Bases of Discussion

Comrade Gonzalo's draft for the General Political Line of the Communist Party of Peru.

Proletarians of all countries, unite!



Abimael «Gonzalo» Guzmán
Before January 1988

Selected Works of Abimael «Gonzalo» Guzmán
Switzerland, 2022

Reproduced by
The Red Flag

This document was drafted by Comrade Gonzalo for the 1st Session of the 1st Congress of the Communist Party of Peru, which took place in January-February, 1988. In this major work, the fundamental content of Gonzalo thought is established as the guiding thought of the Communist Party of Peru Peruvian revolution; Gonzalo thought in general was systematized in the Congress document «Concerning Gonzalo Thought». These Bases of Discussion were adopted by the 1st Congress as the General Political Line of the Communist Party of Peru. Together with the Fundamental Documents «On Marxism-Leninism-Maoism», «Concerning Gonzalo Thought» and the Program of the Party, the General Political Line constitutes the basis of Party unity of the Communist Party of Peru.

The Party document released after the 1st Congress was never written with the intention of a broad circulation, but instead for internal Party studies with the aid of one‘s responsible comrade. Therefore, the document has had to be amplified with many notes, and the form edited quite a bit. In particular, the official Party document refers to Comrade Gonzalo in the third person, whereas this document has been edited to reflect his authorship, so that it refers to him in the first person instead. These changes in no way affect the ideological-political content of the work, which together with Comrade Gonzalo‘s reports to the 3rd Plenary Session of the 1st Central Committee of the Party in 1992 constitute the main content of Gonzalo thought.




We have established the International Line of the Communist Party of Peru. As proletarian internationalists, we must begin by unfolding the Peruvian revolution through people‘s war as part of, and at the service of, the proletarian world revolution, thus marching towards our inalterable goal, communism, taking into account that each revolution unfolds within the zigzags of world politics.

In appraising the world situation, we begin from Lenin‘s thesis: «Imperialism‘s economic relations constitute the core of the entire international situation as it now exists. Throughout the 20th century, this new, highest and final stage of capitalism has fully taken shape.»i We also begin from the fact that the distinction between oppressor and oppressed countries is a distinctive feature of imperialism. Therefore, in order to see the current situation we cannot depart from the fundamental contradiction of capitalism, since we are in its last and highest phase, imperialism.

Furthermore, we must uphold what Chairman Mao taught us, that imperialism and all reactionaries are paper tigers, that the people alone are truly powerful, and that: «Working hand in glove, Soviet revisionism and U.S. imperialism have done so many foul and evil things that the revolutionary people the world over will not let them go unpunished. The people of all countries are rising. A new historical period of struggle against U.S. imperialism and Soviet revisionism has begun.»ii We expound that the destruction of imperialism and the reactionaries of all countries to be carried forward by the Communist Parties, directing the proletariat and the peoples of the world, will be an incontrovertible reality. We have to fight against the two imperialist superpowers, U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, against the imperialist powers and the reactionaries of all countries, specifying the conditions of each revolution to determine the main enemy and to avert the actions of the rest.


The victory of the October Revolution in 1917 marked an extraordinary milestone in world history, the end of the bourgeois revolution and the beginning of the proletarian world revolution. This new era was signaled by an intensifying violence expressing the inability of the bourgeoisie to direct the revolution and the maturity of the proletariat to take, direct, and maintain power in the dictatorship of the proletariat. The revolutions of the oppressed nations also occur within this framework.

In the midst of a complex system of wars of all types, imperialism will be sunk along with the reactionaries of all countries, from which socialism will emerge; consequently, revolution and counter-revolution are conscious that only through war are political changes defined. Since war has a class character, there are imperialist wars such as the 1st and 2nd World Wars that were wars of plunder for a redivision of the world; imperialist wars of aggression against oppressed nations such as those of England in the Malvinesiii, U.S. imperialism in Vietnamiv, and social-imperialism in Afghanistanv; and national-liberation wars such as those which are waged in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Since the people‘s war in Peru is a marxist-leninist-maoist, Gonzalo thought war, which does not submit to the imperialist superpowers or powers, it is the vanguard due to its just character and correct directorship. It is a reality that demonstrates to us that the communists should focus on the main aspect, which is developing people‘s war as the main form of struggle to serve the world revolution.

Facing this situation that only through war is the world transformed, we uphold the omnipotence of revolutionary war (meaning people‘s war) as the highest military theory, that of the proletariat, which must be specified according to each type of country, whether imperialist or oppressed, as mapped out by Chairman Mao. Thus, the world people‘s war is an adequate response that serves to prevent the imperialist war or, if it is already happening, to transform it into people‘s war. But as communists, we wage war to eliminate war through war in order to establish an «enduring peace». We are the only ones that fight for peace — not like Reaganvi and Gorbachevvii who make more war the more they speak of peace; they are the warmongers.

In appraising the world in this era, we see that four fundamental contradictions are expressed:

1. The contradiction (capitalism ↔ socialism), referring to the contradiction between two radically different systems, which shall encompass this entire era. This contradiction shall be one of the last to be resolved, and shall endure after the seizure of power.

2. The contradiction (bourgeoisie ↔ proletariat), the contradiction between two antagonistic classes that shall also persist after the seizure of power, manifesting itself in multiple ideological, political and economic forms until its resolution with the arrival of communism.

3. The inter-imperialist contradictions, the contradiction between the imperialists themselves for hegemony in the world. It occurs between the superpowers themselves, between the imperialist superpowers and powers and among the imperialist powers themselves. This contradiction shall be solved during the epoch of the next 50 or 100 years.

4. Contradictions between the oppressed nations and imperialism which is the struggle for the liberation of oppressed nations in order to destroy imperialism and reaction, the resolution of which is also framed within the next 50 or 100 years. During this time, this is the main contradiction, although any one of the four fundamental contradictions can be the main one in accordance with the specific circumstances of the class struggle, temporarily or in certain countries.

In perspective, in order to arrive at our final goal, communism, marxist-leninist-maoists must carry forward three types of revolutions:

1. Democratic revolution, the bourgeois revolution of a new type directed by the proletariat in the oppressed countries, which establishes the joint dictatorship of the proletariat, the peasantry, the small bourgeoisie, and in certain conditions the middle bourgeoisie, under the hegemony of the proletariat.

2. Socialist revolution, in the imperialist and capitalist countries, which establishes the dictatorship of the proletariat.

3. Cultural revolutions, which are made in order to continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. It serves to subdue and eliminate any regeneration of capitalism and to wage armed struggle against attempts at capitalist restoration. They also serve to strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat and the march towards communism.

Just as no class in the world has been able to seize power all at once, but only through a process of restorations and counter-restorations, when the proletariat takes power and establishes its dictatorship, the bourgeoisie‘s zeal to restore capitalism and to recover its power strengthens and opens up a historical process of struggle by the proletariat to maintain and defend its dictatorship and to avert capitalist restoration and the bourgeoisie who wish to recover power. This struggle between restoration and counter-restoration is an undeniable historical law, until the dictatorship of the proletariat is definitively established. In world history, when the feudal class advanced in China, it took 250 years to definitively crush the restoration of slavery; when the bourgeoisie in the West struggled against feudalism to crush the attempts at restoration or the actual restorations of feudalism, it took 300 years to be definitively established in power. And, addressing a revolution in which the proletariat is definitively installed in power, the struggle between restoration and counter-restoration is singularly acute and bitter and will last approximately 200 years, starting from the Paris Commune in 1871. The experiences of capitalist restoration in the Union of Socialist Council Republics and in China leave us with great lessons, positive as well as negative; especially emphasizing the gigantic steps forward in the formation of the new State and how the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the solution to avert restoration.

We, who uphold marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought, reaffirm ourselves in revolutionary violence as the universal law to seize power, and that it is crucial in order to substitute one class by another. Democratic revolutions are carried out with revolutionary violence, socialist revolutions are carried out with revolutionary violence and, in the face of restorations, we shall recover power through revolutionary violence. We shall maintain the continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat with revolutionary violence through cultural revolutions and we will only reach communism through revolutionary violence. As long as there is a place on Earth in which exploitation exists, we shall finish it off through revolutionary violence.

This new era arms us richly, and we communists must strengthen ourselves ideologically, politically, and organizationally to assume the corresponding responsibilities.


The international communist movement operates on the basis of two currents: The international proletarian movement and the national-liberation movement. The first guides and the second is fundamental.

The national-liberation movement. It is waged in the oppressed nations against imperialism and the reactionaries. In the first decade of this century, Lenin paid close attention to the struggles in India, China and Iran. He expounded that the socialist revolution would not be only and exclusively of the proletariat against its bourgeoisie, but also of all the colonies against their oppressors. He said there is a fusion of two forces, the international proletarian movement and the national-liberation movement and, that the weight of the masses in the oppressed nations constitutes most of the population in the world and shall be decisive in the world revolution. He concluded that revolution was shifting to the oppressed nations, but this fact does not negate the revolution in Europe, rather it demonstrated how a socialist State such as the Union of Socialist Council Republics could develop itself in the midst of imperialist encirclement. Developing Marx, Lenin laid the foundations of the strategy for world revolution to undermine imperialism, link the struggle of the national-liberation movement with the struggles of the international proletarian movement, and to develop the revolution. If the slogan for the communists is «Proletarians of all countries, Unite!», he put forth the slogan that should guide the struggle of the two forces: «Proletarians of all countries and people of the world, unite!». Chairman Mao Zedong developed Lenin‘s strategy by centering on the transcendental importance the national-liberation movement has for the world revolution, since imperialism robs more and more from the oppressed nations, which in turn rise up in powerful revolutionary storms that should be directed by their Communist Parties. Thus, the national-liberation movement is grounded on the international proletarian movement and these two forces propel the development of world history. I emphasize that the strategy that we communists must unfold should start from the foundations laid down by Lenin and developed by Chairman Mao.

The international proletarian movement. It is the theory and practice of the international proletariat. The proletariat struggles on three levels: Theoretical, political, and economic. Since the proletariat appears in history as the final class, it does so in constant struggle, highlighted by the following milestones: 1848, where the Communist Manifesto elaborated by Marx and Engels established the foundations and the program of the proletariat. 1871, the Paris Commune, where the proletariat seized power for the first time. 1905, the dress-rehearsal of the revolution. 1917, the triumph of the October Revolution in Russia, where the class established the dictatorship of the proletariat and opened up a new era. 1949, the triumph of the Chinese revolution, where the joint dictatorship directed by the proletariat is established and the passage to the socialist revolution is resolved, thus changing the correlation of forces in the world. In the decade of the 1960s with the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, led by Chairman Mao Zedong, the revolution is continued under the dictatorship of the proletariat in the acute struggle between restoration and counter-restoration.

In its struggle for daily demands the proletariat generates the trade union and the strike, which are not only instruments for the economic struggle, but that forge the class «for the great battles still to come». The strike is the main instrument in the economic struggle and the general strike is a complement to the insurrection, but what Sorelviii, the anarchists, and others expound, that power can be seized by the general strike alone, is wrong. We develop the struggle for daily demands in service of the conquest of power.

The proletariat generates a political apparatus: the Communist Party, which is totally opposed to and different from the other parties, and which has the objective of seizing political power. This is how Marx defined it. Lenin established the characteristics of the Party of the new type, combating the undermining influences of the old revisionism that generated bourgeois labor parties based on the labor aristocracy, the union bureaucracy, parliamentary cretinism, all fitted to the old order. Chairman Mao Zedong developed the building of the Party around the gun and established the need for building the three instruments. I have established the thesis of the militarization of the Communist Parties and concentrically building the three instruments.

The proletariat generates an ideology: marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly maoism for the world revolution and marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought, mainly Gonzalo thought, for the Peruvian revolution.

Marxism was founded on the ideas of Marx. Marx and Engels took the best that humanity had produced: German classical philosophy, English political economy and French socialism, to found the ideology of the proletariat. Marxism has not taken a step in its life without struggling against wrong positions. Thus it had to confront Proudhonix and anarchism, Right-deviations like the supposedly creative developments made by Dühringx, and the opportunist positions that emerged in the Social-Democratic Party of Germany. After old-stlye revisionism subsequently unfolds with Bernsteinxi and Kautskyxii after the death of Engels, Lenin goes on to defeat them. In synthesis, in its first stage marxism establishes the marxist philosophy or dialectical materialism, marxist political economy, and scientific socialism.

Lenin develops marxism and brings it to a second stage, marxism-leninism. He did this through hard struggles fought against old-style revisionism, which negated marxist philosophy, saying neo-Kantianismxiii should be the basis instead; that is idealism and not dialectical materialism. In political economy, they negated the growing impoverishment among the proletariat, and claimed that the proletariat‘s daily demands were being satisfied by capitalism and imperialism. They negated surplus value and imperialism. In scientific socialism, they took aim against the class struggle and revolutionary violence and propagated pacifism.

Revisionism means to revise marxist principles by invoking new circumstances. Lenin said that revisionism is the agent of the bourgeoisie inside the ranks of the proletariat and that to fight effectively against imperialism one must also fight against revisionism, since they are two sides of the same coin. Lenin emphasized that revisionism aims to divide the trade unions and the political movement of the proletariat and that it generates a split in the socialist movement. In this accurate and relentless struggle against revisionism, Lenin further expounded, in connection with the 1st World War, the need to convert the imperialist war into a revolutionary war, unmasking the old revisionists as social-patriots. He pointed out that in revolutionary times one must create new organizations, since the reactionaries strike at the open organizations, and that we should develop clandestine organizations, even for mass work. Afterward, he shaped the October Revolution with the Communist Party through the insurrection.

Stalin continued Lenin‘s work, and in the process of building socialism in the Union of Socialist Council Republics, he struggled against the deviations of Trotskyxiv, Zinovievxv and Kamenevxvi; this struggle concluded in 1937. This was a 13-year struggle and it is untruthful to say that things were administratively resolved. We take up the position of Chairman Mao on the role of Comrade Stalin as being 70% positive. We communists of today have the task of making an adequate analysis of the 2nd World War, the evaluation of the Communist International and, particularly, to study well its 7th Congress and, within this, the role of Comrade Stalin along with the actions of revisionism in France, Italy, and so on.

In developing marxism-leninism, Chairman Mao Zedong raises marxism to its highest peak. Thus the theory of the proletariat becomes marxism-leninism-maoism. He fulfilled this task within the midst of a tenacious and persistent struggle, crushing the Right-opportunist lines within the Communist Party of China. Here we highlight the revisionist line of Liu Shaoqixvii and Deng Xiaopingxviii. On the international level, he directed the struggle against and the defeat of the modern revisionism of Khrushchevxix. He shaped the democratic revolution in China, the transition to the socialist revolution and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. What is fundamental in maoism is power, power for the proletariat, power for the dictatorship of the proletariat, based on a armed force directed by the Party. Maoism is the application of marxism-leninism to the backwards countries, to the strategic offensive of the world revolution, and to the continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Thus we communists have three great swords: our founder Marx, the great Lenin, and Chairman Mao Zedong. Our great task is to uphold, defend, and apply marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly maoism, and place it as the commander and guide of the world revolution.

Continuing the development of marxism-leninism-maoism, developing the Peruvian revolution and supporting the world revolution, we uphold, defend and apply our undefeated and unfading ideology, constituting marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought as the basis of Party unity. For us, Gonzalo thought is the main thing which we must embody, because it is the guarantee of victory that leads us to the democratic revolution, to the socialist revolution, and to the cultural revolutions until communism.

From another perspective, we can see that in the process of the world revolution to sweep imperialism and the reactionaries off the face of the Earth, there are three moments: first, the strategic defensive; second, the strategic stalemate; and third, the strategic offensive of the world revolution. We see this by applying the law of contradiction to the revolution, since contradiction reigns in everything and all contradictions have two aspects in struggle, in this case revolution and counter-revolution. The strategic defensive of the world revolution opposed to the offensive of the counter-revolution began in 1871 with the Paris Commune and ended with the 2nd World War. The strategic stalemate occurred around the victory of the Chinese revolution, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the development of the powerful national-liberation movement. Afterwards, the world revolution entered into the strategic offensive; this moment can be identified in history in connection with the 1980s, in which we see indications such as the Iran-Iraq Warxx, Afghanistan, Nicaraguaxxi, and the initiation of the people‘s war in Peru, an era contained within the «next 50 or 100 years».xxii From there onward the contradiction (capitalism ↔ socialism) will develop, the resolution of which will carry us to communism. Our conception is of a long process, not a short one, with the conviction of reaching communism even if it means passing through a series of twists and turns and the setbacks that will necessarily occur. Furthermore, it is not strange that we should apply the three moments to the world revolution, since Chairman Mao applied them to the process of the protracted people‘s war. As communists, we should see not only the moment, but the long years to come.


In the present situation and in perspective we have entered the strategic offensive of the world revolution, within the «50 or 100 years» in which imperialism and the reactionaries of all countries shall be defeated and we shall enter the stage when the proletariat settles into power and establishes its dictatorship. From there forward the contradiction shall be (socialism ↔ capitalism) on the road towards communism. That restorations have occurred in the Union of Socialist Council Republics and China does not negate the thriving process of development of the international proletariat; rather it shows how fierce the struggle is between restoration and counter-restoration. From this we communists draw lessons to avert the restoration of capitalism and to definitively establish the dictatorship of the proletariat.

We reaffirm ourselves on Chairman Mao Zedong‘s thesis that a period of struggle has begun against U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism; thus the two main enemies are defined at the world level for those who make democratic revolution or socialist revolution, including those who make nationalist movements, and the corresponding task is that each revolution or movement specify its main enemy and avert the domination of the other superpower or of the other powers. In Peru, U.S. imperialism dominates us in collusion with the big bourgeoisie and the landlords. Nevertheless, at the world level, there is contention between the two superpowers for global hegemony. We fight against U.S. imperialism, feudalism and bureaucratic capitalism, but we cannot allow its substitution with the domination of social-imperialism, nor of any other power. In Afghanistan, the direct aggression is by Soviet social-imperialism which contends for hegemony with U.S. imperialism, China, as well as with other Western powers, and there a struggle must be unleashed against social-imperialism as the main enemy and to not permit either the domination of U.S. imperialism or of other powers; the problem is that the struggle is not correctly unfolding due to lack of political directorship, of a Communist Party. In synthesis, there are two superpowers that are the main enemies, with one being the main one in each case, and we do not exempt the actions of the powers.

We consider Chairman Mao Zedong‘s thesis on the differentiation of the three worlds to be just and correct and that it is connected with Lenin‘s thesis on the distribution of forces in the world based on the analysis of classes and contradictions. We reject the opportunist and revisionist distortion by Deng Xiaoping of the three worlds that tends toward following at the tail of the USA and selling out the revolution. From this starting point, we analyze the present situation of the differentiation of the three worlds and demonstrate that it is a reality.

The first world is the two superpowers, the USA and the Soviet Union, which contend for global hegemony and which can unleash an imperialist war. They are superpowers because they are economically, politically, and militarily more powerful than the other powers. The USA has an economy centered on the monopoly of non-State property; politically, it unfolds a bourgeois democracy with a growing restriction of rights. It is a reactionary liberalism. Militarily, it is the most powerful in the West and has a longer process of development. The Soviet Union is economically based on a State monopoly, with a politically fascist dictatorship of a bureaucratic bourgeoisie and is a high-level military power, although its process of development is shorter. The USA seeks to maintain its dominions and also to expand them. The Soviet Union aims more towards expansion because it is a new superpower and economically it is interested in capturing Europe to improve its conditions. In synthesis, they are two superpowers, which do not constitute a bloc, but which have contradictions, clear mutual differences, and they move within the law of collusion and contention for the redivision of the world.

The second world consists of the imperialist powers which are not superpowers, but have less economic, political, and military power such as Japan, Germany, France, Italy, and so on, which have contradictions with the superpowers because they have to go through, for example, the devaluation of the dollar, military restrictions, and political impositions; these imperialist powers want to take advantage of the contention between the superpowers in order for them to emerge as new superpowers, and they also unleash wars of aggression against the oppressed nations, and furthermore, acute contradictions exist among them.

The third world is composed of the oppressed nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. They are colonies or semi-colonies where feudalism has not been destroyed, and on that basis a bureaucratic capitalism unfolds. They find themselves subject to one or another superpower or imperialist power. They have contradictions with imperialism, and furthermore they fight against their own big bourgeoisie and landlords, both of which are at the service of and in collusion with imperialism, especially with the superpowers.

All this gives us the basis on which the communists can establish the strategy and tactics of the world revolution. Chairman Mao Zedong had achieved the establishment of the strategy and tactics of the world revolution, but the Chinese revisionists have concealed it. Therefore, it falls upon us to extract this from his own ideas, most especially if there are new situations, above all in perspective.

Our Party sustains the view that in the current world there are three fundamental contradictions:

1. The contradiction (oppressed nations ↔ imperialist superpowers and powers). Here the thesis on the differentiation of the three worlds is contained, and we formulate it this way because the kernel of that contradiction lies with the superpowers but it is also a contradiction with the imperialist powers. This is the main contradiction and its solution is the development and triumph of new democratic revolutions.

2. The contradiction (proletariat ↔ bourgeoisie), which has as its solution the socialist revolution and in perspective, the proletarian cultural revolution.

3. The inter-imperialist contradictions: Between the superpowers themselves, between the superpowers and the smaller imperialist powers and, finally, among the imperialist powers themselves. This contradiction tends towards war for global hegemony and imperialist wars of plunder which the proletariat must oppose with people‘s war, and in perspective, world people‘s war.

We do not list the contradiction (socialism ↔ capitalism) because today it exists only at an ideological and political level, since socialism does not exist anywhere as a State; today there is no socialist system. It existed, and to say that it exists today it is to claim in essence that the Soviet Union is socialist, which is revisionist.

The need to see the contradictions serves to analyze the world situation and to define its strategy and tactics and within this its strategic and conflicting zones. Today, the most incendiary conflicting points are: South-East Asia where the struggle in Vietnam, Laosxxiii, and Kampucheaxxiv are a focal point in the immense strategic region of Asia, a region where great masses are concentrated, for example in India. If they sufficiently developed Communist Parties, it would serve to powerfully advance the revolution. The Middle East, the great oil center, there is also an acute contest between the superpowers and powers bound to the issues of the Near East and to nationalist and even reactionary movements. Another area is South Africa, where there are guerrilla movements which are usurped by the superpowers or powers to convert them into occupation forces and dominate them. In Latin America there are the important struggles of Central America (Nicaragua and El Salvadorxxv), the explosivity of the Antilles (Haitixxvi, and so on), and the people‘s war in Peru, a marxist-leninist-maoist, Gonzalo thought people‘s war which struggles for an authentic democratic revolution without submitting to any superpower or power. In Europe, where persistent anti-imperialists military actions are developing, it is necessary to study their ideology and the politics that sustains them, the class which they serve, their links to the ideology of the proletariat, and their role within the proletarian world revolution, as well as their position on modern revisionism. These movements express the existence of an uneven revolutionary situation in development in the Old World. Any one of these points of conflict could provide the spark to an imperialist world war, a situation that will occur when the strategic superiority of one of the superpowers is defined. Therefore, it is increasingly urgent and peremptory to rely upon Communist Parties based on marxism-leninism-maoism that are forged for and in people‘s war through their militarization. Strategically defining the zones of primary and secondary importance to make the world revolution is key to establishing the role that each region and each Party should play in the world revolution.

For the Communist Parties, the problem is not to focus attention on the imperialist world war but on people‘s war, since only from this shall proletarian-directed power derive. We consider that while there is imperialism, there is a likelihood that imperialist world wars will develop. What Chairman Mao said is certain, that either revolution will prevent war or world ear will provoke revolution. In order for an imperialist world war to happen, the strategic superiority of one of the superpowers must be defined. According to the reactionary military theoreticians, this situation would unfold at the moment of the first use of atomic weapons, or an overwhelming atomic bombardment by both parties, and a second moment in which great contingents of millions will participate and subsequently (since the objective is the redivision of the spoils, especially the oppressed nations), a conventional war to occupy territories. Then it will enter into a great and ferocious massacre which will have repercussions against the imperialists and will provide even greater reasons for the oppressed nations, the peoples of the world and the class to rise up in people‘s war. Thus, if imperialist world war presents itself: first, we are opposed to it; second, we do not fear it as we center on revolution; third, to focus on revolution means to wage people‘s war directed by the proletariat through its Communist Parties; and fourth, this people‘s war must be specified in each type of country according to the type of revolution. Therefore, the world people‘s war is the agenda.


The history of the international communist movement is a glorious process of struggle through which the communists in the world have fought, and continue to fight, to unite in order to attain their unalterable goal: a communist society. In this heroic struggle, three Internationals were formed.

