscond. He took a plane and piloted it toward the USSR. Had he really been a Communist, he would have stayed to face the internal struggle. But he was not, and it is as Kang Sheng said, the revolution is the best judge and no one can avoid revealing his real nature in it. The plane crashed, or was shot down, or ran out of fuel, whatever the case, the fact is that this „winged horse“ with ambitions to create a new imperial dynasty died, and it was Brezhnev who sadly announced the news to the world. Where was his leftism? There we see what Lin Piao was: a revisionist.
Thus, the Left was weakened, because during the struggle against Lin‘s „Left“ radicalism, the Right united, exhibited contrition, because the Right does not know what real self-criticism is, and played a role in the struggle against „Left“ radicalism led by the Left. The balance of power changed, a situation reflected in the 10th Party Congress of 1973, which led to the return of, among others, Teng Hsiao-ping. There is a notable difference between Chou En-lai‘s report and Wang Hung-wen‘s. The first said that the main danger was the USSR, and behind it was to support the U.S. The second followed Chairman Mao and took the position that both superpowers were dangerous enemies. Chou‘s political report said that imperialism was the epoch of proletarian revolution and Leninism corresponded to it, which aimed to say that the development of Marxism ended with Lenin. Chou has a tortuous development process: until 1935 he belonged to the group of „28½ Bolsheviks“ who wanted to follow the Soviet experience to the letter. After 1935, he joined Chairman Mao more out of personal inclination than as a follower of Mao Tse-tung Thought.
An intense struggle ensued between the Right and the Left over the continuation of the GPCR, with some trying to reverse it while others wanted it to continue. In Peking, the Tien An Men Square incident occurred in 1976. There, the Right used Chou En-lai on the occasion of his death ceremony. (It is well to remember that Kang Sheng was called an anti-revisionist fighter at his death, a qualification not accorded to Chou.) There was pandemonium in the Square and the iron fist of the working class crushed the counter-revolutionary movement. But Chairman Mao asked a question: who was behind it? The incorrigible Teng, the one who doesn‘t care if the cat is white or black as long as it catches mice. And so it was.
In 1976, the Left suffered a heavy and painful loss: the death of Chairman Mao, an immeasurable loss for the Communists and for China. The death of a Great Leader always provokes shocks. It was at this moment that the devious revisionists carried out their plan of a State coup, following a plan previously worked out by Teng, of whom no one can say that he was unaware beforehand. In this State coup led by Teng, the armed forces were used by a section of the Central Committee to arrest members of the Central Committee. Thus, these scoundrels, incapable of ideological struggle, arrested Comrade Chiang Ching and the four, similar to what Khrushchev did in 1953, the same ideas, the same way of acting, the same clan.
From 1976, the last part of the Cultural Revolution took place, with great struggles, great strikes, great clashes, and a Left whose highest representative was on the verge of death, and which also faced new, unsolved problems of socialism, of which even today we have insufficient knowledge. Besides, they themselves had weaknesses, for when Teng put on the farce of his trial, only two, Chiang Ching and Chang Chun-chiao, remained steadfast; the other two were broken, expressing their insufficient steadfastness and lack of Communist understanding and resolve. Chiang Ching, on the other hand, shouted in the judges‘ faces: I do not recognize this court because it is fascist and Teng is a fascist, „I am a being without law“, a famous saying that exposed the revisionists. By this we recognize her Communist spirit. And neither she nor Comrade Chang Chun-chiao let themselves be forced to sign the fascist verdict. Meanwhile, the „political center“ figures applauded, showing that they are nothing but a slide to the Right. Chairman Mao said that when the tiger is not in the jungle, the monkey thinks he is the king. And what happened to the so-called „Chairman“ Hua Kuo-feng? The revisionists ate him for breakfast.