The International Workers‘ Association, or 1st International, was founded by Marx and Engels in 1864. In hard struggle they opposed and crushed the anarchist positions of Bakuninxxvii and established that there is only one doctrine of the proletariat: marxism. Lenin said that the role fulfilled by the 1st International was to lay down the ideological basis of the doctrine of the proletariat. This International split, and when this was blamed on Marx and Engels they answered that if such a division had not occurred, the International would have died either way, killed by unity which put aside principles. The 2nd International was founded by Engels in 1889. It served to multiply organizations and Parties, but with the death of Engels, old-style revisionism emerged unchecked, which was confronted and crushed by Lenin. This International became bankrupt in the 1st World War when its leaders, such as Kautsky and Bernstein, instead of fighting against the imperialist world war in order to transform it into revolution, supported that war of plunder and their own countries‘ bourgeoisie, turning into social-patriots. In 1919 Lenin organized the 3rd International, the Communist International, conceiving of it as a fighting machine that had to assume the responsibility of the world revolution and the building of the proletarian dictatorship. Two problems emerged in the Communist International during the 1920s which were to have great repercussions: The problem of Germany (or rather, the revolution in an advanced country), and the problem of China (or revolution in a backward country). Afterwards, the situation became more acute with the emergence and triumph of fascism and the question of how to conceive of the United Front. There were the revisionist criteria of Thorezxxviii and Togliattixxix who sought to support rather than destroy the old order, focusing solely on the anti-fascist struggle. It is an urgent task for communists, and for our Party, to evaluate the Communist International, especially its 7th Congress, linked to the 2nd World War and the role of Comrade Stalin. In 1943 the International was dissolved, leaving only an Information

The struggle of the communists to unite at an international level is hard and complex. This was shown in the struggle against modern revisionism after the 2nd World War. Titoxxxi was condemned in 1948. The ideas of Browderxxxii also played a sinister role. The Communist and Workers‘ Parties met in Moscow in 1957 and 1960 after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, in which Khrushchev had already usurped the dictatorship of the proletariat in the Union of Socialist Council Republics and attacked it under the pretext of combating Comrade Stalin. However, the prestige of the Soviet Union was still very great throughout the world, and in such circumstances the meetings of 1957 and 1960 agreed on ambiguous positions, despite of the firm, principled positions upheld by the Communist Part of China (especially those of Chairman Mao), and the Party of Labor of Albania. The positions of Chairman Mao caused the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to alter some of its positions, but the positions of modern revisionism were systematized in 1961, when the Communist Party of the Soviet Union held its 22nd Congress.

Chairman Mao, directing the Communist Party of China, probed the essence of the new revisionism systematized in the «Three Peacefuls» and the «Two Wholes». With «peaceful coexistence», Khrushchev had twisted Lenin‘s thesis that distinguished between relationships among States to those within States to propose that the general line of the international communist movement is «peaceful coexistence». For Khrushchev, the problem was to prevent war, because according to him, atomic weapons did not distinguish between exploiters and exploited and humans had to fraternize in order to prevent the extinction of humanity. «Peaceful transition» proposed that revolution no longer required revolutionary violence but that one social system could be transformed into another through the «peaceful road»: through elections or parliamentarism. The concept of «peaceful competition» expressed the idea that in order to destroy the imperialist system, the socialist system had to compete with it in order to demonstrate to the imperialists that the socialist system is superior, and thus encourage the imperialists to become socialists. The «State of the whole people» was the revisionist thesis with which Khrushchev intended to negate the class character of the State. It was specifically aimed against the dictatorship of the proletariat. The «party of the whole people» was another monstrosity which negated the class character of the Party as the party of the proletariat. Thus, Khrushchev maintained that the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was the new program of the communists, and the Communist Manifesto was substituted by the bourgeois slogans of «liberty», «equality» and «fraternity». The Manifesto is the program of the communists, and its negation incited and sharpened the struggle between marxism and revisionism.

On June 14th, 1963, «A Proposal Concerning the General Line of the International Communist Movement» (also known as «the Chinese letter») was published. It was followed by the circulation of the «Nine Comments», in which Chairman Mao and the Communist Party of China brilliantly unmasked and crushed modern revisionism in all aspects.

We understand that Chairman Mao and the Communist Party of China felt that because the political and ideological basis — which had to be marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought — had not yet been defined, it was inconvenient to form a new Communist International under such circumstances. This was mainly due to the fact that the Party of Labor of Albania, led by Enver Hoxhaxxxiii, did not accept Mao Zedong thought and aimed for an International based only on marxism-leninism, disregarding the new developments. In essence, Hoxha was opposed to Mao Zedong thought.

The growing influence of Chairman Mao in the world unfolded with the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The Communist Party of China centered on very urgent problems, such as recovering power in the People‘s Republic of China from the usurpation by the revisionists Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, and on how to continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. Thus Chairman Mao, in the class struggle against revisionism at the national and international level, became the great teacher of the proletariat and the Leadership of the world revolution. His thought developed into the third stage of marxism. In that era, communists referred to this development as «Mao Zedong thought». The Communist Party of Peru adopted marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought as the basis of Party unity at the 6th National Conference in January 1969. This was achieved as a result of the struggle which I and the Red Faction of the Party carried out; we had been adhering to marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought since 1966. I had already upheld the positions of Chairman Mao in 1962, and on the basis of that viewpoint went on to forge the Red Faction of the Communist Party of Peru. We authentic communists were waiting for the Communist Party of China to define maoism as the third stage of marxism, but with the death of Chairman Mao in September 1976, the Chinese revisionists pulled off a counter-revolutionary coup aimed at Chairman Mao and his thought. Thus, the unity of the marxists encountered serious and complex problems, but the Communist Party of Peru remained firm and unshakable in the defense of marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought, immediately unmasking the counter-revolutionary coup and the revisionist usurpation in China. It was at that time that the Enlarged Meeting of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of Peru in October 1976 declared that «to be a marxist is to adhere to marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought».

With the death of Chairman Mao and the revisionist usurpation in China by Deng and his gang, the communists were left scattered in the world without a center or base for world revolution; the counter-revolutionaries brandished their claws to negate Chairman Mao and the validity of marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought, unleashing the triple revisionist assault by Deng Xiaoping (Chinese revisionism), Hoxha (Albanian revisionism), and Brezhnevxxxiv (Russian revisionism). Facing this situation at the 1st National Conference of the Communist Party of Peru in November 1979, I called upon the whole Party to defend and apply marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought against the revisionist triple assault. The Party remained firm in these positions and carried forward an unalterable, principled position. In 1980 the Communist Party of Peru launched the people‘s war based on marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought; it is in applying and developing the people‘s war that the Communist Party of Peru has advanced further in the comprehension of maoism as the third stage of marxism. Hence, at the 2nd National Conference held in May 1982, the Party agreed that marxism-leninism-maoism was the third stage of marxism. Thus, the Communist Party of Peru was the only Party in the world in the forefront of the defense of maoism, and assumed the task of struggling for the unity of the marxist-leninist-maoists of the world so that this ideology be the commander and guide of the Peruvian and world revolution.

The application of marxism-leninism-maoism must be specified to each revolution, so that it does not become a mechanical application. For this reason, the Peruvian revolution has generated Chairman Gonzalo and Gonzalo thought, which is the main aspect in the basis of Party unity. Thus, each revolution must specify its guiding thought, without which there can be no application of marxism-leninism-maoism, nor any development of the revolution.

In the Fall of 1980, 13 Communist Parties and organizations signed a statement, «To the Marxist-Leninists, Workers, and the Oppressed of All Countries», calling upon communists to unite around marxism-leninism and to uphold Chairman Mao, but without considering maoism as a new stage with universal validity. The Revolutionary Communist Party, USAxxxv mainly carried out this effort. In 1983 the Revolutionary Communist Party contacted the Communist Party of Peru and invited it to sign the 1980 statement. The Communist Party of Peru did not agree to such a statement since Mao Zedong thought was not considered therein; furthermore, we were already basing ourselves on marxism-leninism-maoism. In March 1984, the 2nd Conference of these organizations was completed and the Revolutionary Internationalist Movementxxxvi was founded which approved a joint declaration, which talks about uniting around marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought. Our position on the incorporation of the Communist Party of Peru within the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement is condensed in a letter written to the Committee of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement dated October 1986:

«We wish to reiterate two questions about this point. First, from the beginning of our ties, the origin of our differences was the substantive and decisive question of marxism-leninism-maoism as the only, true and new stage in the development of the proletarian ideology having universal validity, with maoism as the key to the question. Consequently, our disagreement with the expression ‹marxism-keninism-Mao Zedong thought›. Nevertheless, we have thought and still think that the resolution of this matter, which for us is indispensable as a point of departure, is complex, demands time, and especially developing revolution.»

«Second, in signing the Declaration derived from the 2nd Conference which founded the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, we did so with observations and even clear opposition, which was expressly set forth in brief. We reiterated these issues in meetings, reports, and communications which clearly indicate differences on the principle contradiction, the revolutionary situation of unequal development, on world war, and on some criteria on the role of the Movement, and other more important issues, such as the universal validity of marxism-leninism-maoism, and in particular the general validity of people‘s war (the expression of proletarian military theory that our class has recently developed totally and completely with Chairman Mao Zedong), and our insistence in always raising the great slogan, ‹Proletarians of all countries, unite!. Nevertheless, we thought and continue to think that the Declaration contains and continues to contain a relative basis of unity whose development and improvement will be demanded by the very advance of the Movement, as facts are plainly demonstrating already.»

«Today, the Declaration has been repudiated by some as opportunist. Others assert that it is insufficient to resolve the burning problems that the revolution demands, and therefore, we should move on to a new declaration. The Communist Party of Peru believes that the Revolutonary Internationalist Movement faces problems on various levels: On the ideological level, it needs to advance towards the understanding of marxism-leninism-maoism. This advance is the main one, and even political development hinges upon it. On the political level, it needs to advance in defining the fundamental contradictions and the main global contradiction, the question of the 3rd World War, that revolution is the main tendency, and given an imperialist war transforming it into people‘s war. In regards to building the Movement, what political lines we must follow to achieve the formation of the International that we need, which must be the continuation of the glorious international communist movement. Concerning mass work, our points of departure are the slogans ‹The masses make history!, ‹It‘s right to rebel! and ‹The colossal garbage heap…xxxvii, and that the purpose of mass work is to initiate or develop people‘s war. In regards to directorship, it is key, requiring time for its formation, development, and recognition of authority. In regards to two-line struggle, it is not being handled as it should be. These are problems of development, but if they are not addressed justly and correctly, they can cause phenomena of disarticulation, and these negative possibilities necessarily cause us concern. We believe that the Committee of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement aims to impose the denomination of ‹marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought›, trying to frame us within the Declaration, and thus resolve the problems of directorship of the Committee, which gives reason to believe in the existence of hegemonic tendencies.»

Taking this situation into account, we reaffirmed ourselves at the 4th National Conference of the Communist Party of Peru in October 1986 to unfold ourselves as a faction within the international communist movement in order to place marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly maoism, as the commander and guide of the world revolution. We call to: «Uphold, Defend, and Apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Mainly Maoism!», since only through this shall the international proletariat, through its Communist Parties, be able to direct the conquest of power and emancipate the oppressed so they can emancipate themselves as a class.

We are for the refounding of the Communist International, and we regard the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement as a step in that direction. It will serve this purpose as long as it bases itself upon and follows a just and correct ideological and political line.

The struggle to impose marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly maoism as the commander and guide of world revolution will be long, complex and difficult, but in the end, the marxist-leninist-maoists of the world shall succeed. Marxism has not taken one step forward in its life without struggle.




Upholding, defending and applying marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly maoism, we establish that the Peruvian revolution in its historical course must first be a democratic revolution, then a socialist revolution, which in turn must unfold cultural revolutions in order to reach communism, all in an uninterrupted process by carrying out people‘s war and specifying its character. To reach this conclusion, our starting point is what Marx taught us, that Germany needed a second edition of the Peasant War of the 16th century, that it would have to channel the democratic energy of the peasantry. Later, Lenin developed this point further, holding that since the bourgeoisie is a decrepit class and since the peasantry have raised the necessity of destroying feudalism, they could only concretize a democratic revolution under the directorship of the proletariat. Afterwards, Chairman Mao established «On New Democracy», in which he points out that the new-democratic revolution forms part of the proletarian world revolution; it proposes a joint dictatorship of the revolutionary classes which must be formed in opposition to the bourgeois dictatorship, which can only be fulfilled under the directorship of the proletariat.

We must take into account the specific conditions of Peru, such as the following: In Peru‘s historical process there has not been a bourgeois revolution, since the bourgeoisie was incapable of directing it; therefore the land question and the national question are two pending problems to be solved; that we are in the era of imperialism and of the proletarian world revolution, therefore, the proletariat is the class that takes up the destruction of imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism and semi-feudalism, not for the benefit of the bourgeoisie but rather for the proletariat, the mainly poor peasantry, the small bourgeoisie and the middle bourgeoisie; that the Peruvian proletariat has matured with a Communist Party of a new type capable of directing the revolution; and that the democratic revolution of the old type is no longer appropriate, but instead a bourgeois revolution of a new type is needed; and that this type and all revolutions today can only be fulfilled through people‘s war, the main form of struggle, and by the revolutionary armed forces, the main form of organization.

Thus, we establish the character of Peruvian society as semi-feudal and semi-colonial in which bureaucratic capitalism develops. We also set the targets of the revolution, the tasks to undertake, and we define the social classes and outline the essence of the democratic revolution, how it shall be realized today and its perspectives.


Basing ourselves on historical materialism, we analyze the process of Peruvian history and show that in the old society an agrarian order unfolded based on the ayllu, which was a communal agrarian order which was beginning to develop a form of slavery, the Inca Empire established through wars of domination. Later, in the 16th century, the Spanish brought a decrepit feudal system and imposed it by force of arms against the resistance of the natives, and Peru became feudal and colonial; afterwards, with independence, Spanish domination was broken, but the feudal system was not. The emancipators were landowners and the peasants were not able to conquer the land. The 19th century expresses an intense struggle between England and France to dominate us; by the mid-century, the first sprouts of capitalism begin to develop on the existing feudal basis. All this process in Peru is going to mean a change: The passage from feudalism to semi-feudalism and from colonialism to semi-colonialism.

Later, in characterizing contemporary Peruvian society, I said: «[…] contemporary Peru is a semi-feudal and semi-colonial society in which bureaucratic capitalism develops Although Mariáteguixxxviii had defined this well in Point Three of the Program of the Constitution of the Party, it is in the light of marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly of maoism, that we have demonstrated how this semi-feudal and semi-colonial character maintains itself and develops new forms, and in particular how bureaucratic capitalism has developed on this foundation throughout the entire process of contemporary society. This a question of transcendental importance in order to understand the character of society and of the Peruvian revolution.

Bureaucratic capitalism is a fundamental thesis of Chairman Mao‘s that is not yet understood nor accepted by all the marxists throughout the world, which for obvious historical reasons was not known to Mariátegui, and that we apply to the concrete conditions of our country. In order to analyze the contemporary social process, one must start from three intimately linked questions: The moments that bureaucratic capitalism is going through; the process of the proletariat shaped in its highest expression, the Communist Party; and the road that the revolution must follow. Since 1895 three historical moments can be differentiated in contemporary Peruvian society: 1st Moment. The development of bureaucratic capitalism. The founding of the Communist Party of Peru. Definition and outlining of the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside. 2nd Moment. The deepening of bureaucratic capitalism. Refounding of the Communist Party of Peru. Establishment of the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside. 3rd Moment. The general crisis of bureaucratic capitalism. The Communist Party of Peru directs the people‘s war. Application and development of the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside.

At the same time, contemporary Peruvian society is in a generalized crisis, a serious and incurable illness that can only be transformed through the armed struggle. The Communist Party of Peru is directing the people in carrying this out, as there is no other solution.

Why is Peru semi-feudal? I have stated: «The decrepit semi-feudal system continues subsisting and marks the country from its deepest foundations to its most elaborate ideas. In essence, it persistently maintains the land question unresolved, which is the motor of the class struggle of the peasantry, especially of the poor peasants that are the immense majority.» I stress that the land question continues subsisting because the semi-feudal relationships of exploitation allow semi-feudalism to evolve, and it is the basic problem of society that is expressed in land, serfdom, and gamonalism.xxxix We must see these conditions in all their aspects, economic, political, and ideological, in both the base and superstructure. The peasantry constitutes about 60% of the population, which for centuries has worked the land, but it is tied to big property and to serfdom. A great concentration of land exists in a few hands, with both associative and non-associative formsxl, and the immense majority of the peasantry are the poor peasants who do not have land, or if they have it they have very little, thus giving rise to the small landownership submitted to the appetites of the big landownership.

This condition crushes the peasantry in a system of serfdom that, as Lenin taught, presents itself in a thousand and one forms, but the essence of which is personal subjugation. Thus we see forms centered around relations of serfdom, such as unpaid work in the SAISxli, CAPSxlii, peasant groups, in the People‘s Cooperationxliii, PAITxliv, PROEMxlv, and so on. Beyond this, it is known that in the countryside for every three peasants able to work only one works, and the State tries to channel the unused labor to benefit itself with unpaid labor. We can also observe, particularly in the Highland region, an autarchic economy on the margin of the national economy.

Reaffirming ourselves in marxism-leninism-maoism, we uphold the principle that agrarian reform consists of the destruction of feudal landlord property; in the individual distribution of land to the peasantry under the slogan «Land to the tiller!», which is achieved through the people‘s war and the new power, directed by the Communist Party. This is equivalent to Lenin‘s thesis that there are two roads in agriculture: The landlord‘s road, which is reactionary, evolves feudalism and supports the old State, and the peasant‘s road, which is progressive, destroys feudalism and tends towards a new State.

Next, we accurately establish the character and the results of the agrarian laws passed by the old State, proving the subsistence of semi-feudalism, the existence of which today is often denied. We characterized the Law of Bases of Pérez Godoyxlvi of 1962, Law 15037 of 1964 and Law 17716 of 1969 (essentially corporative laws that fomented big associative property) as being three laws for buying and selling, executed by the bureaucratic apparatus of the State in order to develop bureaucratic capitalism. We should be warned of the fact that the Law of Promoting Agriculture of 1980 treats the land question as resolved and at the same time advocates associative property and the return of the gamonals to invigorate bureaucratic capitalism, which is also under the control of the big bankers and has the direct participation of U.S. imperialism. This is the path that the fascist and corporatist APRAxlvii government follows, retaking the fascist and corporative «agrarian reform» of Velascoxlviii, raising cries of «revolutionizing agriculture» to thus strengthen gamonalism; which treats the land question as resolved and centers on productivity; which established the Community Law and the Peasant Patrol Lawxlix in order to deepen bureaucratic capitalism and to spread it to every corner of the country; which calls the masses to corporativization, aiming at the peasant communities as the foundation of their corporative zeal, which equally serves the creation of the micro-regions and regionsl, CORDESli and other fascist and corporative creations. All of this signifies nothing except new forms of concentration of the old big-landowner property, still not destroyed, and it is the old landlord‘s road followed in contemporary Peru that was promoted in the 1920s, deepened in the 1950s and especially in the 1960s, and which is still pursued today under new conditions.

This landlord‘s road is expressed politically in the old State through gamonalism; as Mariátegui says, gamonalism does not only designate a social and economic category, but an entire phenomenon represented not only by the gamonals, but which also encompasses a large hierarchy of officials, intermediaries, agents, parasites, and so on, and the central factor of this phenomenon is the hegemony of big semi-feudal property in politics and in the mechanism of the State, which should be attacked at its root. We should especially emphasize the manifestations of semi-feudalism in politics and in the mechanism of the State by conceiving of gamonalism as the political manifestation of semi-feudalism upon which this regime of serfdom is supported, in which lords and servants, who change outfits according to the government in turn, represent the old State in the remotest villages of the country. This is the factor which the spearhead of the democratic revolution is targeted at, since this is an agrarian war.

Why is it semi-colonial? The modern Peruvian economy was born subjugated to imperialism, the last phase of capitalism, which was masterfully characterized as monopolistic, parasitical and moribund. Imperialism, even though it consents to our political independence as long as it serves its interests, still controls the entire economic process of Peru: our natural wealth, export products, industry, banking and finances. In synthesis, it sucks the blood of our people, devours our energies of a nation in formation, and most strikingly today it exploits us and other oppressed nations with the external debt.

We first reaffirm ourselves in Lenin‘s thesis, later accurately developed by Chairman Mao, in order to define the semi-colonial character of our society. In synthesis, Lenin established that there are many forms of imperialist domination, but two are typical: the colony, which is the complete domination by the imperialist country on the oppressed nation or nations, and an intermediate form; and the semi-colony, in which the oppressed nation is politically independent but economically subjugated. It is an independent republic, but one that finds itself subjected to the ideological, political, economic, and military web of imperialism no matter if it has a government of its own. We reject the term «neo-colony» used by the revisionists in the 1960s, the basis of which is the conception that imperialism applies a softer form of domination and which led the revisionists to the characterization of a «dependent country». Later, applying Chairman Mao‘s thesis that a period of struggle was opening up against the two superpowers that contend for the repartition of the world, and that one must specify who is the main enemy at the moment, we define that the main imperialism that dominates Peru is U.S. imperialism, but assert that one must ward off Russian social-imperialism that penetrates the country more each day, as well as the actions of the imperialist powers that are not superpowers. Thus the proletariat, in directing the democratic revolution, shall not be tied to any imperialist superpower or power and maintains its ideological, political, and organizational independence. In conclusion, we demonstrate that Peruvian society continues to be a nation in formation, and that its semi-colonial character continues, showing itself as such in all fields and under the new conditions.

Regarding bureaucratic capitalism, I have stated that comprehending it is essential to the understanding of Peruvian society. Taking up Chairman Mao‘s thesis, we can see that it has five characteristics:

1. Bureaucratic capitalism is the capitalism that imperialism develops in the backward countries, which is comprised of the capital of big landlords, big bankers, and the magnates of the big bourgeoisie.

2. It exploits the proletariat, the peasantry and the small bourgeoisie and restricts the middle bourgeoisie.

3. It passes through a process in which bureaucratic capitalism is combined with the power of the State and becomes comprador and feudal State-monopoly capitalism, from which can be derived that in a first moment it unfolds as a non-State big-monopoly capitalism and in a second moment, when it is combined with the power of the State, it unfolds as State-monopoly capitalism.

4. It ripens the conditions for the democratic revolution as it reaches the apex of its development.

5. Confiscating bureaucratic capital is key to reaching the pinnacle of the democratic revolution and it is decisive to pass over to the socialist revolution.

In applying the above, we conceive of bureaucratic capitalism as the capitalism that imperialism generates in the backward countries, which is tied to a decrepit feudalism and subjugated to imperialism, which is the last stage of capitalism. This system does not serve the majority of the people but only the imperialists, the big bourgeoisie, and the landlords. Mariátegui established that the bourgeoisie, for example, upon creating banks, generates a capital which has surrendered to imperialism and is tied to feudalism. We have masterfully established that the capitalism that is unfolding in Peru is a bureaucratic capitalism hindered by the surviving shackles of semi-feudalism that bind it on the one hand, and on the other hand is subjugated to imperialism, which does not permit the development of the national economy; it is thus a bureaucratic capitalism that oppresses and exploits the proletariat, the peasantry and the small bourgeoisie, and that restricts the middle bourgeoisie. Why? Because the capitalism that develops is a delayed process that only allows an economy to serve imperialist interests. It is a capitalism that represents the big bourgeoisie, the landlords and the rich peasants of the old type, the classes that constitute a minority but which exploit and oppress the large majority, the masses.

We analyze the process that bureaucratic capitalism has followed in Peru, the first historical moment which develops from 1895 to the 2nd World War, in which, during the 1920s, the comprador bourgeoisie assumes control of the State, displacing the landlords but respecting their interests. The second moment is from the 2nd World War to 1980, a period of its deepening, during which a branch of the big bourgeoisie evolves into the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, which began in 1939 during Prado‘s first governmentlii when the participation of the State in the economic process begins. Subsequently, this participation has grown more and more, and is due to the fact that the big bourgeoisie, because of a lack of capital, is not capable of deepening bureaucratic capitalism. Thus a clash between both factions of the big bourgeoisie is generated, between the bureaucratic and the comprador bourgeoisie. In 1968, the bureaucratic bourgeoisie takes the directorship of the State through the armed forces by means of Velasco‘s military coup, which in turn generates a great growth in the State economy. The number of State-owned companies, for example, increased from 18 to 180; therefore the State passes to become the motor of the economy directed by the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, but it is during this moment that the economy enters into a grave crisis. The third moment is from 1980 onward, in which bureaucratic capitalism enters into a general crisis and its final destruction, a moment which begins with the people‘s war. Since it is a capitalism that is born in critical condition, sick, rotten, tied to feudalism and subjugated to imperialism, at this time it enters into a general crisis, its destruction, and no measure can save it. At best it shall lengthen its agony. On the other hand, like a beast in mortal agony, it will defend itself by seeking to crush the revolution.

If we see this process from the people‘s road, in the first moment the Communist Party of Peru was founded by Mariátegui in 1928, and the history of the country was divided into two; in the second, I refounded Communist Party of Peru as a Party of a new type and revisionism was purged; and in the third, the Communist Party of Peru began directing the people‘s war, a transcendental milestone which radically changed history by taking the qualitatively superior leap of making the conquest of power a reality by way of armed force and the people‘s war. All of this only proves the political aspect of bureaucratic capitalism that is rarely emphasized, but which I consider to be the key question: bureaucratic capitalism ripens the conditions for revolution, and today, as it enters into its final phase, it ripens the conditions for the development and victory of the revolution.

It is also very important to see how bureaucratic capitalism is shaped by non-State monopoly capitalism and by State monopoly capitalism, that is the reason why I differentiate between the two factions of the big bourgeoisie, the bureaucratic and the comprador, in order to avoid tailing behind one or the other, a problem that led our Party to 30 years of wrong tactics. It is important to understand it this way, since the confiscation of bureaucratic capitalism by the new power leads to the completion of the democratic revolution and the advance into the socialist revolution. If only State-monopoly capitalism is targeted, the other part would remain free, non-State-monopoly capital, and the big comprador bourgeoisie would remain economically able to lift its head to snatch away the directorship of the revolution and prevent its transition to the socialist revolution.

Furthermore, we should generalize our understanding of bureaucratic capitalism. It is not a process peculiar to China or to Peru, but instead follows the belated conditions in which the various imperialists subjugate the oppressed nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, at a time when these oppressed nations have not yet destroyed the vestiges of feudalism, much less developed capitalism.

In synthesis, the key question to understand the process of contemporary Peruvian society and the character of the revolution is this marxist-leninist-maoist, Gonzalo thought thesis on bureaucratic capitalism, which is a contribution to the world revolution that we marxist-leninist-maoists have firmly assumed with Gonzalo thought.

What type of State is sustained by this semi-feudal and semi-colonial society, upon which bureaucratic capitalism is unfolding? We have analyzed contemporary Peruvian society and base ourselves on the masterful maoist thesis in «On New Democracy», which expounds that the many State systems in the world can be classified according to their class character into three fundamental types:

1. Republics under the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, which also include the old democratic States and may include the States under the joint dictatorship of the landlords and the big bourgeoisie.

2. Republics under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

3. Republics under the joint dictatorship of the revolutionary classes.

On this basis we establish that the character of the old reactionary State in Peru is of the first type, a joint dictatorship of the landlords and the big bourgeoisie, the bureaucratic or comprador bourgeoisie that in collusion and contention struggle for the directorship of the State. Since the historical tendency in Peru is that the bureaucratic bourgeoisie imposes itself, this necessarily implies a very acute and long struggle, especially since today the bureaucratic bourgeoisie is in command of the old landlord-bureaucratic State.

At the same time we differentiate between the State system and the government system. They are two parts of a whole; the former being the place that classes occupy within the State and the latter is the form in which power is organized. Chairman Mao taught us that the main thing is to define the class character of a State, since the forms of government that are introduced can be civilian or military, with elections or by decree, liberal-democratic or fascist, but they always represent the dictatorship of the reactionary classes. To not see the old State in this way is to fall into the trap of identifying a dictatorship with a military regime and to think that a civilian government is not a dictatorship, thus tailing behind one of the factions in the big bourgeoisie behind the tale of «defending democracy» or «avoiding military coups», positions that instead of destroying the old State support it and defend it. Such is the case in Peru with the revisionists and opportunists of the United Left.liii

The old State is subordinated to imperialism, in our case mainly U.S. imperialism, which is propped up by its spine, the reactionary armed forces, and counts on an ever-growing bureaucracy. The armed forces have the same character as the State that they support and defend.

I have clearly stated: «It is this social system that the ruling classes and their U.S. imperialist masters grow fat on and defend with blood and fire, through their landlord-bureaucratic State sustained by their reactionary armed forces; constantly exercising their class dictatorship (of the big bourgeoisie and landlords), either through a de facto military government […] or through governments stemming from elections and so-called constitutional ones […]» and «[…] this decrepit system of exploitation destroys and halts the powerful creative forces of the people, the only forces capable of the deepest revolutionary transformation […].»


There are three targets of the democratic revolution: Imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism and semi-feudalism, with one of them being the main target according to the moment in which the revolution takes place. Today, in the period of the agrarian war, the main target is semi-feudalism.

Imperialism is the second target, mainly U.S. imperialism — because for us it is the main imperialism that dominates and that tries to ensure its dominance more and drives home our situation as a semi-colonial country — but we must also ward off penetration by Russian social-imperialism and of the other imperialist powers. We must use the various factions of the old State to sharpen their contradictions and isolate the main enemy in order to strike at it.

Bureaucratic capitalism is the third target. It is the constant barrier of the democratic revolution; it acts to maintain semi-feudalism and semi-colonialism at the service of imperialism. And so is semi-feudalism that subsists today in new forms but which still constitutes the basic problem of the country.


1. To destroy imperialist domination, mainly U.S. imperialism in the case of Peru, while warding off the actions of the other superpower, Russian social-imperialism, and of the other imperialist powers.

2. To destroy bureaucratic capitalism by confiscating both big State- and non-State-monopoly capital.

3. To destroy the property of the feudal landlords, confiscating both the big associative and non-associative properties, with distribution of the land on an individual basis under the slogan «Land to the tiller!», primarily and mainly to the poor peasants.

4. To support middle capital, which is allowed to work while we impose conditions on it.

All of this implies the collapse of the old State through the people‘s war with armed revolutionary force and the directorship of the Communist Party in building a new State.


I have defined the social classes which must be united according to the conditions of the revolution: the proletariat, the peasantry (mainly the poor peasants), the small bourgeoisie and the middle bourgeoisie. The classes we aim against are: landlords of the old and the new type and the big bureaucratic bourgeoisie or comprador bourgeoisie.

I have said: «[…] the peasantry is the main motive force […] with a fundamental daily demand of ‹Land to the tiller!›, raised many times each century, which despite its courageous struggles has yet to achieve it»; «[…] the proletariat […] the directing class of our revolution […] that in the long, arduous struggle has torn only starvation wages and has conquered only crumbs from their exploiters, only to lose them through each economic crisis that society endures; a proletariat that suffers within a sinister iron circle […]»; «a small bourgeoisie with broad strata, which corresponds to a backward country, that sees its dreams shattered in time to the unstoppable impoverishment that the prevailing social order imposes on it»; and «a middle bourgeoisie, a national bourgeoisie that is weak and lacks capital, which develops swaying and split between revolution and counter-revolution […].» «Four classes that historically make up the people and the motive forces of the revolution, but of them all it is mainly the poor peasantry which is the main driving force.»

I give particular importance to the scientific organization of the poor, a thesis that comes from Marx and that for us implies organizing the mainly poor peasantry and the poorest masses of the cities into a Communist Party, a People‘s Guerrilla Army and a new State that is concretized through people‘s committees. We have established a relationship that to speak of the peasant question is to speak of the land question, and to speak of the land question is to speak of the military question, and to speak of the military question is to speak of the question of power, of the new State which we shall reach through the democratic revolution directed by the proletariat through its Party, the Communist Party. We have established that in the people‘s war, the peasant question is fundamental and the military question is the guide. Furthermore, without the peasantry in arms there is no hegemony in the Front. It is then of great significance to understand that the peasant question is fundamental and it sustains all of the actions in the democratic revolution. It is important even in the socialist revolution.

The proletariat is the directing class, and it is this class which guarantees the communist course of the revolution. It is this class which united with the peasantry makes up the worker-peasant alliance, the basis of the Front. It is a proletariat that is concentrated largely in the capital and is proportionally greater than in China, but in terms of percentage decreases day by day in Peru, a specific situation that presents itself as we apply the democratic revolution. For this reason we wage the people‘s war in the cities as a complement. This class has arrived today to the formation of a Communist Party, a marxist-leninist-maoist, Gonzalo thought party that has generated a People‘s Guerrilla Army which it directs absolutely and a new State which it directs in a joint dictatorship, a Party that through almost 20 years of refounding and seven of directing the people‘s war has affected a great historical leap upon the people. It is vital to understand the directing role of the proletariat in the democratic revolution, since it guarantees the correct course towards communism. Without the directorship of the proletariat the democratic revolution would evolve into an armed actions under the directorship of the bourgeoisie and would fall under the tutelage of a superpower or imperialist power.

To the above two classes are added the small bourgeoisie, and taken together they are the solid trunk of the revolutionary Front, which is no more than a front for the people‘s war and a framework of the alliance of classes that makes up the new State, the people‘s committees in the countryside and the Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People in the cities.

Concerning the middle bourgeoisie, today it does not participate in the revolution, but its interests are respected.liv It is not a target of the democratic revolution; it is a class that suffers ever-greater restrictions from the reactionaries, but it is of dual character, and in the course of the democratic revolution it can join the side of the revolution at any moment. If the interests of the middle bourgeoisie were not taken into account, then the revolution would change character; it would no longer be democratic but socialist.

From all this we derive that the new State that we are forming in the democratic revolution shall be a joint dictatorship, an alliance of four classes directed by the proletariat through its Party, the Communist Party — a dictatorship of workers, peasants, small bourgeois and under certain conditions national or middle bourgeois; a dictatorship that today is of three classes, since the middle bourgeois do not participate in the revolution, but their interests are respected. These classes make up the new-democratic dictatorship in terms of the State system and the people‘s assembly in terms of the government system.


In the democratic revolution there exist three fundamental contradictions: (Nation ↔ Imperialism), (People ↔ Bureaucratic Capitalism) and (Masses ↔ Feudalism). Depending on the periods of the revolution, any one of these can be the main contradiction. Today, as we develop an agrarian war, if we carefully take note of the three, the main contradiction is (Masses ↔ Feudalism). This has a process of development in the different phases of the war, thus in our case the main contradiction of (Masses ↔ Feudalism) has unfolded as (Masses ↔ Government), and later shall be (New State ↔ Old State) and its perspective is (Communist Party ↔ Reactionary Armed Forces).


The democratic revolution is the indispensable first stage of the revolution in the oppressed nations, which shall pass through various periods according to how such contradictions are resolved. We conceive of an unbreakable relationship and an uninterrupted road between the democratic revolution and the second stage, which is the socialist revolution, and its perspective is a series of cultural revolutions in order to arrive at communism, in the service of the world revolution. As such, we have a maximum program and a minimum program, the minimum being the program of the democratic revolution that is specified in each period and which implies a new politics — the joint dictatorship of four classes; a new economy — confiscation of big imperialist capital, of bureaucratic capitalism, and of the big feudal landlord property, with land distribution on an individual basis to the mainly poor peasants; and a new culture — national, or rather anti-imperialist, democratic, or rather for the people, and scientific, or rather based on the ideology of marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought. The maximum program implies keeping in mind that we, as communists, must aim to eliminate the three inequalities between city and countryside, between mental and manual labor, and between worker and peasant. These are the two programs for which we give our lives and which we defend against every kind of injury, taunt and abuse. Only the communists can fight to maintain the revolution on its course.

Thus, I have stated: «What in essence is this democratic revolution? It is a peasant war directed by the Communist Party, which intends to create a new State comprised of four classes to crush imperialism, the big bourgeoisie, and the landlords in order to fulfill its four tasks. The democratic revolution has a main form of struggle — the people‘s war — and a main form of organization — the armed forces — and is the solution to the land question, the national question, and the question of the destruction of the landlord-bureaucratic State and the reactionary armed forces, the spine that sustains it, in order to fulfill the political objective of building a new State, a new-democratic State, and to establish the New-Democratic People‘s Republic and advance immediately thereafter to the socialist revolution. In synthesis, the democratic revolution becomes concrete through a peasant war directed by the Communist Party; any other form is only a service to the landlord-bureaucratic State.»

In synthesis, we have demonstrated the validity of the two stages of the revolution in the oppressed nations and established that the proletarian world revolution has three types of revolution. As such, by making the democratic revolution, the Communist Party of Peru is serving the world revolution and I am contributing to the world revolution. We, who uphold marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought, assume the Line for the Democratic Revolution which I have established.


In over seven years of people‘s war in Peru, the justness and correctness of Gonzalo thought is demonstrated, and we see that the Communist Party of Peru, with my Leadership, is directing the mainly poor peasantry in arms, is forming a joint dictatorship of workers, peasants, and small bourgeois under the hegemony of the proletariat, is respecting the interests of the middle bourgeois, and is destroying 13 centuries of the reactionary State. It is a dictatorship that marches within the people‘s committees, today clandestine, which are expressions of the new State that exercises power through people‘s assemblies, in which everyone expresses opinions, chooses, judges, or sanctions by applying true democracy. The people do not hesitate in using the dictatorship, using coercion in order to maintain their power and to defend it from the exploiting classes or their oppressors, gamonals or their lackeys, thus specifying a new politics and an advance in the seizure of power from below.

The very basis of this society, semi-feudalism, is being destroyed and new social relations of production are being introduced by applying a new economy, taking into account the agrarian tactic of combating the evolution of semi-feudalism by aiming at associative property and avoiding non-associative property, neutralizing the rich peasantry, winning over the middle peasantry and basing ourselves on the poor peasantry. The agrarian program of «Land to the tiller!» by means of confiscation and distribution on an individual basis advances through a process: With plans of levelling, the concrete objective of which is to destroy semi-feudal relations in order to disarticulate the process of production, directing the spearhead of the revolution at dislocating the power of the gamonals with armed actions; applying collective planting and crop harvesting, although we do not yet have power or a People‘s Guerrilla Army that is sufficiently developed; all the peasants collectively work everyone‘s land, always favoring the mainly poor peasantry. In the event of a surplus, a form of tax is calculated and produce or seeds are distributed to the poorest and to the middle peasants. The lands of the rich peasants are not touched unless such land is needed, but conditions are imposed on them. This political policy has had highly positive results, it has benefitted the poorest, it has increased the quality of the products and above all it is defended better; the perspective of this policy is the land squattings and allotment on an individual basis. Also, particularly in new peasant zones, we have applied land squattings and allotment on an individual basis, lighting the struggle in the countryside and disturbing the plans of the old State, of each Government in turn, and organized the armed defense in specific cases. Today, we have generalized the land squattings throughout the country. Furthermore, the organization of production of an entire people is being achieved, for example with the exchange of produce or seeds, the collection of firewood or cochinilla, communal shops, trade, and mule driving. This process serves the actions in cities, the sabotages against bourgeois-democratic or fascist-corporativist State organizations, State or private and imperialist banks, centers of the imperialist superpowers or powers, industrial or «research» sites, businesses of bureaucratic capitalism, such as Centromín-Perúlv. It also serves to carry out selective executions, agitation and propaganda campaigns and armed propaganda.

And on the basis of this new politics and new economy, a new culture is being established that beats in the hearts of mainly the poor peasants; basic education is a problem that deserves our fundamental attention and is unfolding under coeducation, education and work, with a basic program for the children, adults, and for the masses in general; it is truly important. The problems of health and recreation of the masses are also of vital importance. Thus, the masses are organized, forming their mobilization, politicization, organization and armament, aiming towards the sea of armed masses, based on the ideology of marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought, under the directorship of the Party, with the experience of the people‘s war and above all and mainly with the new power, exercising it, conquering it, defending it and developing it, as people‘s committees, base areas and advancing the New-Democratic People‘s Republic.

This is the democratic revolution that the Party is specifying for Peruvian society, overthrowing imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism and semi-feudalism in the country through a unified people‘s war, mainly in the countryside and with an urban complement, and it is not the «democratic revolution» falsely proclaimed by the current fascist and corporativist APRA Government that negates the character of Peruvian society, the existence of classes and the class struggle, especially the landlord-bureaucratic, dictatorial character of the old State, as well as the need for violence to topple it. It is a marxist-leninist-maoist, Gonzalo thought democratic revolution that constitutes an ardent and growing flame serving the proletarian world revolution which is guaranteed by my masterful directorship.




Upholding, defending, and applying marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly maoism, we have established the Military Line of the Party. At the Enlarged 1st National Conference of November 1979, it was agreed upon as being central to the General Political Line and it is now being developed through the people‘s war.

I have persistently integrated the universal truth of marxism-leninism-maoism with the concrete practice of the Peruvian revolution, combating and crushing revisionism and the Right-opportunist lines. In applying dialectical materialism to the question of war, the Military Line also expresses my philosophical thought and summarizes the laws of war, of revolutionary war in general, and the specific laws of the revolutionary war in Peru. The Military Line is vital to our ideological, political, military, economic and cultural work, and permits us to differentiate between the proletarian military line and the bourgeois military line.

The Military Line consists of the laws that govern the people‘s war for the conquest and defense of power. It contains three elements:

1. People‘s war, specified in our case as unified people‘s war, with the countryside as the main aspect and the city as a complement.

2. Building the revolutionary armed forces, in our case specified as the People‘s Guerilla Army, which has the particularity of incorporating the militia in order to advance towards the sea of armed masses.

3. Strategy and tactics that are formed through the «encirclement and suppression» campaigns and counter-campaigns. In our case this is specified by applying political and military plans that have a political and military strategy developed in campaigns with specific objectives.



By reaffirming ourselves in the universal law of revolutionary violence, we take up the highest military theory of the proletariat established by Chairman Mao: people‘s war, which is universally valid and is applicable in all types of countries, in accordance with the conditions of each revolution. The world people‘s war is the main form of struggle that the proletariat and the oppressed peoples of the world should launch to oppose imperialist world war. Our point of departure is that people‘s war is a war of the masses and can only be accomplished by mobilizing the masses and relying on them. I have said: «The masses give us everything, from the crusts of bread that are taken from their own mouths to their precious blood which stirs jointly with that of the fighters and Party members, which nourishes the road of the people‘s war for the new power.» The masses should be organized with arms into the People‘s Guerilla Army. In the rural base areas all the adults of each people‘s committee, regardless of gender, are organized militarily. In the cities, the People‘s Guerrilla Army also acts and incorporates more and more of the masses into the various new organizations within and for the people‘s war. The Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People is the concretization of the Front in the cities, and its objectives are to mobilize the masses for resistance, to serve the war, and to serve the future insurrection.

We hold that in order to carry forward the people‘s war we must take into account four fundamental questions:

1. The ideology of the proletariat, marxism-leninism-maoism, that must be specified in a guiding thought — therefore we base ourselves on marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought, primarily the latter.

2. The need for the Communist Party of Peru that directs the people‘s war.

3. The people‘s war is specified as a peasant war that follows the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside.

4. Base areas or the new power, building the base areas, which is the essence of the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside.

I have analyzed the historical process of our people and demonstrated that they have always struggled, that they «have been cradled and advanced through revolutionary violence. It is through this violence, in its diverse forms and degrees, that our people have conquered their daily demands, rights and freedoms, since nothing fell from the sky, nor was it handed out. ‹Damn the words of the traitors!; everything was won in fact through revolutionary violence, in ardent battles against reactionary violence; that is how the eight-hour day was won, how our lands were conquered and defended, how our rights were won and tyrants were overthrown. Revolutionary violence is, therefore, the very essence of our historical process […] it is easy to understand that the development and victory of the Peruvian revolution, of our democratic revolution, the emancipation of the people and the class, will be achieved solely through the greatest revolutionary war of our people, raising the masses in arms through the people‘s war».

I draw the historical lesson that these political and military events have defined the major transformations in the country. First comes the military deed and later political change. Thus we reaffirm that war is the continuation of politics by other means. We see how the masses of our people have fought against the exploiters. Since the 7th century, in which the Peruvian State emerged, the masses have combated oppression and exploitation. The Inca Empirelvi established its domination through wars of conquest which culminated in the battle of Yahuarpampa against the Chancaslvii. Later, the Empire further expanded through wars. This is a political and military fact.

The conquest by the Spanish crown was another political and military event that was imposed by crushing the resistance of the indigenous people and abusing the internal struggles of the conquered. Nevertheless, we should highlight among others the struggle of Manco Incalviii, who led a rebellion against the Spanish.

The imposition of the Viceroyaltylix was another political and military event that was used to crush the conquistadors themselves. To maintain itself it had to face large peasant uprisings such as the one led by Juan Santos Atahualpalx, and in 1780 the powerful movement of Túpac Amarulxi that raised 100,000 troops, extending from Cusco and Puno into Bolivia, putting the domination of the Viceroyalty at serious risk, having repercussions in Argentina, Colombia and Mexico and that shook up America. The movement was defeated, but it had shaken up and undermined the Viceroyalty, thus preparing the conditions for Liberation. To see its class character, we should recall that Túpac Amaru was a cacique.lxii

Liberation was another military and political event and has three moments: First, in the 18th century, peasant uprisings, Túpac Amaru for example; second, the uprisings in the cities, such as that of Francisco de Zelalxiii in Tacna and the guerrillas, highlighting those of Cangallo and Yauyoslxiv among many others; third, confrontations between large armies that complete the liberating exploits of San Martínlxv and Bolivarlxvi in the battle of Ayacucho in 1824. It is important to understand that even though Liberation was led by the creoles, it had the merit of breaking the domination of the Spanish crown; that San Martín was a great military strategist and Bolivar proved to be both a political and military strategist. Both of them fought for the emancipation of several American countries without seeking personal gain, showing that to serve a great cause we must always put the general interest first and never the personal, and they did so without being communists.

In the Republic the landlords remained in power, but they had to confront the great peasant struggles with fire and blood, among them those of Atusparialxvii and Uscho Pedro, or that of Llaccolla in Ocros. Here we have the dark chapter of the war with Chile where both countries faced each other manipulated by the interests of the English and the French that were seeking our wealth in guano and nitrates. This was a war that halted the seeds of capitalist development in the country and revealed the dirty role of the dominant classes, part of which capitulated to Chile. But we must emphasize the heroic resistance of the masses against the invader in defense of the people and territorial integrity, a resistance that was especially strong in the mountainous Central and Southern regions of the country where guerrillas were formed; Cácereslxviii, who was a landowner-soldier, played an important role in that circumstance.

The war with Chile was waged from 1879 to 1883, and it led to the collapse of the Peruvian economy. Shortly thereafter, in 1895, it entered the beginning of bureaucratic capitalism that initiated the development of contemporary Peruvian society. As the 19th century passed, Peru went from being a colony to a semi-colony and from feudal to semi-feudal. Bureaucratic capitalism bound to U.S. imperialism began to develop — the Yankees thus displaced the English. The modern proletariat emerged which changed the terms of the political struggle.

From this historical process the following lessons are drawn: The people have always struggled, they are not peaceful and they apply revolutionary violence with the means they have at hand; the peasant struggles are those which have most shaken the foundations of society, and these struggles have not triumphed because they lacked the directorship of the proletariat represented by the Communist Party; and political and military events determine the major social changes.

From the standpoint of the Military Line, contemporary Peru has three moments linked to the appearance of the proletariat that founds its Party to take power through revolutionary violence, specifying its road, which is synthesized in the process of the Military Line of the Party.

The first moment (1895-1945). The Communist Party of Peru is founded. Regarding the Military Line, Mariátegui establishes the «Indication and outline of the road». The heroic workers‘ struggles for better wages, the eight-hour work-day, for decent working conditions, the peasant movements of the Southern Highlands for land, the agricultural proletarian movements, and the movements to reform the university all lead to a complex sharpening of the class struggle in which the Peruvian proletariat matures and in which Mariátegui founds the Communist Party of Peru on October 7th, 1928, under the banner of marxism-leninism.

Mariátegui indicated and outlined fundamental ideas on revolutionary violence. He said: «There is no revolution that is moderate, balanced, calm, placid.» «Power is conquered through violence […] it is preserved only through dictatorship.» He conceived of war as being protracted in nature: «A revolution can only be fulfilled after many years. Frequently it has alternating periods of predominance by the revolutionary forces or by the counter-revolutionary forces.» He established the relationship between politics and war, understanding that the revolution generates an Army of a new type with its own tasks different from those of the exploiters; he also understood the role of the peasantry and the vital participation of the working class in a directing role, that the revolution will come from the Andes, that «with the defeat of big-landowner feudalism, urban capitalism will lack forces to resist the growing working class»; that in order to make revolution rifles, a program and doctrine are needed. He conceived the revolution as a total war in which there is a connection of political, social, military, economic and moral elements, and that each faction puts in tension and mobilizes all the resources that it can. He totally rejected the electoral road.

With the death of Mariátegui in April 1930, the Right led by Ravineslxix usurped the directorship of the Party and the questioning and negation of Mariátegui‘s road occurs. They invoke insurrection in words but degenerate into electoralism. The so-called «Founding Congress» of the Party in 1942 sanctions the capitulationist tactics of of the «national union»lxx, both in internal politics as well as internationally. The Party is influenced by Browderite ideas, a predecessor of modern revisionism, where there is a clear abandonment of revolutionary violence and an electoral tactic is promoted centering on the «National-Democratic Front»lxxi. Nevertheless, the Red Line in the Party fought to defend the marxist-leninist positions, although it was bitterly combated and the internal struggles were resolved through expulsions.