Thus began in China the appropriation of the dictatorship of the proletariat using the Army, the restoration of capitalism. A series of individuals followed who played a temporary role while Teng restored capitalism through dazzle and pragmatism. With this individual, red China became black, the dictatorship of the proletariat became a fascist dictatorship, and the Communist Party became revisionist. Internationally, it applies a great power policy and aims to become a superpower in the next century. In the countryside, a regression has occurred, the Communes have been destroyed, the cooperatives have been dissolved, and it is working towards an allocation of the land that goes as far as allowing it to be leased, all this combined with the great expulsion of the peasants. One of the last battles that the Left fought was the conference on agriculture, in which Hua argued that the main problem was the mechanization of agriculture. And who opposed him was not the peasant leaders from Tachai, but Comrade Chiang Ching. From this we can see once again that the problem is not class origin, but class position. Today, the capitalist way continues to be applied in agriculture, stimulating peasants to produce capitalism 24 hours a day. In industry, the unrestricted opening of the country to imperialist investment has taken place with the establishment of free trade zones, capital export and great material incentives, as well as the promotion of private production and trade, which are advancing with giant steps. This is accompanied by the continuation of the capitalist path in industry. In financial policy: large financial centers and the banks were created for foreign trade and as intermediaries for imperialist investment. The path that Teng applied was the most direct and unrestrained way of returning to capitalism. This one has also pursued the increasing separation of the State and the Party, the breaking of their links, it has changed the structure of the Army, basing it only on arms, and in foreign policy it has applied a great power policy, a policy of give and take with the imperialist powers and superpowers, and all this since 1976.
Teng, like Gorbachev, has recently carried out a counter-revolutionary, revisionist offensive to consolidate his power, but obviously the same thing is happening to the Chinese as to the Soviets. They have severe problems. There are battles between the rulers and the warlords, with the issue being who gets the most benefit from state power. Zhao Shi-yang, for example, has large investments through his son that reach into Hong Kong. Chairman Mao has warned that as the revolution develops and the leaders are not firmly entrenched in Communism, some will begin to emerge who want to use State power for their own benefit and oppose the class and the people in this way. The State coup of 1976 ushered in the return of the warlords, a phenomenon that was already evident in China after the 1911 revolution.
In China, the situation has come to a head. Inflation, the increase in prices, especially of food, the increase in the cost of living has begun. Rural exodus started: there are 55.000.000 peasants who left the rural areas because their land property was taken away from them. New millionaires have appeared. Non-State enterprises and trading companies have proliferated. And in China, the motto propagated by Liu and Teng in the ‚50s prevails: „It is good to get rich, because bringing the wealth of imperialism here is good because it gives work.“ wages are increasingly decreasing and are subject to the so-called „free labor market“. Unemployment increases, which brings a reserve army, that is, there is all the capitalist rot and, in addition, relations with the imperialist world and great powers and the resulting dependence are strengthened. Special schools have again been set up to train the children of the rulers to become future „leaders“, a cause Chairman Mao always opposed.
Thus, the Chinese working class and people are again suffering exploitation and oppression that will continue as long as the fascist dictatorship is not overthrown and the restoration of capitalism is not reversed.
Just as we have noted that the counter-revolutionary revisionist offensive has created difficulties in the USSR, problems are also emerging in China, albeit of a different kind. Already since the death of Chairman Mao, there have been peasant uprisings in China, there has been sabotage, and guerrilla warfare has begun to develop, but these facts are kept quiet. The workers are fighting Teng‘s new regulations for enterprises, demanding the right to strike, which Chairman Mao reinstated in the constitution. The Chinese peasants find themselves once again in a situation of growing poverty, and they are tormented by hunger. Once again they have to sell their daughters, and feudal forms reappear. But don’t the working class and the people remember how it was and see how it is today? And beyond that after a Cultural Revolution? Chairman Mao already said in the GPCR that one of their reasons was that the youth had not had the experience of revolution and had to go through it. And these young people who were 14 to 20 years old in the ‘70s are now in their forties. Is it conceivable that they have forgotten the GPCR, an experience that has left an indelible mark on them? No. As a French scholar said, Chairman Mao had in mind the raising of a future generation.
The Chinese also have economic problems. No one can overlook Japan‘s investment in China, which is a big market because of its population. But they have not been able to carry out their entire plan and all the investments that Teng expected, because Yankee imperialism and others impose conditions and demand collateral. Besides, they have problems in renewing the weapons of their armed forces. They made a fabulous plan for the purchase of ultra-modern weapons, involving several billion dollars, but England, for example, refused to sell them Harriet vertical launchers, and so they cannot get all the weapons systems they hoped for. Besides, the modernization of the army has contributed to their further distance from the people, and thus their army is reducing. This also has to do with the formation of a professional army.