The second moment (1945-80). The Communist Party of Peru is refounded, and with respect to the Military Line, I established the «Definition and Foundations of the Road». This second moment has two parts: The first, in the period from 1945 to 1963, is one of «new impulses for the development of the Party and the beginnings of the struggle against revisionism» and the second, from 1963 to 1980, is one of «establishment of the General Political Line and refounding of the Party».

In the first part of the second moment, by the mid-1950s, the struggle begins for reactivating the Party that had been left in disarray after Odría‘slxxii State coup. Afterwards, the Party commences the opening step in the struggle against revisionism. This process occurs in the midst of the repercussions of the Cuban revolution and mainly because the unfolding of the struggle between marxism and revisionism begins at the world level. The road to revolution begins to be discussed, the armed struggle is talked about again, and at the 4th Congress of the Party in 1962, it is agreed that in Peru the so-called «two roads» are viable: «The peaceful road and the violent one.» Also, «the revolution can follow the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside as well as from the city to the countryside». But in spite of this empty talk, the Party in essence was hanging on to the old electoral strategy then taking the form of the so-called «National Liberation Front».lxxiii This was the revisionism of Khrushchev. At this time my political positions begin to emerge, and I laid the foundations of the Red Line which adhered to the positions of Chairman Mao in the struggle between marxism and revisionism.

In the second part of the second moment, from 1963 to 1980, we have the «establishment of the General Political Line and refounding of the Party», I carried this task forward by founding the Red Faction of the Party in an intense struggle of more than 15 years and through three political strategies:

From 1963 to 1969 I guided the Red Faction under the political strategy of following the «road of surrounding the cities from the countryside». From 1969 to 1976 I directed the Party with the political strategy of «refounding the Party for people‘s war». From 1976 to 1979 there was the political strategy of «completing the refounding and establishing foundations» for the beginning of the armed struggle.

During the first strategic period of following the «road of surrounding the cities from the countryside», the communists of Peru are profoundly stirred by the struggle between marxism and revisionism, and marxist positions soak into the organization. In the 1960s there was a great peasant movement that mobilized 300-500,000 peasants who fought for land but that did not convert into an armed struggle due to revisionist directorship; a great movement of labor strikes took place in the working class, and the university struggle is developed to a higher level. All these events had repercussions on the Party and I would forge the Red Faction in Ayacucho, with clear ideas that the Party must seize power, and that it must be based on marxist theory. I unleashed a frontal struggle against revisionism that was centered in the Soviet Union, and adhered firmly to the positions of the Communist Party of China and mainly to those of Chairman Mao. I expounded that: «The countryside is a powerful revolutionary ferment», «we must pay special attention to the countryside and to the poor peasants», and that «our revolution will be from the countryside to the city». In the 4th National Conference of January 1964, I met with the different base units of the Party to expel revisionism and its crusty representatives Jorge del Pradolxxiv, Acostalxxv and Juan Barriolxxvi. Thus our Party ends up being one of the first in breaking with and expelling revisionism from its ranks.

I began to consolidate the Party in the Ayacucho Regional Committee; I put the center of Party work in the countryside; in the city I organized the poor masses in the Neighborhood Federation, and reorganized the Revolutionary Student Front. But what is of transcendental importance is that, despite the opposition of the new Central Directorship, I, by applying a Party agreement, launched the «Special Work», which was the military work of the regional committees. I gave it three functions: political, military, and logistical. Afterwards, in sharp two-line struggle against the positions of the Central Directorship, which wanted to control the military work, I combated militarism, the ideology of roving rebel bands and the focus theory.lxxvii In these circumstances the guerrillas of the Movement of the Revolutionary Leftlxxviii developed, a position that expressed the struggle of our people from a small-bourgeois standpoint, which followed a militarist line and sidestepped the Party. In spite of being out of step with the rise of the peasants, this movement showed the feasibility of armed struggle as a perspective, provided that it be directed by a just and correct line under the directorship of the Party. For that reason, I was opposed to dissolving the Party in order to tail the Movement of the Revolutionary Left and the National Liberation Armylxxix in a supposed front. At the September 1967 Enlarged Meeting of the Political Bureau, I expounded a Strategic Plan which contained a set of measures that the Central Committee should take for building the three instruments, having as its main task the forming of the armed forces that was agreed upon at the 5th National Conference of 1965. This occurs in the midst of a factional struggle where most notably the factions of Red Homeland and the Right-liquidationism of Paredeslxxx contended to corner the directorship of the Party. Paredes intended to replay the tactic of tailing a faction of the big bourgeoisie, while those of Red Homeland went on to plunge into Right-opportunism.

During the second political strategy of «refounding the Party for the people‘s war», I expounded on the underlying revisionism within the Party and that it was necessary to refound it on the basis of Party unity: marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought, Mariátegui‘s thought and the General Political Line. These positions were fought against by the aforementioned factions. The mishandling of the two-line struggle by Paredes would lead to the fragmentation of the Party. I understood the necessity of refounding the Party and the necessity to unleash an internal struggle to make it a reality by sweeping away revisionism, as evidenced by the editorials I wrote in The Red Flag of December 1967, «Develop the Internal Struggle in Depth», and of April 1968, «Deepen and Intensify the Internal Struggle in Revolutionary Practice». I would work tirelessly for the channeling of revolutionary violence into people‘s war, for the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside, thus accomplishing the main task demanded by the Party: Building the revolutionary armed forces. I expounded that the indispensable foundation in this undertaking was the development of revolutionary peasant work, that without good work among the peasant masses, that is, work guided by marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought and directed by the Communist Party, there could not be a development of the armed forces nor of the people‘s war. Afterward, I would say that we not only had to retake the continuing validity of Mariátegui‘s thought, but we also had to develop it further. I established the Agrarian Program of the Party in May of 1969. In 1972 I established the Strategic Plan of the Ayacucho Regional Committee. I defeated Right-liquidationism, and in the Party two factions remained: The Red Faction, fundamentally in Ayacucho, directed by me, and the «Bolshevik» Factionlxxxi, acting primarily in Lima. The so-called «bolsheviks» developed a «Left»-liquidationist line, a form of revisionism which isolated the Party from the masses. Their conception was that it was impossible to fight under fascism and that having a correct line was enough. They had a military line that was opposed to people‘s war. They were crushed in 1975 and their leaders fled.

During the third political strategy to «complete the refounding and to establish bases» to initiate the armed struggle, the problem was to culminate, to consider the refounding of the Party as complete, and to establish foundations to initiate the armed struggle. This issue would be defined in the 7th Plenary Session of April, 1977, in which all the Party worked under the slogan «Build in service of the armed struggle!», in struggle against the seeds of a Right-opportunist line, which sustained that Velasco had carried out the agrarian reform, that there was a need to organize the peasants around the Peasant Confederation of Perulxxxii and that people‘s war needed to be waged for the «most deeply felt daily demands of the masses», forgetting about the problems of land and of power. In the cities, they developed «workerism» by focusing on the labor aristocracy and opposing the class playing its directing role. Once these positions were crushed, I launched the National Construction Plan in June of 1977; dozens of cadres were sent to the countryside in the interests of the strategic needs of the people‘s war and to build regional committees by taking into account the future base areas. At the 8th Plenary Session of July of 1978, I established the «Outline for the Armed Struggle». In essence, I expounded that the people‘s war in Peru must be developed as a unified whole in both the countryside as well as in the city, with the countryside being the main theater of armed actions, following the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside. Furthermore, it must take into account the historical social process of the country, especially the military aspect, the importance of the Highlands and mainly from the Central and Southern part in our history, the importance of the Capital, and the need to place Peru within the context of Latin America, in South America particularly, and within the international context and the world revolution. The entire Party entered into a general reorganization, placing the countryside as central to develop the main form of struggle and organization. Thus, the basis for building the three instruments of the revolution was laid down.

In synthesis, the entire process of refounding left us with a Party of a new type prepared to initiate the people‘s war and to direct it until the conquest of power countrywide. In this process the historic contingent was forged, who with the ideology of the proletariat under my directorship was ready to assume the conquest of power through the people‘s war.

The third moment (1980 to the present). The Party begins to direct the people‘s war. Its Military Line is formed with the «application and development of the road». This third moment has four milestones: 1. Definition. 2. Preparation. 3. Initiation. 4. Development of guerrilla warfare.

1. Definition. In essence, the Party takes the historic and transcendental agreement of initiating the people‘s war in Peru, which was defined in the Enlarged 9th Plenary Session of June, 1979. This agreement was achieved in the midst of three intense struggles: The first was against the Right-opportunist line that was opposed to initiating the armed struggle, negated the revolutionary situation and holding that the conditions didn‘t exist and that there was «stability». They were expelled, and the Party agreed upon a new stage and a new goal. The second struggle was against a new Rightist line that considered that initiating the armed struggle was impossible, that it was a «dream», that there was no need of taking up that agreement because it was a matter of principle. The third struggle was with the divergences within the Left, one in which the nuances were discussed on how to develop the people‘s war. It was established that the proletarian position was mine and therefore was the one which should be enforced; the entire Party made a commitment to be guided by my Leadership.

Concerning building the armed forces, measures were taken to forge military cadres, specific groups for action and to undermine the reactionary forces, aiming at soldiers. In strategy and tactics, the organizational system was proposed once again.

2. Preparation. In this milestone event, the Program of the Party was sanctioned, along with the General Political Line of the Peruvian revolution and the Party Rules. Problems of political strategy related to revolutionary violence, the people‘s war and the Party, the Army and United Front were resolved. The following decision was assumed: «Forge the 1st Company in Deeds! Let violence flourish realized in the initiation and development of the armed struggle; we open with lead and offer our blood to write the new chapter of the history of the Party and of our people forging the 1st Company in deeds (Peru, 03.12.1979).»

The Party prepared the armed struggle dealing with two problems: 1. Problems of political strategy which define both the content and the objectives of the people‘s war in perspective and in the short term, as well as the guidelines that the People‘s War should have, its military plans, the building of the three instruments and their connection with the new power. 2. The initiation of the armed struggle. This decisive and paramount question had merited the most special attention from me, and I established the Plan of Initiation guided by the slogan «Initiate the armed struggle!» that was the condensation of the main politics that had to be developed militarily. Its contents included: First, the political tasks to be fulfilled were initiating the armed struggle, boycotting the elections, militarily promoting the armed struggle for the land and establishing the foundations for the new conquests, especially the new power. Second, forms of struggle: Guerrilla warfare, sabotage, armed agitation and propaganda, and selective execution. Third, organizational and military forms: Armed units, with or without modern weapons. Fourth, a time schedule, date of the initiation and duration of the plan, and simultaneous actions for specific dates. Fifth, slogans: «Armed Struggle!», «A Workers‘ and Peasants‘ Government!», and «Down with the New Reactionary Government!».

The preparation was carried out in struggle against the Rightist positions within the Party that were negating the conditions and holding that the Party was not prepared or that the masses would not lend us support. The leader of these positions deserted and they were crushed.

3. Initiation. On May 17th, 1980, the people‘s war in Peru began. It «was a defiant political blow of transcendental significance, deploying rebellious red flags and hoisting hammers and sickles, that proclaimed: ‹It is right to rebel! and ‹Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun!›. It summoned the people, especially the poor peasantry, to rise up in arms, to light the bonfire and to shake the Andes, to write the new history in the fields and hidden features of our tumultuous landscape, to tear down the rotten walls of the oppressive order, to conquer the summits, to storm the heavens with guns to open the new dawn. The beginnings were modest, almost without modern weapons. Combat was given, it was advanced and it was built from the small to the big and from the weak material and initial fire came the great turbulent fire and mighty roar that grows, sowing revolution and exploding into ever more impetuous people‘s war».

This third milestone lasted from May to December of 1980, resolving the problem of how to initiate the armed struggle, of crossing from the times of peace to the times of war. The militarization of the Party through actions and the masterful Plan of Initiation were key. This was how the new was born: The main form of struggle, the armed struggle and the main form of organization, the units and squads. The most outstanding actions in the field were the guerrilla actions of Ayrabamba and Aysarca and, in the city, setting fire to the Municipal Building of San Martín. The boycott of the elections in the town of Chuschi was the action that initiated the people‘s war. This plan was fulfilled and defeated the Rightist positions that were saying that the plan was «Hoxhaist» and that the actions were centered in the city. These arguments exaggerated appearances compared to reality and distorted their essence, since reactionary propaganda gave big headlines to the sabotages in the cities and minimized the actions in the countryside. It is a specificity of the people‘s war in Peru to make the countryside the main theater of action and the cities a necessary complement.

4. Development of the guerrilla war. It has been fulfilled through three military plans: «Deploy Guerrilla Warfare!», «Conquer Bases!» and «Develop Bases!».

Regarding «Deploy Guerrilla Warfare!». This was completed by a plan that lasted from May 1981 to December 1982 and had a pilot period in January 1981. The slogan «Open guerrilla zones in service of base areas!» implied an ideological-political leap by putting marxism-leninism-maoism, Comrade Gonzalo‘s guiding thought as the basis of Party unity. Militarily, guerrilla warfare opened like a fan throughout the country seeking to «Capture weapons and materials for war, shake up the countryside with armed actions!» and «Strike to advance towards base areas!». These plans were partially completed with the latter, «Strike», being the link with the subsequent plan. The razing of feudal relations of production by aiming against gamonalism as the spearhead and fighting against the joint police operations were advanced. A multitude of assaults on police posts and selective annihilation against gamonal power were carried out, which generated a great mass mobilization of peasant masses that incorporated themselves into the militia, giving rise to a power vacuum for the reactionaries. The people‘s committees emerged, which grew and multiplied. This was how the base areas appeared and were specified.

We emphasize actions such as the assault on the city jail of Ayacucho where the 1st Company acted for the first time, harassing the city and freeing tens of prisoners of war; the assaults on the police posts of Vilcashuamán, of Totos, of San José de Secce; the sabotages to the power grid and communication lines; the razings like those of Pincos, Toxama, Allpachaca, Huayllapampa among others. In the cities there were the sabotages against bureaucratic capitalism and imperialism, as well as support for strikes by armed actions.

Here the Rightist positions that were combated were those of personal power and fiefdoms and the retreats in actions. Deploying guerrilla warfare gave us the most important conquest: the new power, the clandestine people‘s committees that are the backbone of the base areas.

Facing the advance of the people‘s war, the reactionary government of Belaúndelxxxiii from the very beginning launched persecution, repression, torture, the imprisonment and death of the Party members, fighters and masses. They mounted police operations independently and jointly with their police forces, Civil Guard, Republican Guard, Investigative Police, along with the counter-insurgency corps known as the sinchis.lxxxiv They promulgated Legal Decree No. 046lxxxv, a truly terrorist law that violates the most elementary principles of bourgeois criminal law. But the result of all their plans has been the most all-round failure; the masses rejected and resisted their aggression. The appearance of the new power broke the façade of the Belaúnde Government, which from the beginning minimized the problem to maintain their bogus democratic facade and strengthened the class necessities of the two exploiters, the big bourgeoisie and landlords under the protection of mainly U.S. imperialism. Belaúnde then entrusted the armed forces (the Army, Navy and Air Force), the spine of the State, to reestablish public order with the support of the police forces, imposing a state of emergency under political-military control in the regions of Ayacucho, Apurímac and Huancavelica, from December of 1982 until today.

With the development of the people‘s war and the counter-revolutionary response which implied a qualitative leap, we outlined the Great Plan of Conquering Bases at the Enlarged Plenary Session of the Central Committee from January to March 1983 where four political tasks were defined: 1. The general reorganization of the Party. 2. The creation of the People‘s Guerrilla Army and the Revolutionary Front in Defense of the People. 3. Its concretization as people‘s committees in the countryside and as the Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People in the cities. 4. The Military Plan of Conquering Bases. Politically, the contradiction (New State ↔ Old State) was making headway under the slogan to «defend, develop and build» the base areas. A sharp armed conflict developed in which the reactionaries fought to restore the old power and the revolution fought to counter-restore the new power. This is what we call the struggle between restoration and counter-restoration encompassing the years 1983 and 1984. Military plans were specified for the zones by applying the tactics of encircling and striking the enemy‘s weak point. Two successful campaigns were completed in which the new power was tempered and passed its first test of fire; the Party was steeled and the People‘s Guerrilla Army was developed.

The reactionary armed forces pursued the counter-revolutionary war by following the concepts of their U.S. imperialist masters, the theory of counter-revolutionary war based on their experience in Vietnam and particularly drawn from the fight against the armed struggle in Latin America, especially in Central America. That is the basic theoretical source combined with the «anti-terrorist» experience of Israel and its counterpart in Argentina, along with advisors from the Federal Republic of Germany, Taiwan, Spain, and so on. This combined with their experience of the few months of anti-guerrilla struggle of 1965 and the more limited experience of fighting in La Convención. The operations are under the directorship of the Joint Command of the Armed Forces that acts according to the will of the National Defense Council headed by the President, today under Alan Garcíalxxxvi, who holds direct and inescapable responsibility. This counter-revolutionary strategy has been defeated many times. It has been crushed and defeated completely and thoroughly by people‘s war, showing to the world again and again the superiority of the strategy of the proletariat over that of imperialism.

The following specific policies were applied by the genocidal government: pitting masses against masses; genocide and mass graves; disappearances of entire villages. In synthesis, they unleashed the White terror in the countryside, especially in Ayacucho, Huancavelica and Apurímac. The result of this genocide is 8,700 Peruvians dead. Of these, 4,700 of the murdered were the poorest and the most exploited, mainly peasants, shantytown- and slum-dwellers from the cities, along with 4,000 disappeared. This genocide has not produced the result they wanted; it did not crush the people‘s war. On the contrary, «the people‘s war grows stronger, developing and striking powerful blows», proving what Chairman Mao taught, that repression is what incites the revolution.

Within the Plan to Conquer Bases is the Plan for the Great Leap that is subject to the following specific political strategy: «Two republics are expressed, two roads, two axes», and the following military strategy: «Generalize guerrilla warfare.» Four successful campaigns were carried out under the following political guidelines: «Open our political space», «Against the general elections of 1985, disrupt, destabilize and impede them wherever feasible», «Against the rise to power of the new APRA Government», and «Undermine the fascist and corporativist APRA assembly». The people‘s war developed in the region of Ayacucho, Huancavelica, and Apurímac and was expanded to Pasco, Huánuco and San Martín, covering an area from the department of Cajamarca, on the border with Ecuador in the North-West, to Puno on the border with Bolivia in the South-East of the country, striking and shaking up the cities, especially in the capital. The people‘s war fundamentally occurs in the Highlands, the historical axis of Peruvian society and its most backward and poorest part, by transforming it into the grand theater of the revolutionary war. It advanced to the edge of the Jungle and to the headlands of the Coast. Thus, the people‘s war was not conceived of as taking place in a single region; instead it was developed simultaneously in several regions, although in an unequal way, with a main area that can vary as necessary. All this is within a strategically centralized and a tactically decentralized plan.

Among the most impressive actions, we can see the blows against the anti-guerrilla bases in the department of Ayacucho; the destruction of the counter-subversive settlements; disruptions in the establishment of the local micro-regions; in Huancavelica the demolition of the electrical grid and the destruction of the highway system; the destruction of the agricultural cooperatives Cinto and Vichincha with cattle redistribution and appropriation of lands; breakthroughs in Apurímac. In the Central region, there were ambushes such as in Michivilca, sabotage against the substation of Centromín, sabotage against SAIS Túpac Amaru. In the North, land squattings under the slogan «Seize the Land!» that mobilized 160,000 peasants and confiscated 320,000 hectares, mostly pastures, and 12,000 head of livestock; sabotage against the oil pipeline «Norperuano», and against the headquarters of APRA in the city of Trujillo. In the South, the land question was shaken up by the mobilization of more than 10,000 peasants; in Huallaga, an assault on the police post of Aucayacu, destruction of a large company, and the ambush against the Republican Guard; in Metropolitan Lima, sabotages against the embassy of the Russian social-imperialists, against dozens of local offices of the APRA party, and against banks and factories, all leading to a state of emergency and general occupation of the Capital under the responsibility of the Armed Forces in February of 1986.

Alan García Pérez has continued the counter-revolutionary politics of his predecessor and sought to crush the people‘s war through genocides, such as those of Accomarca, Llocllapampa, Umaru and Bellavista in the countryside. In the capital of the Republic, he has unleashed two genocides against the prisoners of war, the first on the 4th of October, 1985, where 30 Party members and fighters were executed in the Shining Trench of Combat of Lurigancho. That did not break the heroic resistance of the prisoners of war who, with their blood, formed the Day of the Prisoner of War. The second was on June 19th, 1986, where the most vile and despicable premeditated crime was committed with full knowledge in order to crush the people‘s war and to annihilate the prisoners of war, who with a ferocious resistance inflicted the most serious political, military, and moral defeat to the genocidal APRA government. This highlighted and defined their dilemma of serving the bureaucratic faction of the big bourgeoisie, in order to develop fascism and corporativism, leaving García and the APRA party forever bathed in the blood of the genocide. Thus the Day of Heroism was formed with the monumental trilogy of 250 dead in the Shining Trenches of Combat of El Fronton, Lurigancho, and Callao.

We condemn and unmask opportunism and revisionism in its various incarnations: The pro-Russian, the pro-Chinese, the false Mariáteguistslxxxvii, all those who have acted and continue to act as snitches, tailing after the counter-revolution, negating and combating the people‘s war and branding it as terrorism, repeating what Reagan and the Peruvian and world reactionaries say. Unable to prove their charges they simply hurl adjectives and condemn violence «whatever the source», and continue with their old electoral positions with the aim of bogging down the people with parliamentary cretinism, becoming more dependent each day on that pacemaker of the old order, their rotten parliament, their electoral farçe, their Constitution and their laws, living in quivering fear and reverential dread before the reactionary armed forces and the State coup. We condemn the groveling attitude and capitulation of Barrantes Lingánlxxxviii and his stooges and cronies.

Since 1983, the political strategy of the Great Plan to Conquer Bases was completed through two campaigns, «Defend, Develop and Build», Parts One and Two, and the Plan for the Great Leap with its four campaigns up to December 1986, show us the advance of the people‘s war, that we are solidly linked with the masses, contrary to everything they say, since the facts belie them irrefutably. The people‘s war has conquered an area that extends itself through the Highlands, the Jungle and the Coast, marching vigorously and strong, building the new and opening up the future. The base areas, which are the core of the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside, have already been conquered.

Regarding the Great Plan to Develop Bases. This has a special position in the people‘s war, since the essence of the people‘s war is to develop base areas; therefore the Great Plan to Develop Bases has to do with building the new power and its development, it has to do with the perspective that is being opened for the conquest of power countrywide. The political strategy is to develop base areas and the military strategy is to develop the people‘s war in service of the world revolution, a plan that is being fulfilled through a pilot plan.

The triumph of the revolution begets and crushes a powerful counter-revolution. Thus, we are entering decisive years in which the APRA continues without having a strategic plan; they talk of a «new strategy», but there is no such thing. The only thing they can do is bestow stronger measures, more political, economic, and social laws, strengthening the military to facilitate the armed forces‘ fight against us, unleashing a new genocide under new conditions, for us as well as for them. For us, the genocide under way presents itself under new circumstances. We have passed through the genocide of 1983 and 1984 that demonstrated the people‘s great indignation and the strengthening of the revolution. The reactionaries can only apply genocide, but that will fortify the people‘s war. There might be initial retreats or inflections, but we shall prevail by persisting in marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought, in our policy of the «Five Developments»lxxxix, in the invincibility of the people‘s war and in the support of the people who make and shall make history always under the directorship of the Communist Party.

On the concrete situations and possibilities that are presented us in the new Great Plan to Develop Bases we must be aware of the following:

1. The appearance of armed groups such as the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movementxc and the People‘s Revolutionary Commando who have been recast, but who do not have a well-defined marxist conception. Thus, they march to serve imperialism, social-imperialism, and the supposed dialogue with the fascists to whom they have already given unilateral truces.

2. APRA has already begun to unfold fascism and corporativism. It faces serious and increasing difficulties, such as its growing and sinuous collusion and contention with the comprador bourgeoisie, among other even more important contradictions.

3. The class struggle sharpens and intensifies more, the masses begin to defend themselves and resist; given social explosions in the urban areas, they could be used by social-imperialism and the reactionaries in general, through their representatives.

4. A State coup is possible at any moment. García Pérez himself may promote a self-coup in order to preserve his political future.

5. In perspective, the reactionaries can also play with an Allende-typexci government, using the APRA supporter Barrantesxcii or someone similar; within this possibility one must consider the sinister role of the United Left.

6. The Peruvian State has border problems that can be inflamed at any moment, as is shown by the experience of other Latin American countries. This problem must be seriously addressed.

7. The deployment of Yankee troops is already a real fact and not simply a possibility. Their presence is linked to a similar presence in other countries, especially on the border and it must be seen in the context of military measures taken by Brazil.