China has also had international problems and border disputes, such as several armed clashes with Vietnam and political setbacks in Kim‘s Korea, where Soviet influence is steadily increasing. It has problems in Africa, Latin America, and oppressed nations due to competition and shortage of capital. Conspicuous and unmistakable are the increase in the cost of living of the people, inflation, wage reduction and the selling off of the land of the peasants. Besides, the problem of dissidents has appeared, which seems to be almost an imitation: Sakharov in Russia, and in China it is also a physicist. There are, as we have already noted, disputes of warlords, as expressed by the deposition of Hu Yao-lang and the existence of the power groups Zhaos, Tengs, etc., disputes that undermine the armed forces themselves.
All this led to the emergence of a powerful mass movement in China, consisting first of hundreds of thousands of youth and then of workers and peasants in Peking, Shanghai and other provincial capitals, leading to the situation in Tien An Men Square, another incident in the heart of Peking. A sharp dispute between factions postponed the armed deployment of Tien An Men until Teng could reassert his influence. But in the process, it can be seen that Teng’s authority has been challenged, not recognized, by Zhao. Teng announced himself with Chou‘s adopted son, Li Peng, who, like many of them, had been trained as a bureaucrat in the Soviet Union. Teng was able to get his way with his faction and oust Zhao by relying mainly on the PLA, which he dominates because the only post he has not relinquished is that of president of the Military Commission. From this we see how the army continues to serve to usurp power and decide the struggle of interest groups, and this means that warlords are being formed, which carries a risk: the division, the breakup of China, and if that were to occur, the ambitions of imperialist powers and world powers to seize part or all of China will intensify. What would it mean if the USSR controlled China? Control of 1.100.000.000 inhabitants, control of the most central and important part of the Pacific basin. What would it mean if the U.S. controlled China? Then it would have the key to Asia and the ability to slow down the USSR from Asia, and control of all of Asia and the Pacific. For both, that would mean an escalation of the struggle for dominance. That is why Bush said that the U.S. should support the so-called democratic movement of Chinese youth, but it should not cross certain boundaries, as this would unbalance Asia. Gorbachev, for his part, expressed his „good wishes“ that he hoped the Chinese government could keep the situation under control, which is nothing but his falsehood. He is worried that perestroika is constantly having bigger problems.
In this way, because of the situation of China and the perspective of what could happen there in the future, the problem of Asia shakes the world.
What is very expressive about the Chinese movement is that groups have appeared with the name „Dare!“, derived from the quote of Chairman Mao, where he says that the whole problem is to dare, and „The Desperate“, which means to be ready for anything to overthrow the fascist dictatorship. It is also very important that posters with the slogan „The people and the people alone are the motive force!“ have appeared. In several cities, workers are marching again with Mao insignia and portraits. The workers express that things were good for them in the past and not today, as they say, „Mao was good, a dollar was a dollar, Teng may be good, but a dollar is only worth ten cents.“ This manifests the people‘s rejection and understanding of the current situation. They say „the armed forces are not for Teng to use“, „Teng is not an emperor“, and in reference to the iron fist of the working class crushing the counter-revolution, they publish drawings of a hammer smashing a small bottle (small bottle in Chinese = Teng). Then there are also forms of struggle such as risking one‘s life in resistance to the repression of the army, and that organizations were formed years ago to defend the revolution. All these facts are expressive, very expressive, and deserve our attention.
Imperialism and its imperialist media spread that a movement for the return to bourgeois democracy has formed in China. Moreover, we do not agree with the statement that „in China, as in the Eastern European countries, a return to a complete bourgeois-democratic system is being sought“, because even if it could be that in the struggle against fascism bourgeois-democratic points of view are expressed, or even that, due to their lack of understanding, the majority speaks of it, this would be only one of the interests in the struggle, the position of a single class, the bourgeoisie. And what is the interest of the classes that make up the people, especially the proletariat? Would their interest cease to be expressed only because of their lost prestige? And besides, isn’t bourgeois democracy one of the ways of the fall of revisionism, a way of the bourgeois development of revisionism? On the other hand, Chairman Mao taught in „On New Democracy“ that in China, the State was discussed for decades, and it was understood that bourgeois democracy was not the right way for China, because what corresponds to its situation is a New Democracy to move to socialism. Does this mean that no one knows the text „On New Democracy“ anymore? That would be absurd, and it would be equally absurd to say that the proletariat and the people in China have forgotten the dictatorship of the proletariat and the great experiences and lessons of the CPMR.