8. The imperialist wars and their aggressions continue to increase. The world war for hegemony between the USA and the Soviet Union continues being prepared through collusion and contention on a global scale. Consequently, the people‘s war is an indispensable necessity and the world people‘s war is an inevitable perspective.

All these possibilities must be taken seriously into account in order to handle the people‘s war with politics in command, and particularly with an eye toward the conquest of power countrywide that may present itself and which must be taken up. For these reasons, we must be ideologically, politically and organizationally prepared.

The 1st Campaign of the Pilot Plan of the Great Plan to Develop Bases has meant the hitherto largest shake-up with greater national and international repercussions. The old State is fracturing more and more; it has never been shaken up in this way by anyone in Peru. Now it is up to us to fulfill the historical and political necessity to «Culminate by brilliantly establishing a historical milestone!» in the 2nd Campaign, understanding that the Pilot Plan is like the initial battle of the Great Plan to Develop Bases.

In conclusion, after close to eight years of people‘s war we have completed more than 45,000 actions that reveal their high quality; the militarized Party has been tempered; the People‘s Guerrilla Army has been developed and has increased its belligerence; and we have hundreds of organizations of new power with the poorest masses increasingly in support of us. The people‘s war has raised the class struggle of our people to its highest form and that affects the struggle of the masses themselves, impelling them to incorporate themselves by leaps and bounds into the people‘s war. Thus, «the people‘s war is turning the country upside down, the ‹old mole› is profoundly uprooting the entrails of the old society. No one can stop it, the future already dwells among us, the old and rotten society is collapsing irrevocably, the revolution will prevail. Long live the people‘s war!». Our task is to develop the people‘s war in service of the world revolution under the banners of marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought.


Chairman Mao established the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside, with its heart in the base areas. He took into account that the powerful imperialists and their reactionary Chinese allies were entrenched in the main cities, and if the revolution refused to capitulate and wanted to persevere in the struggle, it had to convert the backward rural zones into progressive and solid base areas, into great military, political, economic and cultural bastions of the revolution in order to fight against the fierce enemy that was assaulting the rural zones using the cities, and to carry the revolution forward step by step to a complete victory through a protracted war.

Based on this maoist thesis, we have established the need for carrying forward a unified people‘s war, in which the countryside is the main theater of armed actions. This is because we in our country have an immense majority of peasant masses, that is where we must build the base areas. As Chairman Mao said: «The protracted revolutionary struggle in the revolutionary base areas consists mainly in peasant guerrilla warfare directed by the Communist Party of China. Therefore, it is wrong to ignore the necessity of using rural districts as revolutionary base areas, to neglect painstaking work among the peasants, and to neglect guerrilla warfare.»xciii Furthermore, I have specified that in the cities armed actions should be carried forward as a complement, since international experience, as well as our own, demonstrates that this is feasible. He draws lessons, for example, from what happened to the guerrillas in the Philippines which recast themselves in the countryside and left the cities quiet, especially the capital, resulting in the isolation of the guerrillas.xciv In Brazil, the revolutionaries also carried out armed actions in the countryside and city, only they neglected to specify which was the main theater.xcv In Vietnam, important armed actions were carried out in the cities. Thus, taking into account the peculiarities of the cities in Latin America, where the percentage of the proletariat and of the poor masses in the cities is high, the masses are ready to develop actions complementing those in the countryside. In the cities, however, the new power or base areas are not being built, rather the Front is solidified through the Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People with centers of resistance that carry out the people‘s war and prepare the future insurrection, which will occur when the forces of the countryside assault the cities in combination with the insurrection from within.xcvi

The base areas are the strategic bases which the guerrilla forces rely on to fulfill their strategic tasks and to achieve the objective of preserving and increasing their forces as well as annihilating and throwing back the enemy. Without such strategic bases there would be nothing to base ourselves on to carry out any one of our strategic tasks and to reach the war‘s objective.

Chairman Mao expounded three criteria for the creation of base areas: To have armed forces, to defeat the enemy and to mobilize the masses. These were specified in our people‘s war in 1982, by applying the Plan to Deploy Guerrilla Warfare in the part «Strike the enemy», aiming at destroying the old feudal relations of production. Police posts were assaulted, selective executions of feudal-landlord power was applied, and the police forces abandoned the countryside and were regrouped in the provincial capitals. The authorities of the old power massively resigned, which created a power vacuum, while tens of thousands were mobilized. It is in these conditions that the base areas emerged and were specified in the clandestine people‘s committees. Therefore, it is wrong to take the Chinese experience dogmatically, since if the conditions were given and principles were in effect, we would have had sufficient reason to build the base areas. To agree upon this implied a struggle against Rightism which argued that we had not defeated large enemy forces, when the problem was that the enemy forces had abandoned the countryside as a consequence of the routing of their political and military plans.

We have established a system of base areas surrounded by guerrilla zones, operational zones and action points, which takes into account the political and social conditions, the tradition of struggle, the geographical characteristics and the development of the Party, the Army and of the masses.

It is fundamental to support the validity of the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside and its heart, the base areas, because with only roving rebel bands, the People‘s Guerrilla Army would not have the base areas as a rearguard that sustains it, nor would the new power be built. We are totally against the focus theory.


The people‘s war is protracted because it derives from the correlation between the enemy‘s factors and our factors that are determined by the following four fundamental characteristics: 1. Peru is a semi-feudal and semi-colonial society in which a bureaucratic capitalism is unfolding. 2. The enemy is strong. 3. The People‘s Guerrilla Army is weak. 4. The Communist Party directs the people‘s war. From the first and fourth characteristics we can derive that the People‘s Guerrilla Army will not grow too rapidly and will not defeat its enemy soon. These peculiarities determine the protracted character of the war.

The enemy is strong and we are weak; in that fact resides the danger of our defeat. The enemy has a single advantage — the numerous contingents of their forces and the armaments they rely upon — but every other aspect constitutes their weak points. Their objective is to defend the old and rotten power of the landlord-bureaucratic State. They have a bourgeois military line. Their army is a mercenary army; it does not have conscious discipline and its morale is low. It has profound contradictions between officers and soldiers, and it is discredited in front of the masses. Furthermore, the very foundation of the reactionary army is of worker and peasant origin, which can disintegrate during the course of an unjust war. Apart from this, the Peruvian armed forces have never won a war and they are experts in defeat. Furthermore, they have repeatedly counted on and still count on the support of international reactionaries, but we count on the support of the oppressed nations, of the peoples of the world and the international proletariat, which are the new forces.

The People‘s Guerrilla Army has a single weak point, its insufficient development; but the remaining aspects constitute valuable advantages: It carries forward a people‘s war to create a new power; it has a proletarian military line, directed absolutely by the Communist Party; it is based on class valor and revolutionary heroism and on a conscious discipline. Its morale is high and there is a close union between officers and soldiers and it is an army composed of the people themselves, mainly poor workers and peasants.

But the objective fact is that there is a large disparity between the forces of the enemy and our forces, and for us to go from weak to strong requires a period of time, one in which the defects of the enemy are exposed and our advantages are developed. Therefore, we say that our army appears weak but is strong in essence and the enemy‘s army appears strong but is weak in essence. Thus, to go from weak to strong we must carry forward the protracted war and this has three stages: 1. The enemy‘s strategic offensive and our strategic defensive. 2. The enemy‘s strategic consolidation and our preparation for the counter-offensive. 3. Our strategic counter-offensive and the enemy‘s strategic withdrawal.

Thus, the the People‘s War is protracted, long and ruthless, but victorious. Its duration will be extended or shortened within its protracted character to the extent that we fight acording to the proletarian military line, since Rightism is the main danger and can cause serious setbacks to the war.

Today, we find ourselves in the period of the strategic offensive of the enemy and of our own strategic defensive. We must strengthen the people‘s war by applying generalized guerrilla warfare, laying foundations for the next stage, paying whatever cost is necessary but fighting to minimize it.


To unleash the people‘s war we must count on the main form of organization, which is the People‘s Guerrilla Army, since the spine of the old State is the reactionary armed forces and to destroy the old State one must first destroy its reactionary army. The Party must count on a powerful army: «Without a people‘s army, the people have nothing»xcvii, as Chairman Mao taught us.

The building of the Army is seen in the marxist-leninist-maoist, Gonzalo thought Line for Building the Three Revolutionary Instruments. In synthesis, I have made a contribution by incorporating the militia into the People‘s Guerrilla Army. Its creation is a step toward the sea of armed masses and the solution of going from disorganized masses to masses who are militarily organized.


I emphasize seven points on strategy and tactics of Chairman Mao and specify some of them. We must pay close attention to these in order to direct the people‘s war.

1. On Strategy and Tactics. We start from Chairman Mao‘s thesis that the task of strategy as a science is to study the laws of directing military operations that influence the situation of the war as a whole. The task of the science of campaigns and tactics is to study the laws of directing military operations of a partial character. We make a strategic development of how to wage the war in the country as a whole and in each zone, taking into account its links to the international situation. We have established the axes, sub-axes, directions of movement and lines of movement which permit us to maintain the strategic course of the war under any circumstances and to face all types of political and military operations that the counter-revolution launches. On this basis we have established the National Military Plan, which is strategically centralized and tactically decentralized, starting from the premise that all plans are ideological, that they must reflect both reality and the rugged paths which this reality will express. Taking up Stalin, we have linked strategy with tactics and established the strategic-operational plans which are the concrete way in which strategy is linked to tactical operations. As a result, each committee must elaborate its strategic-operational plans within the strategic-operational plan common to the entire Party.

A correct disposition emanates from the just decision of the commander; based on the indispensable recognition and careful study of the situation of the enemy, our situation and the interrelationship of both. That is, we must always keep in mind «the two hills»xcviii; we must be guided by a political strategy and by a military strategy.

For the elaboration of the plans always take into account the following general features: 1. The international class struggle between revolution and counter-revolution; ideology; the international communist movement; the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement. 2. The class struggle in the country; the counter-revolution; the political juncture; and the counter-subversive war. 3. The development of the people‘s war; its evaluation; laws and lessons. 4. The need for investigation. 5. The people‘s war and construction. 6. The people‘s war and the masses. 7. The two-line struggle. 8. Programming and time schedule. 9. Attitude and slogans. «Strive to overcome all difficulties and win still greater victories!»

In almost eight years of the people‘s war, we have had four plans: Plan to Initiate; Plan to Deploy the People‘s War; Plan to Conquer Bases; and Plan to Develop Bases.

2. The basic principle of war. All the orienting principles of military operations originate with a single basic principle: Do everything possible to preserve our own forces and to annihilate the enemy‘s forces. All war imposes a price, and sometimes it is extremely high. To conserve our own forces, we must annihilate those of the enemy; but to annihilate the enemy, we must pay a price in order to preserve the whole. I have pointed out that one must be prepared to pay the highest cost of the war, but that we should fight so that it will always be the smallest possible cost. It is a contradiction and the problem resides in attitude and good planning; it is mainly a question of directorship. We are forged in «challenging death», «revolutionary heroism» and «conquering laurels from death». In war we always see the two aspects, destruction and construction, and the main aspect is construction.

3. Guerrilla tactics or basic tactics. «The enemy advances, we retreat; the enemy camps, we harass; the enemy tires, we attack; the enemy retreats, we pursue.»xcix This basic tactic must be embodied and applied, maneuvering around the enemy and seeking their weak point in order to smash it.

4. «Encirclement and suppression» campaigns and counter-campaigns, the main form of people‘s war. It is a law that the counter-revolution, in order to crush the revolution unleashes «encirclement and suppression» campaigns against each unit of the People‘s Guerrilla Army or against the base areas. The operations of the People‘s Guerrilla Army adopt the form of counter-campaigns and Chairman Mao has established nine steps to crush an «encirclement and suppression»:

  • Active defense.

  • Preparation of a counter-campaign.

  • Strategic withdrawal.

  • Strategic counter-offensive.

  • Initiation of the counter-offensive.

  • Concentration of forces.

  • Mobile warfare.

  • Lightning warfare.

  • War of annihilation.

By applying this law to the conditions of our people‘s war, we have outlined the «Five Steps of a Campaign»c, which permit us to defeat the political and military plans of the reactionaries. Each campaign has a specific political and military objective, fulfilled by the element of surprise, attacking them when we want, where we want and as we want. We have also specified the «Five Steps»ci that each military action must follow, by always serving the political objective and opposing the criterion of action for action‘s sake. We stress the importance of differentiating between the essence and the appearance of the enemy‘s movements. We have also established the four forms of struggle of the people‘s war:

  • Guerrilla action, with its two forms, the assault and the ambush.

  • Sabotage.

  • Selective execution.

  • Armed agitation and propaganda, as well as its diverse methods.

5. The strategic role of guerrilla warfare. Chairman Mao has raised guerrilla warfare to a strategic level. Prior to him, it was only considered as a tactical question that by itself did not decide the outcome of the war; but even though the guerrilla war does not decide the war‘s outcome — because this requires conventional warfare — it fulfills a series of strategic tasks that carry forward to the favorable outcome of the war. We conceive of guerrilla war on a vast scale, a generalized guerrilla warfare that must support the protracted and bloody war. From there, we apply the six strategic problems of guerrilla warfare:

  • Initiative, flexibility and planning in the realization of offensive operations within the defensive war, battles of rapid decision within the protracted war and operations on the exterior lines within the war in the interior lines.

  • Coordination with regular warfare.

  • Creation of base areas.

  • Strategic defense and strategic assault in the guerrilla war.

  • Transformation of guerrilla warfare into mobile warfare.

  • Relationships of command.

6. The ten military principles. In December 1947 Chairman Mao masterfully synthesized the just and correct strategic line followed in more than 20 years of people‘s war in 10 military principles. This is seen in his article, «The Present Situation and Our Tasks», Point 3. We apply these principles and it is very important to broaden their application.

«Our principles of operation are:

1. Attack dispersed, isolated enemy forces first; attack concentrated, strong enemy forces later.

2. Take small and medium cities and extensive rural areas first; take big cities later.

3. Make wiping out the enemy‘s effective strength our main objective; do not make holding or seizing a city or place our main objective. Holding or seizing a city or place is the outcome of wiping out the enemy‘s effective strength, and often a city or place can be held or seized for good only after it has changed hands a number of times.

4. In every battle, concentrate an absolutely superior force (two, three, four and sometimes even five or six times the enemy‘s strength), encircle the enemy forces completely, strive to wipe them out thoroughly and do not let any escape from the net. In special circumstances, use the method of dealing crushing blows to the enemy, that is, concentrate all our strength to make a frontal attack and also to attack one or both of their flanks, with the aim of wiping out one part and routing another so that our army can swiftly move its troops to smash other enemy forces. Strive to avoid battles of attrition in which we lose more than we gain or only break even. In this way, although we are inferior as a whole (in terms of numbers), we are absolutely superior in every part and every specific campaign, and this ensures victory in the campaign. As time goes on, we shall become superior as a whole and eventually wipe out all the enemy.

5. Fight no battle unprepared, fight no battle you are not sure of winning; make every effort to be well prepared for each battle, make every effort to ensure victory in the given set of conditions as between the enemy and ourselves.

6. Give full play to our style of fighting — courage in battle, no fear of sacrifice, no fear of fatigue, and continuous fighting (that is, fighting successive battles in a short time without rest).

7. Strive to wipe out the enemy through mobile warfare. At the same time, pay attention to the tactics of positional attack and capture enemy fortified points and cities.

8. With regard to attacking cities, resolutely seize all enemy fortified points and cities which are weakly defended. Seize at opportune moments all enemy fortified points and cities defended with moderate strength, provided circumstances permit. As for strongly defended enemy fortified points and cities, wait till conditions are ripe and then take them.

9. Replenish our strength with all the arms and most of the personnel captured from the enemy. Our army‘s main sources of manpower and materials are at the front.

10. Make good use of the intervals between campaigns to rest, train and consolidate our troops. Periods of rest, training and consolidation should in general not be very long, and the enemy should so far as possible be permitted no breathing space.»cii

7. Brilliant summary of strategy and tactics. Chairman Mao has summarized in a brilliant way the strategy and the tactics of people‘s war in the following phrase: «You fight in your way and we fight in ours; we fight when we can win and move away when we can‘t

«In other words, you rely on modern weapons and we rely on highly conscious revolutionary people; you give full play to your superiority and we give full play to ours; you have your way of fighting and we have ours. When you want to fight us, we don‘t let you and you can‘t even find us. But when we want to fight you, we make sure that you can‘t get away and we hit you squarely on the chin and wipe you out. When we are able to wipe you out, we do so with a vengeance; when we can‘t, we see to it that you don‘t wipe us out. It is opportunism if one won‘t fight when one can win. It is adventurism if one insists on fighting when one can‘t win. Fighting is the pivot of all our strategy and tactics. It is because of the necessity of fighting that we admit the necessity of moving away. The sole purpose of moving away is to fight and bring about the final and complete destruction of the enemy. This strategy and these tactics can be applied only when one relies on the broad masses of the people, and such application brings the superiority of people‘s war into full play. However superior they may be in technical equipment and whatever tricks they may resort to, the enemy will find themself in the passive position of having to receive blows, and the initiative will always be in our hands.»ciii

The application of this principle allows us to demonstrate the invincibility of the superior strategy of people‘s war, because the proletariat as the last class in history has created its own superior form of war and no other class, including the bourgeoisie with its greatest political and military strategists, are capable of defeating it. The reactionaries dream about elaborating «superior strategies» to people‘s war, but are condemned to failure since they are against history. Our people‘s war after nearly eight years blazes victoriously, demonstrating the invincibility of people‘s war.

The members of the Communist Party of Peru assume completely and thoroughly the Military Line of the Party, which I have established, that based on the highest creation of the international proletariat, marxism-leninism-maoism, has specified our Military Line with Gonzalo thought, endowing us with an invincible weapon, the unified people‘s war — mainly in the countryside together with the cities as a complement. As the main form of struggle we carry it forward; it is a bright torch before the world, proclaiming the universal validity of ever-living marxism-leninism-maoism.




We have established the Line for Building the Three Revolutionary Instruments by upholding, defending and applying marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly maoism.

Marx said that the working class creates organizations in its own image and likeness, that is, its own organizations. In the 19th century, with Marx and Engels, we started off endowed with a scientific world outlook, our own doctrine, our own objective, our common goal — seizing power — and the means to do it — revolutionary violence. All this was achieved in a very hard two-line struggle. Marx established that the proletariat cannot act as a class unless it constitutes itself into a political party different from and opposed to all the political parties created by the propertied classes. Since its appearance in a prolonged process, the proletariat has created its own forms of struggle and its own forms of organization. As a result, the Party is the highest form of organization, the Army is the main form of organization and the Front is the third instrument, and these three instruments are to seize power by means of revolutionary violence. By the end of the 19th century, Engels came to the conclusion that the class did not have either the proper organizational forms nor the proper military forms to seize power and hold it, but he never said we should abandon the revolution, rather we should work for revolution, seeking a solution to these pending problems. This must be understood well since the revisionists twist it to peddle their opportunism.

In the 20th century Lenin understood that the revolution was ripe and created the proletarian Party of a new type, shaping the form of struggle — the insurrection — and the form of organization — the combat groups, which were mobile forms and superior to the barricades of the previous century, which were stationary forms. Lenin expounded the need to create new, clandestine organizations, since the leap to revolutionary actions signified the dissolution of the open organizations by the police, and that leap was only possible if it was taken by going over the heads of the old leaders, going over the head of the old Party, destroying it. The Party should take as example the modern army, with its own discipline and its one will, and be flexible.

With Chairman Mao Zedong, the class understands the need to build the three instruments of the revolution — the Party, Army and United Front — in an interrelated way. This resolves the building of the three instruments in a backward, semi-feudal and semi-colonial country, through the people‘s war. Concretely, it resolves the issue of building the Party around the gun and that it is the heroic warrior directing its own building and that of the Army and the Front.

I have expounded the militarization of the Communist Parties and the concentric building of the three instruments. The militarization of the Communist Parties is a political directive with a strategic content, since it is «the set of transformations, changes and readjustments it needs to direct the people‘s war as the main form of struggle that will generate the new State», as I have written. Therefore, the militarization of the Communist Parties is key for the democratic revolution, the socialist revolution and the cultural revolutions.

I have defined the principle of building: «On the ideological-political basis, simultaneously build the organizational forms in the midst of the class struggle and the two-line struggle, all of these within and in the service of the armed struggle for the conquest of power.»

In addition, I have linked the entire process of building with the fluidity of people‘s war, starting from Chairman Mao‘s thesis: «Fluidity in the war and in our territory produces fluidity in all fields of construction in our base areas.»civ

Hence, to understand the Line for Building the Three Revolutionary Instruments, we must start from the form of struggle and the forms of organization; from the principle of building and from building linked to the fluidity of people‘s war, which is the main form of struggle in today‘s world.



We base ourselves on marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought, mainly Gonzalo thought, on the ideology of the proletariat, which is the highest expression of humanity, the only true, scientific and invincible ideology. We struggle for the Communist Program the essence of which is to organize and direct the class struggle of the proletariat so it can conquer political power, realize the democratic revolution, the socialist revolution and the cultural revolution on the way to communism, the unwavering goal toward which we march. We rely on the General Political Line of the revolution, which consists of the laws governing the class struggle for the seizure of power, which I have established, with its five elements: 1. The International Line. 2. The Line for the Democratic Revolution. 3. The Military Line. 4. The Line for Building the Three Revolutionary Instruments. 5. The Mass Line. The Military Line is the center of the General Political Line. We forge ourselves in proletarian internationalism, as we conceive of our revolution as being part of the proletarian world revolution. And we maintain ideological, political and organizational independence, because we are supported by our own efforts and by the masses.

Our Party is a Party of the new type, which has generated the Leadership of the Peruvian revolution, Chairman Gonzalo, the greatest living Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, who directs the Party. He is the guarantee of the triumph of the revolution who will carry us to communism.


I have expounded the thesis that the Communist Parties of the world should militarize themselves for three reasons:

First, because we are in the strategic offensive of the world revolution, we live during the period of sweeping imperialism and the reactionaries off the face of the Earth within the next 50 or 100 years, a time marked by violence in which all kinds of wars take place. We see how the reactionaries are militarizing themselves more and more, militarizing the old States, their economies, developing wars of aggression, trafficking with the struggles of the peoples and aiming toward a world war, but since revolution is the main trend in the world, the task of the Communist Parties is to uphold revolution by shaping the main form of struggle — people‘s war to oppose the counter-revolutionary world war with revolutionary world war.

Second, because capitalist restoration must be prevented. When the bourgeoisie loses power, it introduces itself inside the Party, uses the Army and seeks to usurp power and destroy the dictatorship of the proletariat to restore capitalism. Therefore, the Communist Parties must militarize themselves and exercise all-round dictatorship over the three instruments by forging themselves in people‘s war and empowering the armed organization of the masses, the people‘s militia, so as to engulf the army. For this reason, I have told the Party to «forge all Party members as communists, first and foremost, and also as fighters and administrators»; for that reason every Party member is forged in the people‘s war and remains alert against any attempt at capitalist restoration.

Third, because we march toward a militarized society. By militarizing the Party, we complete a step toward the militarization of society which is the strategic perspective for guaranteeing the dictatorship of the proletariat. The militarized society is the sea of armed masses which Marx and Engels spoke of, which guards the conquest of power and defends it once conquered. We take the experience of the Chinese revolution, of the anti-Japanese base at Yan‘an, which was a militarized society where everything grew out of the barrels of the gun: Party, Army, State, new politics, new economy, new culture. And in this way we develop war communism.

At the 1st National Conference (November 1979), I expounded the thesis of the necessity of militarizing the Communist Party of Peru; afterward, in the first months of 1980 when the Party was preparing to launch the people‘s war, I proposed to develop the militarization of the Party through actions, basing myself on what the great Lenin said about reducing the non-military work in order to center on the military work; that the times of peace were ending and we were entering into the times of war, so that all forces should be militarized. Thus, by taking the Party as the axis of everything, we build the Army around it, and with these instruments and with the masses in the people‘s war, we build the new State around both. The militarization of the Party can only be carried forward through concrete actions of the class struggle, concrete actions of a military type; this does not mean that we will only carry out various types of military actions exclusively (guerrilla actions, sabotages, selective executions and armed agitation and propaganda), but that we must carry out mainly these forms so as to provide incentive and impulse to the class struggle, teaching the people with deeds through these types of actions as the main form of struggle in the people‘s war.

The militarization of the Party has its antecedents in Lenin and Chairman Mao, but it is a new problem which I have developed by taking into account the new circumstance of the class struggle. We must see that new problems will arise which will be resolved through experience. These will necessarily imply a process of struggle between the old and the new that will develop it further, with war being the highest form of resolving contradictions, of empowering the faculties people have to find solutions. It is the militarization of the Party which has enabled us to initiate and develop the people‘s war. We consider this experience to have universal validity, and for that reason it is a requirement and necessary for the Communist Parties of the world to militarize themselves.

Concentrically building the three instruments is the organizational fulfillment of the militarization of the Party. In synthesis, it is summarized in what I have stated: «The Party is the axis of everything; it directs the three instruments in an all-round way, it directs its own building, it absolutely directs the Army and the new State as a joint dictatorship aiming toward the dictatorship of the proletariat


Ideological building. The Party members are forged in the basis of Party unity with marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought, mainly Gonzalo thought. We say marxism-leninism-maoism because it is the universal ideology of the proletariat, which is the last class in history, an ideology that must be applied to the concrete conditions of each revolution and generate its guiding thought. In our case, the Peruvian revolution has generated Gonzalo thought because Chairman Gonzali is the highest expression of the fusion of the universal ideology with the concrete practice of the Peruvian revolution.

Political building. The Party members are forged in the Program and Rules, the General Political Line and the Military Line as its center, as well as specific lines, general policy, specific policies and the Party‘s military plans. Politics must always be in command and it is our strong point.

Organizational building. The organizational follows the political and we must take into account that line alone is not enough. With this in mind, the organizational apparatuses must be built, while at the same time seeing the organizational structure, the organizational system and the methods of Party work. In its organizational structure, the Party is based on democratic centralism, mainly centralism. Two armed Party networks are established: the territorial network, which encompasses one jurisdictioncv, and the mobile network, the structure of which is deployed.cvi The organizational system is the distribution of forces in the service of the primary and secondary points wherever the revolution is acting. Party work is the relationship between secret work, which is the main aspect, and open work. It is also the importance of the «Five Necessities»: democratic centralism, clandestinity, discipline, vigilance and secrecy, particularly democratic centralism.

Directorship. We are fully conscious that no class in history has ever achieved the installation of its rule unless it has promoted its political leaders, its vanguard representatives, capable of organizing the movement and directing it. The Peruvian proletariat in the midst of the class struggle has generated the directorship of the revolution and its highest expression: the Leadership of Chairman Gonzalo, who handles revolutionary theory and has a knowledge of history and a profound understanding of the practical movement; who through hard two-line struggle has defeated revisionism, Right- and «Left»-liquidationism, the Right-opportunist line and Rightism. He has refounded the Party, directs it in the people‘s war and has become the greatest living marxist-leninist-maoist, a great political and military strategist, a philosopher, a teacher of communists, and the center of Party unity. The reactionaries have two principles to destroy the revolution: annihilating its directorship and isolating the guerrilla from the masses; but in synthesis its problem is to annihilate the directorship, because it is the directorship which enables us to maintain our course and realize it. Our Party has defined that directorship is key and it is the duty of all Party members to constantly work to defend and preserve the directorship of the Party and very especially the directorship of Chairman Gonzalo, our Leadership, against any attack inside or outside the Party and to subject ourselves to his personal directorship and command by raising the slogans of «Learn From Chairman Gonzalo!» and «Embody Gonzalo Thought!».

We base ourselves on collective directorship and individual directorship; we are mindful of the role of directors and how through the people‘s war, through the renewal of directorship, the directorship of the revolution emerges and is tempered. We maintain the principle that command never dies.cvii We who follow marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought, subject ourselves to Chairman Gonzalo and embody Gonzalo thought.

Two-line struggle. The Party is a contradiction in which the class struggle expresses itself as the two-line struggle between the Right and the Left. It is the two-line struggle that propels the development of the Party; its just and correct handling requires that the Left must impose itself. We fight conciliation because it nourishes the Right; and the principle of criticism and self-criticism should be practiced by all the Party members, cadres, directors, and the fighters and masses too; we assume the philosophy of struggle and going against the current, and we keep in mind that the Central Committee is the eye of the storm, since there the class struggle expresses itself the sharpest. The just and correct handling that Chairman Gonzalo makes of the two-line struggle has served to maintain the unity of the Party and the development of the people‘s war. In general revisionism is held to be the main danger, although within the Party it continues to unfold against Rightist criteria, opinions, attitudes and positions as a struggle amongst the people. It is necessary to organize the two-line struggle in order impose the Party line, through a plan to develop it in an organized manner.

Mass work. We apply the principle: «The people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history.»cviii The Party directs the struggle of the masses in the service of the conquest of power, which is the main daily demand; we develop the mass work within and for the people‘s war by basing ourselves on the basic masses of workers and mainly poor peasants and on the small bourgeoisie, and by neutralizing or winning over the middle bourgeoisie, according to the conditions. We subject ourselves to the law of the incorporation of the masses and the only marxist tactic of «going to the deepest and lowest masses»cix by educating them in revolutionary violence and in the unbreakable struggle against revisionism. The mass work of the Party is done through the People‘s Army and the masses are mobilized, politicized, organized and armed through the new power in the countryside and through the Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People in the cities.

In synthesis, it is through the hard struggle and Chairman Gonzalo‘s directorship that we have a marxist-leninist-maoist, Gonzalo thought Party of the new type which directs the people‘s war and has opened up the perspective of the conquest of power countrywide, thus serving the world revolution.



The People‘s Guerrilla Army is an army of a new type which fulfills the political tasks of the revolution established by the Party. It applies the maoist principle: «Our principle is that the Party commands the gun, and the gun must never be allowed to command the Partycx It fulfills three tasks: Fighting, which is the main task, which corresponds to the main form of organization. Mobilizing, which is very important and by which the mass work of the Party is carried out by mobilizing, politicizing, organizing and arming the masses. Producing, which applies the principle of self-reliance, that we should try not to be a burden on the masses. Fundamentally it is a peasant army, absolutely directed by the Party. I have stated: «The iron legions of the People‘s Guerrilla Army sustain themselves on marxism-leninism-maoism, guiding thought, which is the basis of its invincibility; they are forged in hardship, sacrifice and challenging death, which elevates them to revolutionary heroism.»


Marx set forth that the proletariat needed its own army and he established the thesis of the general armament of the people. Lenin created the Red Army and established the thesis of the people‘s militia, which has the functions of police, army and administration. Chairman Mao developed the building of the revolutionary armed forces with the immense participation of the masses. The people‘s war materializes its mass character through the «Three Great Unities».cxi

By basing myself on these marxist-leninist-maoist theses and taking into account the specific situation of the people‘s war, I proposed the formation of the People‘s Guerrilla Army. Since the preparation of the people‘s war, I have conceived of the necessity of building the main form of organization to carry forward the people‘s war, defeat the enemy and build the new State. On December 3rd, 1979, the formation of the «1st Company of the 1st Division of the Red Army» was agreed upon. In 1980, with the initiation, the squads and units were formed and we proposed to cross over from unorganized masses to militarily organized masses.

In 1983, we needed to take a leap forward in the building of the revolutionary armed forces, and we faced a large growth of the people‘s militias, which demonstrated how the masses wanted to fight; furthermore, that year the reactionary armed forces had entered the fight against us. Thus, at the Enlarged Plenary Session of the Central Committee in March of that year, I proposed the formation of the People‘s Guerrilla Army. Why «army»? Because it was a political necessity to confront the enemy and develop the people‘s war. The entire Party agreed to this amidst the two-line struggle against Rightism, which was opposed to incorporating the militias into the Army. Why «guerrilla»? Because it applies guerrilla warfare in the milestone of the «development of guerrilla warfare»; it is not a regular army, but rather a guerrilla army, but its characteristics enable it, if needed, to develop itself as some sort of regular army. Why «people‘s»? Because it is made up of the masses of people, by the peasants, mainly the poor ones; it serves the people, since it represents the interests of the people. A very important point is how we conceived of the People‘s Guerrilla Army by incorporating the people‘s militias. The Army is thus made up of three forces: main forces, local forces and base forcescxii, which act mainly in the countryside and complementarily in the cities; this is a great step toward the sea of armed masses.


The formation of the Army is based on people and not on weapons; our army is made up of peasants, mainly the poor, proletarians and small bourgeois; it wrests weapons away from the enemy and also uses all sorts of elementary weapons. Our slogan is to «Conquer Weapons!» from the enemy by paying whatever cost is necessary. The formation of the People‘s Army must be distinguished from its building.

Ideological-political building is primary, based on marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought. It is based on the political and military lines of the Party and all of its political and mass work is carried out under the Party‘s directorship. The Party is organized at all levels of the army. Double command is applied — both political and military command — and the two-line struggle develops between the proletarian military line and the bourgeois military line. In addition the revolutionary armed forces require the formation of three departments: the political, military and logistical departments.

Military building is important. Armed with the theory and practice of people‘s war, the Military Line and the Party‘s military plans, it is organized into squads, companies and battalions in the countryside and in special units and people‘s militias in the cities. This building is also based on the two-line struggle. There are three forces — main, local and base — and the base forces play a specific role as the support for the new State. «Develop the companies, strengthen the platoons and aim at battalions!» is still a valid slogan.

Military education is necessary and indispensable. It aims at increasing fighting capacity; drilling cannot be sidestepped and the qualities of command are the key to action. Training specializes; it elevates the forms of struggle. The organization of courage has a class character and strengthens fighting capacity because we thus fight with absolute unselfishness and full conviction of the justness of our cause.

In synthesis, we have created the People‘s Guerrilla Army as an army of the new type and established the line for its building based on marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought, so that it can fulfill the specific tasks of the revolution. It is an example before the world and serves the world revolution.



The conquest of power is the central task of the revolution and the Front is the third instrument. By applying the masterful thesis of Chairman Mao in «On New Democracy», I have put forward our conception of a joint dictatorship which forms the New-Democratic People‘s Republic. Starting from the link (State ↔ Front), the Revolutionary Front in Defense of the People is materialized, starting with the people‘s committees in the countryside, and in the cities it is simply the Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People. We build the new State in the countryside until power is finally extended throughout the country.

As a State system, it is a joint dictatorship of workers, peasants — mainly poor ones — and the small bourgeoisie, and it respects the interests of the middle bourgeoisie, all under the directorship of the proletariat as represented by the Party, which applies its hegemony through this worker-peasant alliance. As a system of government it functions through the people‘s assemblies.


The building of the new State follows the fluidity of the people‘s war, it can expand or contract, disappear in one place and appear in another. It is fluid. Chairman Mao teaches us: «Our workers‘ and peasants‘ democratic republic is a State, but today it is not yet a full-fledged one. […] the form of our political power is still far from that of a full-fledged State […] our territory is still very small, and our enemy is constantly out to destroy us and will never rest content till they have done so.»cxiii

Always keep in mind the system of base areas, guerrilla zones, operational zones and action points, because those constitute the environment in which the new State develops and are key to maintaining the strategic course; within this environment the People‘s Guerrilla Army, under the directorship of the Party, moves as its spine.


«Strengthen the people‘s committees, develop the bases and make advances in the New-Democratic People‘s Republic!» That is the slogan which continues to guide its building.

We struggle for power for the proletariat and for the people and not for personal power. We are against the ideology of roving rebel bands and the sidelining of the base areas.

The new State is built amidst the people‘s war and follows a process of specific development, being built in our case in the countryside first, until the cities are surrounded, and it is formed throughout the entire country. This is a process in which the old State is being destroyed and the contradiction (Old State ↔ New State) is being expressed. This causes all the political and military plans of reaction to fail and incorporates the masses into the struggle.

At the Enlarged National Conference of November 1979, I established the relationship (Front ↔ New State) by applying Chairman Mao‘s theory. At the 1st Military School of April 1980, I said:

«In our hearts, minds and wills, the power of the people is alive, and we carry it with us. […] Comrades, we must never forget the people‘s power, the State of the working class, the State of workers and peasants. This State marches with us, we carry it on the barrels of our guns, nestled in our minds, throbbing in our hands, and it will always be burning in our hearts. It is the first thing on our minds. We should never forget it. Comrades, the armed struggle will be born fragile and weak because it is new, but its destiny will be to develop through change, from the variation of fragility like a tender plant. The roots we plant at the beginning will be the future of a vigorous State. Comrades, all this begins to flourish with the modest and simple actions that tomorrow we will carry out.»cxiv

In 1980, the distribution committees emerged, the germinal form of the new State; in 1982, the first people‘s committees emerged, which would multiply toward the end of that year, forcing the reactionaries to order their armed forces to enter the fight against the people‘s war, since the reactionary power saw itself threatened. In 1983, we agreed upon the Great Plan to Conquer Bases. One of its tasks was the formation of the Organizing Committee of the New-Democratic People‘s Republic. Starting from there, we have followed the struggle between the restoration of the old power by the enemy and the counter-restoration of the new power by applying defense, development and building.

Thus the new power passes through a blood bath and develops the people‘s committees, which are being tempered in hard battles against the enemy, watered by the blood of the masses of peasants, of the fighters and of the Party members.

At the Enlarged Plenary Session of the Central Committee of March 1983, I further developed the line for building the Front ↔ New State. I expounded the levels at which the new State is being organized: people‘s committees, base areas and the New-Democratic People‘s Republic. The functions of the base areas and of the Organizing Committee of the New-Democratic People‘s Republic are that of directorship, planning and organization; each base must elaborate its own specific plan.

I established that the people‘s committees are materializations of the new State. They are committees of the United Front, directed by commissars who assume their State functions by being commissioned, elected by the assemblies of representatives and subject to recall. They are, up to now, clandestine; they march forward with commissions, directed by the Party by applying the rule of the «three-in-one» combination: 1/3 of them are communists, 1/3 are peasants and 1/3 are progressives, and they are sustained by the Army. They apply people‘s dictatorship, enforcement and security, and they firmly and resolutely exercise violence so as to defend the new power against its enemies and to protect the people‘s rights.

The set of people‘s committees constitutes a base area and the set of base areas is the ring that arms the New-Democratic People‘s Republic, today in formation. We have gone from «conquering bases» to «developing bases», which is the current political strategy. We have to plant the new power more and more, for which we have to apply the five established formscxv, especially today when the conditions point toward the perspective of conquering power throughout the country.

In synthesis, we have established the line for building the new State; two republics, two roads and two axes are facing each other. We have advanced in establishing new social relations of production, and the New-Democratic People‘s Republic in formation shines defiantly against the old State and opens up the perspective of conquering total power. This example encourages the revolutionaries of the world, most especially the international proletariat.

As followers of marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought, we assume the Line for Building the Three Revolutionary Instruments — for building the Communist Party of Peru, the highest form of organization and the foremost political society; for building the People‘s Guerrilla Army, the main form of organization; and for building the Front ↔ New State, the central task of the revolution. These are the instruments which are being built in our homeland in the furnace of the people‘s war; they cross rivers of blood in which the communists, fighters and masses heroically give their lives to materialize the just and correct political line established by our Leadership, and that those who survive will carry the flag of continuing it in the service of our goal, communism.




Upholding, defending and applying marxism-leninism-maoism, we have established the Mass Line of the Party. We begin by reaffirming ourselves in the proletarian world outlook that we must have in order to judge the problem of the masses. We expound the political role the masses play in the struggle for power by way of the people‘s war and that the struggle for daily demands must serve this end. We outline which masses we should go to, mainly to the basic masses of the workers and peasants, and the many fronts of struggle according to their specific demands and grievances. We must apply the only marxist tactic of going to the deepest and lowest masses, educating them in revolutionary violence and in the struggle against opportunism. We specify that the mass work of the Party that directs the people‘s war is carried out through the People‘s Army, and we indicate the importance of the generated organizations as one of the forms of organizing the masses. We must do mass work within and for the people‘s war.


We reaffirm ourselves in the powerful marxist principle: «The people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history.»cxvi We must forge our communist world outlook in struggle against the bourgeois world outlook, which is centered around the individual as the axis of history. I have said: «The masses are the very light of the world […] they are its fiber, the inexhaustible heartbeat of history […] when they speak everything trembles, the old order begins to shake, the high peaks bow down and the stars change their course, because the masses make everything possible and are capable of anything.»

This reaffirmation is of great importance because it is part of the proletarian world outlook. It upholds the Mass Line and is applicable to everything, it allows judgment on everything from international questions to specific policies, because it is an ideological problem. No historic event, no movement of change and no revolution can be made without the participation of the masses. This applies to the Party, because it has a mass character and it cannot be unlinked from them, otherwise it would be extinguished or diluted. The masses, in order to guarantee the course of their struggle, must be directed by the Party. The Party has masses — the members, who as communists must necessarily embody this principle and overthrow that rotten individualism which is not a proletarian outlook, through a constant struggle. It can be observed how our process of the people‘s war powerfully aids this transformation. Furthermore, one principle of directorship is «From the masses, to the masses».cxvii This also applies to the people‘s war because it is a war of the masses; they are the very source of it. It is with this marxist outlook that we make the people‘s war.

We particularly highlight the rebellion of the masses as the makers of history; I have previously stated:

«Since ancient times the masses have lived subject to oppression and exploitation, but they have always rebelled. This is a long and inexhaustible history […]. From the beginning, when the masses have fought their oppressors, they have always clamored for organizing their rebellion, their armament, their uprising, that it be directed, that it be conducted. It has always been this way and it shall continue to be so. Even after there is another world it shall continue to be this way, only in another form.»

«The masses clamor for their rebellion to be organized, and therefore the Party, its directors, cadres and members, today have a peremptory obligation, a destiny: To organize the unorganized power of the masses, and this can only be done with gun in hand. We must arm the masses bit by bit, part by part, until the general armament of the people. When this goal is reached, there shall be no exploitation on Earth.»

Here I express my absolute faith in the masses, in their historical and political need to rebel, to arm themselves, their demand that they be directed and organized. I summon the Communist Parties to fulfill the demand that comes from Marx and Engels, who taught us that there are two powers on the Earth: The armed force of the reactionaries and the disorganized masses. I advocate that if we organize this power, what is only potential shall become deeds, and what is a possibility shall become a reality. Everything is a house of cards if it is not based on the masses. Concretely, the problem is to go from the state of disorganized masses to masses that are militarily organized.

We should organize the masses with gun in hand because they clamor for their rebellion to be organized. As such, we must apply people‘s war, which is the main form of struggle, and organize the masses for the seizure of power directed by the Party. This is clearly in keeping with the main contradiction in the world today, with the strategic offensive of the world revolution, and with the main trend in today‘s world: revolution. Furthermore, the Mass Line aims at materializing what Marx indicated, the general armament of the people with the goal of guaranteeing the triumph of the revolution and preventing capitalist restoration. This is a thought of great perspective that shall carry us to communism: only by organizing this sea of armed masses shall it be possible to defend what is conquered and develop the democratic, socialist and cultural revolutions.

We refute those who claim that the masses don‘t want to make revolution or that the masses will not support the people‘s war. The problem is not with the masses, because they are ready to rebel, but rather it is with the Communist Parties who must assume their obligation to direct them and rise up in arms. We distance ourselves from those positions that today are based on the «accumulation of forces», which propose parsimoniously accumulating the masses by way of the so-called «democratic spaces» or the use of legality. Such an accumulation of forces doesn‘t correspond to the current moment of the international and national class struggle, it doesn‘t fit in the type of democratic revolution we are unfolding. It shall have other characteristics in the socialist revolution, since we are living in a revolutionary situation in unequal development in the world. We are opposed to and condemn the opportunist positions of making the masses tail after the big bourgeoisie, either on an electoral road or by means of armed actions under the command of a superpower or power.

Thus, we uphold the great slogan established by Chairman Mao: «It‘s right to rebel!»,cxviii and we conceive of the problem of the masses today as being that the Communist Parties must mobilize, politicize, organize and arm the masses to seize power, by specifying the people‘s war.

We specify the necessity of the scientific organization of the poor. We stress that those most disposed to rebel, who clamor most for their rebellion to be organized, are the poorest masses, and we must pay particular attention to the revolutionary and scientific organization of the masses. This is not against class criteria, because as I have pointed out, poverty has its origin in exploitation, in the class struggle: «Misery exists next to fabulous wealth; even the utopians knew that both are linked: A colossal and taunting wealth next to a naked and screaming poverty. This is because exploitation exists.»

This thesis is connected to Marx, who discovered the revolutionary potential of the poor and the need to scientifically organize them for the revolution. Marx taught us that the proletariat does not have property and is the creative class, the only class that shall destroy property and thus destroy itself as a class. This thesis is tied to Lenin, who taught us that social revolution does not arise from programs, but from the fact that millions of people prefer to die fighting for revolution rather than live as victims of hunger. And it is also tied to Chairman Mao, who thought that poverty shall propel the yearning for change, for action, for revolution, that it is a blank piece of paper on which the freshest and most beautiful words can be written.

We take into account the specific conditions of our society, and thus see that in Peru, to speak about the masses is to speak of the peasant masses, the poor peasants; the 1920s, 1940s and 1960s demonstrate that the peasant struggles shake the very foundation of the State, but that they lack a guide: the ideology of marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought. They lack a motor: the people‘s war and the just and correct directorship of the Communist Party. The peasants‘ struggles were not able to take the correct road to power, and the blood they shed was used to fetter them and chain them to the old order. These were unforgettable bloodbaths which left extraordinary lessons. The 1980s show that the true mobilization of the armed peasant masses organized in the Communist Party and People‘s Guerrilla Army has begun, and that they are giving their precious blood for the new power that is blossoming and developing through the people‘s war.

This is particularity strategic because it lets us understand that revolution in the world is defined on the side of the poorest, who constitute the majority and who are the most disposed to rebel. In each revolution we must go to the poorest by applying the three requirements that the scientific organization of the poor demands: ideology, people‘s war and a Communist Party.

In this regard, I said: «Poverty is a driving force of the revolution. The poorest are the most revolutionary; poverty is the most beautiful song; […] poverty is not a disgrace, it is an honor, our mountains with their masses are the source of our revolution, who with their hands, directed by the Communist Party, shall build a new world. Our guide: ideology. Our motor: the armed struggle. Our directorship: the Communist Party.»


Basing ourselves on Chairman Mao, who generalized revolutionary violence as the universal law for the conquest of power, and who established that the main form of struggle is the armed struggle and the main form of organization is the armed forces, and that before the outbreak of a war all the struggles and organizations should serve to prepare it, we understand that in mass work, the struggle for power and the struggle for daily demands are two sides of the same coin, with the struggle for power being the first and foremost demand of the masses.

Organize the masses so that they can go beyond what is permitted by the existing legal order, so that they struggle to destroy the old order and not to maintain it. This is accomplished by use of the three instruments of the revolution: the Party, where the few converge; the Army, with more participants; and new State ↔ Front, which is the basis which progressively accumulates the masses through leaps. In the countryside this is achieved through people‘s committees and in the cities through the People‘s Movement in Defense of the People. In this way the tradition of electoral fronts, which the revisionists and opportunists apply to channel the struggle of the peasantry and to divert the masses in the cities from not seizing power through war, is destroyed.

To center on political power also demands the organization of the masses in diverse new forms of struggle, because war imposes changes on the struggle and organization of the masses. As Lenin taught us, in revolutionary epochs, new organizations must be formed and go over the heads of the old leaders, who seek to sell out the revolution in order to accommodate themselves within the reactionary system. For that reason, the old forms of struggle and organization of the masses cannot be used.

The struggle for power as the main aspect does not mean that we are going to incorporate the masses all at once from the beginning. Chairman Mao teaches us that developing base areas and armed forces is what generates the high tide of the revolution. This has to do with the law of incorporation of the masses into the revolution, which was established by the Party at the 2nd Plenary Session of 1980, an incorporation that shall be through progressive leaps; with more people‘s war shall come a greater incorporation of the masses. Thus, the people‘s war is a political event that continues to hammer ideas into the heads of people through powerful actions, who shall bit by bit come to understand their only true path, thereby developing their political consciousness. The people‘s war summons all the revolutionaries and opens a trail as it develops.

The masses are ready for politics and it is a duty for the communists to organize and direct them. The masses have concrete problems everywhere and we must worry about them and attend to them. Mass work is done within the class struggle and not on its margins. If we do not do mass work, the reactionaries and revisionists shall utilize it for their own ends, whether it is to develop fascism and to corporativize them or to hand over their struggles to another imperialist master. These are two wills that are distinct and opposed.

The masses seek the voice of those who are firm and not those who doubt. In our Party, in the initiation, I demanded that no one must ever doubt the masses. In doing so, I fought those who are blind and deaf to the voice of the masses, and put forward that we must listen to their faintest rumors and attend to their daily, concrete problems. The masses must never be fooled, they must never be forced, they must know the risks which they may face. They must be summoned to the long, bloody struggle for power, but with this goal they shall understand that it shall be a necessary and victorious struggle.

Therefore the struggle for power is the main aspect, but it cannot be separated from the struggle for economic and political demands, they are two sides of the same coin, and the latter struggle is necessary.

How do we conceive of the struggle for daily demands? We are accused of not having a specific line for the economic and political struggle of the masses. The fact is that we apply it in another way, in other forms, with different politics opposed to those applied by the opportunists and revisionists, a new and different way from the traditional forms. For us, the struggle for economic and political demands is one side of a coin, which has the struggle for political power on the other side. It is completely wrong to separate them — to talk only about the struggle for economic and political demands is revisionism. In specifying Marx‘s thesis to our society I stated:

«The crisis presents us with two problems: First, how to defend what has been won, since in crises the gains are lost, and more would be lost if they were not defended. This is the necessity of the struggle for daily demands […], an economic and political struggle […], furthermore, it forges the class and the workers in their struggle for power. Second, how will the crises be ended? They cannot be ended unless the predominant social order is ended […]. [There is a] necessity for revolutionary struggle which, because it serves the seizure of power by way of armed struggle under the directorship of its Party […] one cannot be separated from the other. The relationship of both problems materializes in developing the struggle for demands in the service of political power.»