Chairman Mao said in 1975 that what Lenin said about the petty bourgeoisie is being fulfilled in China, namely that it produces capitalism 24 hours a day, and furthermore that the party itself produces the bourgeoisie, and that is why he calls for the study of the dictatorship of the proletariat. He said that there was a wage system in China with various persisting forms of capitalism, and that what Lenin said about the „bourgeois State without bourgeoisie“ was correct. Chairman Mao arranged for the publication of extracts of the texts of Marx, Engels and Lenin on the dictatorship of the proletariat, where it is shown in a very expressive way that the power of the bourgeoisie must be overthrown at gunpoint (Marx).
Chairman Mao also said that since 1911, when the emperor was overthrown, no one has ruled China for a long time with the exception of Chiang Kai-shek, who lasted only 20 years. He said it was possible that after his death, the rightists would take power, but their life would not be easy because the Chinese people would rise up. There was too much political education and experience in China for the treacherous Rightists to feel calm.
The article „The Struggle Between the Legist and Confucian Schools“ (the Legist school is the ideological school that fought against the old order of slaveholding society for feudal society as the new order), published in Peking Review, No. 2 of 1975, takes up Chairman Mao‘s thesis on restoration and counter-restoration. It points out that there was a long period of 250 years of struggle between slaveholding society and feudalism until the latter prevailed. When there was the first restoration, the leaders were disoriented; they did not know what to do, and it was the struggle of the masses, their revolts and war that regained power.
One wonders, „How long has Teng been in power?“ Not even a decade, and Chairman Mao spoke of 20 years. It can be more, but he will fall, because the proletariat and the people in China have gone through the school of relentless political struggle, great class struggle, hard People‘s War and unimaginable cultural revolution. Therefore, the problem for the Communists is not to simply register what the imperialist press spreads about the so-called democratic movement, and even less to claim that a complete bourgeois democracy is aimed at. In any case, the question would be who is striving for it.
Given China‘s experience, we consider this rebellion, this youth uprising, as a re-edition of the May 1919 uprising 70 years ago, when there was a great mobilization of youth and intellectuals that shook China, and two years later, in 1921, the CPCh was founded. We should remember that Chairman Mao refers to these events as the beginning of the democratic revolution in China. Thus, what we are seeing cannot be a simple coincidence, and if we add to that the fact that the proletariat and the people are drawing comparisons between what they had before and what they do not have today, between their existence when Chairman Mao was alive and today, when they are sinking into growing exploitation and oppression, we do not believe that what we are witnessing today is a mere coincidence: Chairman Mao‘s insignia, the formation of „kamikaze“ groups, people ready to die, young people ready to die in the face of a line of armored cars. All this is no mere coincidence, nor are the expressions of support for Chairman Mao in Hunan and northeastern China. It is also no coincidence that the first three sentenced to death are workers; this means that the class is fighting. Thus, all these facts, as well as the forms of mass struggle and open violence used by the Chinese people steeled in them, reveal at least that the example of the Chinese Revolution, Chairman Mao‘s way, continues to live among the people, and the youth ask themselves, „What was the Cultural Revolution like and who led it?“ That is, they are asking how to fight revisionism.
And in the midst of these immense masses, this whole great struggle, this glorious, heroic struggle, at least Communist groups are forming, if they no longer exist. Because by its claws you can recognize the tiger, and the forms of struggle and the ideas that are expressed, such as the formation of human chains to prevent the attacks on the statue of Chairman Mao or the holding up of his portrait show that there are Communists who are regrouping and that they are doing it in the utmost secrecy is understandable. The forms of struggle show other ideas: the attack of the army, the storming and the throwing of incendiary devices at the tanks are steps to take up revolutionary violence as a universal law, means to take up revolutionary violence again, means to understand the army as a support of the fascist dictatorship, and this is what is important to the communists, even if these are only simple seeds, because what interests us is that the working class exists as an economic, political and above all ideological action. Because ideology cannot be buried and will always live and develop in the spirit of the class, of the people. Chairman Mao taught us to have confidence in the masses. He said that in China there are 600.000.000 Maos and they will rise up. Well, they are already beginning to rise up. He foresaw the winding road and said that if the left loses power and the right seizes the dictatorship of the proletariat, the only way left is to wage a new guerrilla war.
In the case that a majority is in favor of bourgeois democracy, this is the target, which is not true in China today. What we Communists have to see is that the class is fighting, it is regrouping, it will bring forth its party again and this will follow Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and solve the problem and the new problems that arise with the weapons, with the people’s war. Not seeing this means parroting in one way or another what imperialism, mainly Yankee imperialism claim.