In order to carry forward the struggle for daily demands the trade union is used, along with the strike, which is the main form of the economic struggle of the proletariat. These are developed into guerrilla warfare which educates the class in the struggle for power. This elevates the class through concrete armed actions which strengthens this form of struggle, giving it a higher quality.

In sum, the struggle for daily demands must be developed in the service of the conquest of power. This is a political principle of doing mass work.


We must start from the class criterion to resolve what masses to go to. It is very important to make sure that the masses are organized according to the common interests of the classes they belong to. We hold that this approach is essential to combat those who pretend to separate masses from classes with tales of «unity», thus betraying the true interests of the masses by trafficking with their struggles. Also because it allows us to understand that the masses are always a battlefield, where the bourgeoisie and proletariat clash to direct them. However, only the Communist Party is capable of directing the masses, because it is the only one that can represent them and struggle for their interests. Those who talk about «mass democracy» or who create open mass organizations as if they were a form of power without violence, are merely upholding bourgeois positions that negate the directorship of the proletariat and its dictatorship.

Starting from a class criterion has to do with the character of the revolution, with the classes that make up the people who should be united under the directorship of the proletariat. In our case of the democratic revolution, the proletariat directs, the peasantry is the main class, the small bourgeoisie is a firm ally and the middle bourgeoisie has a dual character. The basic masses which we must go to are the proletariat and the peasantry, mainly the poor peasantry, the small bourgeoisie and also the middle bourgeoisie.

While keeping in mind the specific daily demands of the masses, we should differentiate between those sectors of the masses which suffer more oppression, with the goal of organizing them so that they shall struggle to achieve conquests and resolve their specific contradiction. This refers to the mass fronts in which we must work. These are:

The workers, the proletariat, the directing class of all revolutions, a class whose main and decisive political objective is the conquest of power through the people‘s war in order to emancipate itself, emancipate the other classes and finally to destroy itself as a class. Its specific daily demands are the seizing of conquests and rights like increased wages, a shorter work-day and better working conditions. Towards this end, the labor movement, its struggles, mobilizations, marches, agitation and strikes must be developed with armed actions. «Be concerned about the fundamental problems of the class and also of the workers, their general and concrete problems which they fight for daily.»

The peasants are the main force, especially the poor peasants, who struggle for the conquest of land through armed struggle under the directorship of the Communist Party. Not seeing it this way leads to the «land grabs» and conforming to the old order. Further develop the peasant movement applying the «Three Withs»: live with, work with and struggle with them, thus forging peasants with a proletarian mentality.

Women hold up half of heaven. We must develop the women‘s movement for women‘s emancipation, a task which is the work of women themselves, but under the directorship of the Party. We must combat the bourgeois thesis of women‘s liberation.cxix Women struggle against the constant increase in the cost of living which effects the physical integrity of the class and the people; mobilize the working, peasant and intellectual women, and so on.

The intellectuals must be mobilized so that they may fulfill their role as revolutionary intellectuals in the service of the proletariat and peasantry within the people‘s war. Among them are the high school students, university students and professionals, and so on. See their specific daily demands, that they should defend what is conquered, aiming at a new national, scientific and mass culture; make them conscious that they can only achieve this with the revolution.

Mobilize the poor masses in the cities, in the shantytowns and slums against hunger and misery, so that they fight for the program of the revolution. Summon them to the people‘s war so that they may seize their conquests and rights which are trampled on more each day. Do not allow that they be attacked with impunity and teach them how to defend themselves, so that they can resist the enemy‘s aggression using all the available means at their disposal. Apply «Fight and resist!», which is the common slogan for the class.

Mobilize the youth so that they directly participate in the front lines of the trenches of combat of the people‘s war. Let young workers, peasants and students develop their struggles for a new world, their right to be educated, against unemployment and other ills that wreck them.

Make the children active participants in the people‘s war. They can carry out many tasks which will help them understand the necessity of transforming the world. They are the future and in the end they shall live in the new world. Change their ideology so that they adopt the proletariat‘s ideology.


We start from Engels‘s thesis: «In a country with such an old political and labour movement there is always a tremendous heap of traditionally inherited rubbish which has to be got rid of by degrees.»cxx Lenin established: «The only marxist line in the world labour movement is to explain to the masses the inevitability and necessity of breaking with opportunism, to educate them for revolution by waging a relentless struggle against opportunism, to utilise the experience of the war to expose, not conceal, the utter vileness of national-liberal labour politics.»cxxi Chairman Mao indicated that a period of struggle against imperialism and revisionism was opening, with revisionism being one of the main sources of imperialist wars and a danger within the Party for communists in general. I call on persisting in the only marxist tactic, which implies four issues:

First, sweep away the tremendous heap of rubbish that is revisionism and opportunism, mainly electoralism. None of these revisionists and opportunists, nor any of their kin, can represent, much less defend, the masses. Now as before they only defend the exploiters in turn, yesterday they were merely stooges for the fascist and corporativist APRA Government, sinisterly dragging along the union organizations dependent on them. All these political and union organizations and their leaders do not represent the people but that crust of the labor aristocracy. The union bureaucracy and the bourgeois labor parties that always try to swerve the masses from their revolutionary path and are no more than part of that tremendous heap of rubbish, which must be swept away by degrees, as Engels said.

Second, go to the deepest and lowest masses which constitute the majority, which in our country are the workers and mainly poor peasants and the small bourgeoisie; we must also keep the national bourgeoisie in mind. Of these, the most important are the workers and mainly poor peasantry, and we must go mainly to them in both the countryside and city. We must propel their movement, direct it, mobilize them for power so as to topple and overthrow the old State. This is the main tactical question. Thus, among the masses it is necessary to distinguish the superficial scum, which is the crust that serves the bourgeoisie, from the immense majority of deep and low masses which shall emerge more and more until the sweeping away of the decrepit Peruvian State, even more so when a people‘s war starts to crumble the old Peruvian State.

Third, the masses must be educated in the people‘s war, in its theory and practice. Thus, educating them in the peace of bayonets is to allow them to be slaughtered. The masses should no longer shed their blood with impunity only to be betrayed by their false leaders, for capitulation — rather this precious blood should serve the conquest of power for the class and the people.

Fourth, it is necessary to struggle unbreakably against revisionism and opportunism, combating it as a dangerous cancer inside and outside the Party and among the very masses themselves, or else they will not solidify their revolutionary path. This is a struggle which we have been unleashing since the refounding of the Party and which today in open people‘s war is more urgent and implacable because of the increasingly treacherous way in which they act against us, the people and the revolution, all the more so if social-imperialism is operating behind them within their policy of collusion and contention with U.S. imperialism for global hegemony. This is applicable to revisionism and opportunism of all sorts, no matter who their representatives are.

Regarding this I have previously stated: «Rise above this swamp, this superficial revisionism, opportunism and electoralism which rides on the back of the masses. The main thing is that below this, the colossal and self-impelled masses agitate, upon which we operate with the most powerful instrument of the rebellion which exists on the Earth: armed action. We are the cry that says: ‹It is right to rebel!›.»


Starting from the ideological and political foundations and simultaneously the organizational building, we have established the forms of struggle and the forms of organization of the masses. The following is the process in which the mass work of the Party developed:

During the founding of the Party. Mariátegui outlined the foundations for the mass work of the Party and determined specific lines by unleashing the two-line struggle against anarchism, which sidelined the necessity of the Party, and also against the APRA, which negated the marxist-leninist world outlook and the capacity of the class to constitute itself into a Communist Party, through its work in the Front.

In the 1930s with Mariátegui‘s death, his line was abandoned. The work is centered around the masses, putting them at the tail of the big bourgeoisie, deviating them towards «frontism», elections and revisionism which weighs down on the efforts of the Red Line to oppose them. These erroneous tactics last more than 30 years.

During the refounding of the Party. I established the Mass Line of the Party and the organizational forms. This is in a period of over 15 years of hard two-line struggle which achieves partial leaps. In the first political strategy of the refounding I developed the initiation of the mass work of the Party, all the Party members in Ayacucho did work among the peasants and the construction workers, for example, and also with the intellectuals and poor masses in the slums. I supported the land squattings and carried out peasant events, the most transcendental being the 1st Regional Convention of the Peasants of Ayacucho, where the Agrarian Program was established. I directed the historic struggles of June 20th, 21st and 22nd in 1969 in Ayacucho and Huanta, mobilizing the masses of high school students, parents and families against Decree 006cxxii of General Velasco, which was defeated. I organized the People‘s Defense Front of Ayacucho, reorganized the Revolutionary Student Front, created the People‘s Women‘s Movement, the Mariátegui Center for Intellectual Work, the Revolutionary High School Student Front and above all the Poor Peasants‘ Movement. Thus, I established new politics in mass work, new forms of struggle and new organizational forms.

In the two-line struggle, I fought against revisionism, which directed the masses towards electoralism and against revolutionary violence in order to preserve the old order. I fought against Red Homeland, a form of revisionism which trafficked, as it does today, with the slogan «Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun» and which negates semi-feudalism and centers on the small bourgeoisie, especially students and teachers. I also defeated Right-liquidationism, which diluted the Party‘s directorship among the masses, preached legalism and said that everything could be done through the Peasant Confederation of Peru, that the peasants didn‘t understand confiscation but that they did understand expropriation, and that the fascist and corporative measures of the Velasco Government should be deepened.

In the second political strategy of the refounding, I established the generated organizations agreed upon at the 3rd Plenary Session of 1973: «The movements themselves, as organizations generated by the proletariat in the different fronts of work, have three characteristics: 1. Adherence to Mariátegui. 2. Mass organizations. 3. Bound by democratic centralism.» I founded the character, content and role of the generated organizations by applying Lenin‘s thesis on the clandestine Party and strong points for Party support among the masses, and learning from the Chinese experience in open and secret work. I specified the necessity, in order to develop the refounding of the Party, of opening up the Party more for the masses. In order to reach agreement upon and carry out this policy, I had to defeat «Left»-liquidationism, which started from the notion that fascism sweeps everything away, thus aiming at the Party‘s extinction by isolating it from the masses; it deprecated the peasantry and proletariat and preached that «line is enough».

With the defeat of the «Left»-liquidationist line the ties with the masses grew and people‘s schools began to be formed. These were schools which politicized the masses in the world outlook and line of the Party, which played an important role in agitation and propaganda by linking the struggle for daily demands with the struggle for political power. They completed a systematic and planned study based on outlines, thus unleashing the two-line struggle and developing the mass work.

The advance of the work of the generated organizations led me to propose their development into one torrent, under the political guide of initiating the armed struggle. This led to the forming of zonal work. The Metropolitan Coordination was established for the cities, by applying Lenin‘s thesis for open work and Chairman Mao‘s thesis for work in the cities, so that the struggle of the masses should be developed in a reasonable, advantageous and precise way. Their application allowed us to keep the Party clandestine and entrenched in the masses, by moving in a good number of activists, distributing propaganda in a short time and facilitating agitation and mobilization under a centralized Party plan.

All of this is what we call the «Three Little Legs» for mass work in the cities: generated organizations, people‘s schools and the Metropolitan Coordination. For the countryside the first two forms were applied.

In the third political strategy of the refounding, the Party broadly developed its mass work in the zones of the Highlands, thus linking itself with the peasants, primarily the poor peasants. In the cities it linked itself with the proletariat and masses in the slums and shantytowns. The generated organizations played a good role within the culmination of the refounding and laying foundations for the armed struggle. The specific lines were developed even further, so that the Class-Conscious Workers‘ and Laborers‘ Movement proposed the 15 basic theses for the labor movement; the Poor Peasants‘ Movement politicized the peasants with the Agrarian Program specified for new conditions; in the Class-Conscious Shantytown Movement the «List of Denunciations and Demands of the People» was published; the Revolutionary Student Front further developed the thesis of the «Defense of the University» against corporativism; the Revolutionary High School Student Front impelled the struggle of students for people‘s education; the People‘s Women‘s Movement raised the thesis of women‘s emancipation, impelling the mobilization of working women, peasant women, female shantytown dwellers and female students. Furthermore, there was participation in the United Syndicate of Peruvian Educational Workers which led to its specific class line being adopted in the 1970s. The National Federation of Peruvian University Teachers was also formed. All of this work entered into a broad ideological-political mobilization to initiate the people‘s war.

In synthesis, all the mass work of the Party in the refounding was in order to prepare the initiation of the people‘s war. As Chairman Mao taught us, before initiating the war, everything serves to prepare for it, and once it has begun, everything serves to develop it. I have applied and firmly developed this principle.

In the directorship of the People‘s War there was a great leap in the mass work of the Party, a qualitative leap, which shaped the main form of struggle — the people‘s war — and the main form of organization — the People‘s Guerrilla Army. This highest task was carried forward through the militarization of the Party, and with respect to the mass work this means that all the mass work is done through the People‘s Guerrilla Army, which as an Army of a new type fulfils three tasks: fighting, mobilizing and producing. We conceive of the second task of the Army as implying mobilizing, politicizing, organizing and arming the masses, a task which is not counterposed to fighting, which is the main task, because the principle of concentrating for combat and dispersing for mobilization is applied. In addition, the masses are educated in the war. This is a principle which governs the three forces — the main forces, local forces and base forces — in which various degrees of actions are specified.

For the mobilization of masses, the Party through the People‘s Guerrilla Army carries forward the people‘s schools, forms the generated organizations and the support groups. This is a policy that is applied one way in the countryside, because that is where the new power is being formed, and in another way in the cities. In the cities, the Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People was formed, aiming at the future insurrection.

In the countryside, where we have power, base areas and people‘s committees, we see to it that all the masses participate and are armed, organized in the Party, Army and Front ↔ State. If all the masses are not organized the new power will not be able to sustain itself for long. Amorphous masses or power without masses organized under the directorship of the Party is not enough.

In the cities, the mass work is carried out by the Army as well, and the main thing is the struggle for power through the people‘s war, with the struggle for daily demands serving the conquest of political power as a necessary complement. Obviously, this happens through many armed actions, with the goal of materializing the new forms of organization. We formed the Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People, which attracts masses from the workers, peasants, shantytowns and small bourgeoisie and neutralizes the middle bourgeoisie, thus aiming toward the democratic forces which support the people‘s war. The objective is to direct the masses towards resistance and to the elevation of their struggles into people‘s war, to hinder, undermine and upset the old State and serve the future insurrection, preparing the cities with people‘s war, which is specified as complementary. We use the double policy of developing our own forms, which is the main task, and infiltrating all types of organizations. We apply the slogan «Fight and resist!».

Regarding the generated organizations, in the people‘s war they have expressed a development and their characters have been varied. They continue being mass organizations of the Party and today: 1. They are guided by marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought. 2. They are governed by democratic centralism. 3. They serve the development of the people‘s war. In the countryside, the generated organizations are militarized; in the cities many degrees of militarization can be applied. Today, we have the following:

  • The Class-Conscious Workers‘ and Laborers‘ Movement.

  • The Poor Peasants‘ Movement.

  • The People‘s Women‘s Movement.

  • The Proletarian Youth Movement.

  • The Proletarian Intellectual Movement.

The People‘s Aid of Peru is also important. It has surged in the people‘s war as part of the struggle of the prisoners of war and the families of the disappeared. For the Party‘s work abroad the Peru People‘s Movement has been formed with its specific tasks.

Today, after nearly eight years of people‘s war, the Party has made a great leap in its mass work, proving that it is just and correct to develop mass work within and for the people‘s war. As a result of its application our people are learning each day that the class struggle necessarily leads to the struggle for power; their growing participation in the people‘s war is very expressive of this, and even if not everyone reaches an understanding of it, they see in it the concrete hope of their emancipation. They are developing their struggles with new forms of struggle and organization, and the class struggle in Peru has been elevated to its main form: the people‘s war. The masses are organized in people‘s war and are the basis and sustenance of it. They are organized in the Communist Party, in the People‘s Guerrilla Army and mainly in the new power, the main conquest of the people‘s war in which the workers, peasants and small bourgeois participate, thus exercising political power like never before in history.

These are qualitative leaps which give rise to conditions for a new chapter in mass work within and for the people‘s war towards the conquest of power countrywide.

We who uphold marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought, assume the embodiment of the Mass Line of the Party by giving our lives so that the Party may seize power countrywide and thus serve the world revolution.


i V. I. Lenin: «The 2nd World Congress of the Communist 3rd International» (July-August 1920)

ii Mao Zedong — Quoted in Lin Biao: «Report to the 9th National Congress of the Communist Party of China» (01.04.1969)

iii The Malvines War or the Falklands War was a ten-week war between British imperialism and Argentina following the Argentine reconquest of the Malvines and San Pedro Island (also known as South Georgia) from Great Britain. The war lasted from 02.04.1982 to 14.06.1982 and ended in a British victory.

iv The Vietnam War was the second Indochinese people‘s war of liberation, which was fought against U.S. imperialism following the French defeat in the first Indochinese people‘s war of liberation at Dien Bien Phu in 1954. The war lasted from 01.11.1955 to 30.04.1975 and ended in the victory of the peoples of Vietnam, Laos and Kampuchea.

v The Soviet-Afghan War was the Afghan people‘s war of liberation against Russian social-imperialism. It lasted from 24.12.1979 to 15.02.1989 and resulted in the victory of the Afghan people.

vi Ronald Wilson Reagan (1911-2004) was President of the USA from 1981 to 1989. Under his rule, U.S. imperialist vastly expanded its domestic repressive apparatus as well as its world-wide wars of aggression. He is often credited with propelling U.S. imperialism to the status of sole hegemonic superpower in the world following the collapse of the Soviet-East German bloc in 1989.

vii Mikhail Gorbachev (1931-) is a Russian social-democratic politician who was the leader of the Soviet Union from 1985 until its dissolution in 1991. Gorbachev continued Khrushchev‘s variant of revisionism and granted more economic and political power to the non-State-monopoly bourgeoisie in the Soviet Union, headed by Boris Yeltsin, which eventually seized the chance to carry out a State coup, dissolving the Union of Socialist Council Republics on 25.12.1991.

viii Georges Eugène Sorel (1847-1922) was a French socialist philosopher and journalist. Sorel was an important leader of the French syndicalist movement and was inspired by marxism, although he was ideologically eclectic. He supported the October Revolution and moved towards marxism-leninism at the end of his life.

ix Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809-65) was a French socialist philosopher. He is considered to be one of the fathers of anarchism, alongside Max Stirner and Mikhail Bakunin. Proudhon‘s doctrine of Mutualism relied upon the use of reformist methods for the working class to achieve «economic independence» from the bourgeoisie — in reality aiming to transform the workers into small bourgeois. His ideas were fought by Karl Marx in his book «The Poverty of Philosophy» (Beginning of 1847).

x Eugen Dühring (1833-1921) was a German Right-social-democrat and anti-marxist. He wrote a long series of pretentious books in which he claimed to have developed a «universal system of philosophy, political economy and socialism». He is today only remembered for the polemic which Friedrich Engels wrote against him in 1876-78, «Anti-Dühring», which defined and synthesized marxism.

xi Eduard Bernstein (1850-1932) was a German revisionist politician and leader of the Social-Democratic Party of Germany. He was condemned by the international communist movement for his systematic attempts to «revise» marxism, which became the origin of the term «revisionism» — meaning false marxism devoid of its revolutionary essence, leaving only a reformism which is acceptable to the bourgeoisie.

xii Karl Johann Kautsky (1854-1938) was a Czech-Austrian revisionist politician and leader of the Social-Democratic Party of Germany. He was initially one of the most important marxist theoreticians after the deaths of Marx and Engels, writing such important works as «The Agrarian Question», which Lenin called «the ‹Capital› of agriculture», and publishing Volume Four of «Capital». However, during the 1st World War, he degenerated immensely ideologically and politically and became a complete turncoat and renegade against communism. Lenin fought his ideas in his book «The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky» (October-November 1918) and other works.

xiii Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) was a German philosopher and one of the most important thinkers of the Enlightenment period. He represented the philosophical efforts of the rising bourgeoisie to establish a philosophical system with which to categorize the Universe. His doctrine is referred to as «transcendental idealism» and continues to be very influential among bourgeois philosophers today.

xiv Leon Trotsky (1879-1940), born Lev Davidovich Bronstein, was a Ukrainian-Russian revolutionary and revisionist politician. Originally a member of Lenin‘s Spark-ist faction of the Social-Democratic Labor Party of Russia, Trotsky soon became a member of the Menshevik Faction. Later, he time and time again attempted to reconcile the two factions at the expense of the Bolshevik Faction directed by Lenin. He joined the Bolshevik Party after the February Revolution of 1917 and played a key role as an organizer in the October Revolution. After the victory of the socialist revolution in Russia, he represented the Right of the Communist Party of Russia, and was fought by first Lenin and then Stalin. After carrying out clandestine and illegal propaganda against Comrade Stalin‘s Leadership and the directorship of the Communist Party, he was first exiled and later expelled from the Union of Socialist Council Republics. He settled in Mexico and from there directed a clandestine terrorist network in the Soviet Union through his son, Leon Sedov. This network involved such revisionist traitors and scabs as Lev Kamenev, Grigory Zinoviev and Nikolai Bukharin, who all joined the conspiracy after being defeated in the two-line struggle. This conspiracy was responsible for the assassination of Comrade Stalin‘s closest comrade and second-in-command, Sergei Kirov, in 1934. Once the network was discovered, its leaders were all sentenced to death; Trotsky‘s death sentence was carried out through the NKVD agent Ramón Mercader, who killed him in Mexico City.

xv Grigory Yevseyevich Zinoviev (1883-1936) was a Russian revolutionary and revisionist politician. During the preparations for the October Revolution, he leaked information about the planned insurrection to the bourgeois media. Later, while acting as Chairman of the Communist International, he issued profoundly wrong directives to a number of Communist Parties. He was defeated in the two-line struggle by Comrade Stalin and later joined the Trotskyite-led terrorist network. He was executed in 1936.

xvi Lev Borisovich Kamenev (1883-1936) was a Russian revolutionary and revisionist politican. During the preparations for the October Revolution, he leaked information about the planned insurrection to the bourgeois media. He held that it was impossible for socialism to be built in the Union of Socialist Council Republics. He was defeated in the two-line struggle by Comrade Stalin and later joined the Trotskyite-led terrorist network. He was executed in 1936.

xvii Liu Shaoqi (1898-1969), also known as China‘s Khrushchev, was a Chinese revisionist politician who snuck into the Communist Party and opposed the revolution in every way he could. His right-hand man was Deng Xiaoping. He managed to usurp the post of Chairperson of the State and began to restore capitalism in the mid-1960s. During the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, he was exposed and condemned, being expelled permanently from the Party in 1968. He died of diabetes in 1969.

xviii Deng Xiaoping (1904-97) was a Chinese revisionist politician who, after the victory of the new-democratic revolution in China in 1949, worked under Liu Shaoqi‘s leadership to restore capitalism in China and to turn it into an imperialist power. He was condemned during the Cultural Revolution, rehabilitated after a sham self-criticism in 1973, then condemned again in 1976 after ordering workers to be shot for protesting. He then carried out a counter-revolutionary State coup in October 1976, one month after Mao Zedong‘s death, against Mao‘s comrade and wife, Jiang Qing, and other comrades such as Zhang Chunqiao. After a brief period in which the revisionist Hua Guofeng formally ruled China, Deng took over officially, formally ending the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and initiating a period of «opening up» and «market reforms», through which the Chinese State-monopoly bourgeoisie managed to strengthen its own economic and political power, avoiding a collapse of social-fascism like in the Soviet Union. Deng Xiaoping‘s rule saw China develop from a powerful socialist country into a social-imperialist power, which today has become a social-imperialist superpower.

xix Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev (1894-1971) was the 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union from 1953 to 1964. After Comrade Stalin‘s death in 1953, Khrushchev maneuvered himself into power by allying himself with Georgy Zhukov, Marshal of the Red Army, and executed or purged many of Stalin‘s supporters. At the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, Khrushchev attacked Stalin heavily in order to discredit the socialist system, and at the 22nd Congress in 1961, he systematically revised the fundamental principles of marxism. Khrushchev‘s variant of revisionism became extremely prevalent in the international communist movement and most countries today still have a Khrushchevite political party.

xx The Iran-Iraq War was the Iranian people‘s war of defense against Iraqi reactionary aggression following the Iranian Islamic Revolution of 1979. The Iraqi reactionaries were supported by the U.S. imperialists. The war lasted from 22.09.1980 to 20.08.1988 and ended in Iranian victory, as the Iraqi reactionaries were unable to overthrow the Islamic regime of Iran.

xxi The Nicaraguan Civil War was the Nicaraguan people‘s war against U.S. imperialism, which invaded Nicaragua using the mercenary contra armies following the Nicaraguan revolution of 1979. The war lasted from 1979 to 1990 and ended with the victory of the Nicaraguan people and the defeat of the U.S.-backed Nicaraguan reactionaries.

xxii See Mao Zedong: «Talk at an Enlarged Working Conference Convened by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China» (30.01.1962)

xxiii The Laotian Civil War was the Lao people‘s war against French and later U.S. imperialism and their Lao reactionary lackeys. The war lasted from 23.05.1959 to 02.12.1975 and ended in the victory of the Lao people.

xxiv The Kampuchean Civil War was the Kampuchean people‘s war against French and later U.S. imperialism and their Kampuchean reactionary lackeys, followed by the Kampuchean people‘s war of resistance against the Vietnamese invasion, which was supported by Russian social-imperialism. It lasted from 11.03.1967 to 26.09.1989 and ended with the fall of Democratic Kampuchea and the restoration of bureaucratic-comprador-capitalist rule in the country.

xxv The Salvadoran Civil War was the Salvadoran people‘s war of liberation against U.S. imperialism and its Salvadoran reactionary lackeys. It lasted from 15.10.1979 to 16.01.1992 and resulted in the capitulation of the revisionists directing the people‘s war following the assassination of Salvadoran communist leader Commander Marcial.

xxvi The Haitian revolution of 1984-86 was a revolutionary wave of protests in which the U.S. imperialist-backed regime of the Duvalier family was overthrown in Haiti.

xxvii Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin (1814-76) was a Russian anarchist and co-founder of the Workers‘ 1st International. He is known for his synthesis of the doctrines of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Max Stirner in what would become modern anarchism. Initially presenting himself as a student of Karl Marx‘s, he soon began to establish secret cells within the International Workers‘ Association in order to usurp its directorship. At the Hague Congress of the International in 1872, he was expelled and marxism became acknowledged as the only ideology of the international working class. He died in Switzerland in 1876.

xxviii Maurice Thorez (1900-64) was a French revisionist politician and General Secretary of the Communist Party of France from 1930 until his death. He served as Deputy Prime Minister of France in 1946-47. Under his directorship, the Communist Party of France entered into a supposed people‘s front government together with the Socialist Party of France; this did not prevent the Communist Party from being banned in 1939 and France from becoming a fascist country following the German invasion and occupation in 1941. During the French people‘s war of resistance, which was directed by the Party, Thorez consistently lied in order to pretend that he was leading the struggle from «somewhere in France» — however, he was in Moscow the entire time. He became an early exponent of modern revisionism after the 2nd World War, commanded the partisans to give up their guns and entered the bourgeois French Government. He sided with Khrushchev during the Great Polemic.

xxix Palmiro Michele Nicola Togliatti (1893-1964) was an Italian revisionist politician and General Secretary of the Communist Party of Italy from 1927 until his death (except for a period from 1934 to 1938 in which he served as the Party‘s representative to the Communist International). As General Secretary, he almost never worked in Italy under fascist rule. In 1936, he stated that «we communists have made ours the Fascist Program of 1919, which is a program of peace, liberty and defense of the interests of the workers». Despite the heroic Italian people‘s war of resistance during the 2nd World War, in which Togliatti played no part, he commanded the partisans to lay down their guns in 1944 and he entered the bourgeois Italian Government. Togliatti was an early exponent of modern revisionism and sided with Khrushchev during the Great Polemic.

xxx The Information Bureau of the Communist and Workers‘ Parties was created in 1947 in order to replace the Communist 3rd International, which had been dissolved in 1943. It was the official center of the international communist movement until its dissolution by Khrushchev in 1956, following the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the restoration of capitalism in that country.

xxxi Josip Broz Tito (1892-1980) was a Yugoslav revolutionary and revisionist politician. He directed the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the Yugoslav people‘s war of resistance during the 2nd World War, which led to the establishment of the Federal People‘s Republic of Yugoslavia. However, he liquidated the Communist Party, never progressed beyond the new-democratic revolution and was an early exponent of modern revisionism. In 1948, he was condemned by Comrade Stalin as a bourgeois nationalist and expelled from the international communist movement. He ruled Yugoslavia as a fascist dictatorship until his death. Shortly thereafter, the Yugoslav nation in formation, which had stuck together but never fully formed under Tito‘s rule, collapsed completely in a series of reactionary civil wars, genocides and imperialist wars of aggression. Yugoslavia was divided into a number of warlord States subject to different imperialist superpowers and powers, which is how it remains today.

xxxii Earl Browder (1891-1973) was an early exponent of modern revisionism who was General Secretary of the Communist Party of the USA from 1934 to 1945. He put forward views such as «American exceptionalism», holding that the doctrine of violent revolution did not apply to the USA because U.S. imperialism was supposedly «young», and that the imperialist and socialist powers would cooperate after the 2nd World War, leading to «all-round peaceful development of the world». In 1945, he liquidated the Communist Party of the USA and replaced it with a «Communist Political Asssociation» affilitated to the Democratic Party.

xxxiii Enver Hoxha (1908-85) was a dogmato-revisionist politician who led Albania from its new-democratic revolution in 1944 through its socialist construction and transformation and to the point of restoring capit alism in Albania himself in 1978. Through his dogmatic insistence on Stalin‘s erroneous idea that classes disappear in the period of socialism, Enver Hoxha degenerated and himself became the head of a new capitalist class in Albania. He always opposed Mao Zedong thought and once capitalism was restored in China he openly attacked Mao Zedong and his thought, painting Deng and Mao with the same brush.

xxxiv Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev (1906-82) was the revisionist leader of the Soviet Union from 1964 to 1982. Under his rule, the Soviet Union became a social-imperialist superpower and pursued a foreign policy of extreme aggression in the third world.

xxxv The Revolutionary Communist Party, USA is a revisionist political party in the United States of America. Founded in 1975 after a period of preparatory work by the Revolutionary Union in San Francisco, it initially represented the refounding of the Communist Party of the USA, which had been totally taken over by revisionists and reactionary agents of the Yankee State. It is headed by Bob Avakian. During the 1980s, struggles took place between the Communist Party of Peru and the Revolutionary Communist Party over how to conceive of maoism — as a new stage of marxism or simply as «Mao Zedong thought». Avakian conceded in 1993 in words only. He then began promoting his own revisionist line while lending his prestige to give legitimacy to the 2nd Right-opportunist line in Peru, which had emerged against the people‘s war. Avakian‘s revisionism became dominant within the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement after the year 2000 and played a large role in its eventual collapse.

xxxvi The Revolutionary Internationalist Movement was an international organization of communist parties and organizations, which was founded in Paris in 1984 at the 2nd International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations. Before, the 1st International Conference had been held in 1980, at which 13 parties and organizations issued a Declaration «To the Marxist-Leninists, the Workers and the Oppressed». At its founding, the RIM adopted a Declaration. The Communist Party of Peru joined it shortly thereafter, pointing out several key problems in the RIM which would have to be overcome (see Abimael «Gonzalo» Guzmán: «Bases of Discussion for the General Political Line of the Communist Party of Peru», January 1988). On 26.12.1993, the RIM issued the declaration «Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!», proclaiming maoism to be the new, third and higher stage of marxism as defined and synthesized by Comrade Gonzalo. On 01.01.2000, the RIM issued the declaration «For a Century of People‘s Wars!», which proclaimed the universal validity of the strategy and tactics of people‘s war. However, inside the RIM, several factions had emerged. The Left was centered in the Peru People‘s Movement, the organization generated by the Communist Party of Peru for the Party work abroad. The Center included some different parties and organizations supporting the Communist Party of Peru. The Right consisted of several factions: One headed by Bob Avakian of the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA, one headed by Miriam of the 2nd Right-opportunist line in Peru, and one headed by Prachanda of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). These three revisionist factions colluded and contended in order to split apart the RIM and cause its collapse. The Left, due to problems of dogmatism, did not manage to win over the Center-Right (the vast majority of RIM members) and the organization thus collapsed. It was formally dissolved in 2012.

xxxvii See Note 126.

xxxviii José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930) was a Peruvian communist leader who founded the Communist Party of Peru on 07.10.1928. He thoroughly analyzed Peruvian and Latin American society, founded the General Confederation of Trade Unions of Peru and is considered to have been one of the greatest marxist theoreticians in history.

xxxix Gamonalism — A political, cultural, economic and military phenomenon which expresses a peculiarity of big landownership in the Andean countries of Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador. In his «Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality», J. C. Mariátegui wrote: «The term gamonalism designates more than just a social and economic category: that of the big landowners. It signifies a whole phenomenon. Gamonalism is represented not only by the gamonals but by a long hierarchy of officials, intermediaries, agents, parasites, and so on. The literate Indian who enters the service of gamonalism turns into an exploiter of their own race. The central factor of the phenomenon is the hegemony of the semi-feudal landed estate in the policy and mechanism of the government. Therefore, it is this factor that should be acted upon if the evil is to be attacked at its roots and not merely observed in its temporary or subsidiary manifestations.»

xl Non-associative property forms refer to forms of property managed by individuals, whereas associative property forms refer to forms of property managed by «cooperatives».

xli The Agricultural Societies of Social Interest (SAIS) were agricultural societies established by President Velasco.

xlii The Agricultural Producers‘ Cooperatives (CAP) were established by President Velasco together with the SAIS.

xliii People‘s Cooperation was a program for agricultural «cooperatives» created by the Peruvian Government under President Belaúnde in order to spread bureaucratic-comprador capitalism in the countryside and corporativize peasant communities.

xliv The Temporary Income Support Program (PAIT) was a «social aid» program created by the Peruvian Government under President García to corporativize the masses of the shantytowns and slums.

xlv The Center for Entrepenurial Development and Promotion (PROEM) is a Peruvian bureaucratic-comprador-capitalist institution which serves to spread capitalism in the countryside by means of corporativizing the peasantry.

xlvi Ricardo Pío Pérez Godoy (1905-82) was a Peruvian military leader and politician who served as President of Peru during the fascist military junta of 1962-63.

xlvii The American People‘s Revolutionary Alliance is a social-democratic party in Peru. It was originally founded by Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre in 1924, based on the idea of a class front, similar to the Guomindang in China. It was fought by J. C. Mariátegui who established the need for an independent proletarian political party in Peru. Later, the APRA developed as a social-fascist party. Under the leadership of Alan García Pérez, President of Peru from 1985 to 1990 and again from 2006 to 2011, it was responsible for the massacres against the prisoners of war and political prisoners in the Peruvian concentration camps, which took place in 1985 and 1986.

xlviii Juan Velasco (1910-77) was the fascist military dictator of Peru from 1968 to 1975. Under his rule, bureaucratic-comprador capitalism was strengthened through a series of reforms which evolved the semi-feudal Peruvian agriculture into a corporative system of peasant «cooperatives» under State control. Velasco portrayed himself as a «socialist» and a «revolutionary» and was falsely viewed as a «national-bourgeois» leader by the Peruvian revisionists.

xlix The patrols, or rondas, were reactionary militias set up by the Armed Forces of Peru in order to pit the people against each other. Often, peasants and shantytown dwellers were forces into these patrols at bayonet point. The Communist Party of Peru fought hard to dissolve these patrols, for example through exercising red terror against those who participated actively in them.

l The Regions and Micro-Regions of Peru were established by President García in the Organic Law of Regional Governments, but they were not elected before 2002. The Peruvian Government follows a policy of transferring functions from the departments to the regions and micro-regions.

li The Departmental Developmental Corporations. Established by President Velasco.

lii Manuel Carlos Prado y Ugarteche (1889-1967) was a Peruvian civil engineer and politician, who served two terms as President of Peru. His first term was in 1939-45 and his second term was in 1956-62.

liii The United Left was a «coalition party» formed by various revisionist groups in Peru, including the «Unified Mariáteguist Party», in 1980. It was dissolved in 1995.

liv During the strategic defensive of the people‘s war (1980-90), the policy of the Communist Party of Peru was to neutralize the middle bourgeoisie by respecting its interests, while still imposing conditions upon it. During the strategic stalemate (1990-92), as Comrade Gonzalo pointed out: «We arrived in a moment, 1991, in which we had to win over the national bourgeoisie. How could we deal them a blow?» («Declaration at the 3rd Summary Trial», 27.06.2017.) At the time, he also pointed out: «But today, the problem is to embrace the people: to win over the national bourgeoisie, or if we are more precise in our analysis, to win over the majority of it and neutralize its top 1/3. There are three layers: lower, middle and upper. We must differentiate between the upper layer which seeks to increase its capital to become part of the big bourgeoisie […] which is why they have those expressions.» («Report to the Northern Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Peru», March 1992.)

lv Centromín-Perú is Peru‘s State-owned mining company. It was nationalized by the Government of President Velasco in 1973.

lvi The Inca Empire or Realm of the Four Parts was an Andean slave-owner empire in the 15th and 16th centuries. Founded in 1438 by Emperor Pachacuti, it expanded until the Spanish conquest in 1533-72. By 1525, it covered most of modern-day Peru, Bolivia, Chile and Ecuador.

lvii The Chanca people are the predominant cultural group in the region of Ayacucho and Apurímac. They were historically the enemies of the Inca Empire.

lviii Emperor Manco Inca Yupanqui (c. 1515-c. 1544) was ruler of the Inca Empire from 1533 to 1544. Originally installed by the Spanish colonialists as a puppet ruler, he rebelled against them with an army of over 200,000 soldiers and almost overthrew Spanish rule in America.

lix The Viceroyalty of Peru was the Spanish colonial administration of the former Inca Empire, covering the modern-day territory of Peru, Chile and Bolivia. It lasted from 1542 to 1824.

lx Juan Santos Atahualpa Api-Inca Huayna Capac (c. 1710-c. 1756) was the leader of an indigenous revolutionary war against the Spanish Empire. He led a peasant army to overthrow the Viceroyalty of Peru and sought to reestablish the Inca Empire. After temporarily retreating to the jungle, he disappeared around 1756.

lxi Túpac Amaru the 2nd (1738-81) was an indigenous cacique who led a large revolutionary war against the Spanish Empire. He sought to reestablish the Inca Empire and raised an army of about 50,000 soldiers to fight the Viceroyalty, before he and his wife Micaela Bastidas were executed by the Spanish.

lxii A cacique was a chief of the indigenous people in the area of Cusco, appointed by the Viceroy.

lxiii Francisco Antonio de Zela y Arizaga (1768-1819) was a Peruvian politician who led the Tacna Revolution of 1811; the final dress-rehearsal of the struggle for Peruvian independence. He died in exile in Panama City just before Peruvian independence was achieved.

lxiv The Cagallo and Yauyos guerrilla struggles took place in connection with the Peruvian people‘s war of independence in 1820-21.

lxv José Francisco de San Martín y Matorras (1778-1850) was an Argentine general who led the independence struggle of much of Spanish America. In 1821, he declared the independence of Peru and was appointed its Protector.

lxvi Simón José Antonio de la Santísima Trinidad Bolívar y Ponte Palacios y Blanco (1783-1830) was a Venezuelan military and political leader who led Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Panama, Peru and Bolivia to independence from the Spanish Empire. He served as the first President of Bolivia, the sixth President of Peru and the president of Venezuela.

lxvii Pedro Pablo Atusparia Ángeles (1840-87) was a Peruvian indigenous leader who directed the Huaraz peasant rebellion of 1885.

lxviii Andrés Avelino Cáceres Dorregaray (1836-1923) was a Peruvian military and political leader who led guerrilla warfare during the Pacific War of 1879-84 against Chile.

lxix Eudocio Ravines Pérez (1897-1979) was a Peruvian revisionist politician and writer. After being expelled from the Communist Party of Peru in 1964, he became a reactionary conservative and supporter of neo-liberalism.

lxx The «national union» or the «civil peace» is a revisionist strategy of unity between the working class and the bourgeoisie, which has historically been promoted in connection with imperialist wars. It is the policy of «defense of the homeland» applied to «neutral» countries.

lxxi The National Democratic Front was a supposed electoral alliance formed by several political parties in Peru in 1960, which ran for the elections in 1962. It was later dissolved.

lxxii Manuel Odría (1896-1974) was the fascist military dictator of Peru from 1948 to 1956. Under his rule, opposition parties to the regime were banned and repression of mass movements reached a high point.

lxxiii The National Liberation Front was a Peruvian political party founded in 1960 by General César Pando Egúsquiza and others. It functioned as an electoral list of several self-proclaimed marxist parties and groups.

lxxiv Jorge del Prado (1910-99) was a Peruvian Khrushchevite revisionist who was expelled from the Communist Party of Peru in the 1960s. He then formed the splitter group «Peruvian Communist Party», which published the newspaper Unity.

lxxv Jorge Acosta Salas was General Secretary of the Communist Party of Peru from 1942 to 1946. He represented a Right-opportunist line.

lxxvi Juan Barrio Contreras was a Peruvian revisionist. He was present at the revisionist «Founding Congress» in 1942 and was expelled from the Communist Party of Peru in 1964 alongside Jorge del Prado and Raúl Acosta.

lxxvii The focus theory is an adventurist revolutionary strategy, which was developed by the French philosopher Régis Debray following the victory of the Cuban revolution in 1959. It is closely connected with the views expounded by Cuban communist leader Ernesto «Che» Guevara in his book «Guerrilla Warfare» and in several other writings and talks. As Comrade Gonzalo summarized the focus theory, it has five aspects: «an insufficient class differentiation which demanded that saviors save the oppressed; socialist revolution or a caricature of revolution; united front but without the national bourgeoisie; no need for base areas; and, as noted, no need for a Party». («Interview with The Daily», July 1988.) The focus theory proved itself bankrupt both in the oppressed nations and the imperialist nations through the death of Che Guevara in Bolivia in 1967 and the repeated defeats of the Red Army Faction in Germany from the 1970s until its official dissolution in 1998, respectively.

lxxviii The Movement of the Revolutionary Left was a focus-theorist group inspired by the Cuban revolution, which carried out a failed guerrilla warfare campaign in Peru in 1965. In 1982, its remnants merged with the Revolutionary Socialist Party (Marxist-Leninist) to found the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement.

lxxix The National Liberation Army was a focus-theorist group of dubious «revolutionary» character, which carried out a failed guerrilla warfare campaign in Peru in 1965.

lxxx Saturnino Paredes (1921-96) was a Peruvian revisionist who was expelled from the Communist Party of Peru in the 1970s. He then formed the splitter group «Communist Party of Peru (Marxist-Leninist)».

lxxxi Sergio was the leader of the «Bolshevik Group», a secret faction in the Communist Party of Peru. This group developed a «Left»-liquidationist line which isolated the Party from the masses by claiming that it was not possible to carry out mass work under fascism. They left the Party in 1975.

lxxxii The Peasant Confederation of Peru is an organization of Peruvian peasants founded in 1947. It represents the interests of the landlords and indigenous chiefs, which are presented as «leaders of the peasantry». One of its more progressive leaders was the Trotskyite Hugo Blanco, who led a guerrilla movement in the 1960s.

lxxxiii Fernando Terry Belaúnde (1912-2002) was the President of Peru from 1963 to 1968, when he was deposed by General Velasco‘s State coup, and again from 1980 to 1985.

lxxxiv The Sinchis are a specialized unit of the Peruvian National Police which specializes in operations against subversion and drug trafficking. They are known for their brutal and genocidal methods. Thousands of Peruvian people were murdered by the sinchis in their efforts to fight the people‘s war in Peru from 1980 to 1990.

lxxxv Legal Decree 046 was signed by President Belaúnde in March 1981. It stipulated extremely harsh minimum punishments for participation in, support of or association with organizations or individuals described as «terrorist».

lxxxvi Alan Gabriel Ludwig García Pérez (1949-2019) was a Peruvian politician who served as President of Peru in 1985-90 and 2006-11. He was a member of the APRA party. During his first presidency, García oversaw several massacres against political prisoners and prisoners of war in the Peruvian concentration camps, as well as a genocide in the countryside. During his second presidency, he took part in several large corruption scandals. As he was about to be arrested on corruption charges in 2019, he committed suicide by shooting himself in the head.

lxxxvii The Unified Mariáteguist Party was a revisionist party active in Peru from 1984 to 1996. It mainly operated through the United Left.

lxxxviii Alfonso Barrantes Linggán (1927-2000) was a member of the United Left who served as Mayor of Lima from 1984 to 1986. He ran for President of Peru twice and lost both times. During the Fujimori regime, he fled to revisionist Cuba, where he died.

lxxxix It is not clear from any of the available documents of the Communist Party of Peru what the «Five Developments» referred to are.

xc The Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement was a focus-theorist guerrilla organization in Peru, active from 1982 to 1997. The MRTA openly collaborated with the reactionary State in questions of fighting the people‘s war, and its leader, Víctor Polay, proposed several times to make ceasefires with the government so both forces could concentrate on fighting the people‘s war. They were routed from the countryside by the Communist Party of Peru and capitulated to the reactionaries.

xci Salvador Guillermo Allende Gossens (1908-73) was a Chilean physician and politician of the Socialist Party of Chile. He served as the President of Chile from 1970 until his overthrow and heroic death on the 11th of September, 1973, in a CIA-backed State coup carried out by the fascist General Augusto Pinochet. Allende was a social-democrat who attempted to implement a planned economy according to the «parliamentary road» being promoted by the Soviet revisionists, whose line he adhered to. He delayed the general armament of the Chilean people, which alone could have provided the opportunity for a genuine democratic revolution in the country, and this resulted in his overthrow and death. In his final radio speech to the Chilean people, before he committed suicide, Allende called on them to arm themselves and defend their interests against the fascists.

xcii See Note 93.

xciii Mao Zedong: «The Chinese Revolution and the Communist Party of China» (December 1939)

xciv This refers to the people‘s war in the Philippines directed by the Communist Party of the Philippines. At the time of the 1st Congress of the Communist Party of Peru, the Philippine Party was bogged down in dogmatism, which almost caused the defeat of the revolution. The 2nd Great Rectification Movement of 1992 reinvigorated the people‘s war.

xcv This does not refer to the people‘s war in Brazil directed by the Communist Party of Brazil in 1967-74 in the Araguaia region, but rather to the armed struggle of the focus-theorist guerrillas led by Carlos Marighella.

xcvi The sixth form of political power which emerged in the people‘s war in Peru was the 3rd People‘s Struggle Committee, which appeared in Lima in 1991. The people‘s struggle committees were bodies of the Metropolitan Coordination of the People‘s Liberation Movement (then the Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People) and emerged through three stages of development. The 1st People‘s Struggle Committee coordinated the activities of the generated organizations in a neighborhood, the 2nd People‘s Struggle Committee exercised authority in relation to the masses of the neighborhood and began to undermine the old State, and the 3rd People‘s Struggle Committee was a form of political power, similar to the Clandestine People‘s Committee in the countryside, but in a different form. A 4th People‘s Struggle Committee which openly exercised its power emerged in the shantytown Raucana in Lima in 1992, but it was concluded by the Party that this development was premature.

xcvii Mao Zedong: «On Coalition Government» (24.04.1945)

xcviii The «two hills» refer to the situation of our own forces on the one hand and the enemy forces on the other hand and the resulting balance of forces.

xcix Mao Zedong: «A Single Spark Can Start a Prarie Fire» (05.01.1930)

c The «Five Steps of a Campaign» are as follows: 1. Preparation. 2. Initiation. 3. Development. 4. Culmination. 5. Complementary. All campaign plans of a militarized Communist Party are structured according to these «Five Steps» and all campaigns are carried out in this order. It should be noted that the complementary step of a first campaign and the preparatory step of the following campaign overlap — the purpose of this is to not give the enemy time to rest while a new campaign is being planned and prepared.

ci The «Five Steps of an Action» are as follows: 1. Planning. 2. Personnel and materials. 3. Preparation. 4. Deployment and execution. 5. Retreat and evaluation. All action plans of a militarized Communist Party are structured according to these «Five Steps» and all actions are carried out in this order.

cii Mao Zedong: «The Present Situation and Our Tasks» (25.12.1947)

ciii Lin Biao: «Long Live the Victory of People‘s War!» (03.09.1965)

civ Mao Zedong: «Problems of Strategy in China‘s Revolutionary War» (December 1936)

cv The territorial network of a militarized Communist Party consists of armed Party members organized in the regional, zonal, area and other Party committees, which cover the geographical area of the entire country in which the Party operates. At its bottom are the base units or cells of the Party, while at its head stands the Central Committee of the Party.

cvi The mobile network of a militarized Communist Party consists of armed Party members organized in the Party committees of the various units of the People‘s Army. This Party network is deployed together with the revolutionary armed forces. At the head stands the Central Committee of the Party.

cvii The principle that «the command never dies» refers to the practice in militarized Communist Parties of always having, within any body of any organization, a line of command. The first in command is usually the political secretary, commander or responsible, the second in command is usually the organizational or military secretary, commander or responsible, and the third in command is usually the treasurer or logistical responsible. If a «link» in the command line is taken out, the next in line automatically assumes all their responsibilities. In this way, there is always a «commander» to issue the directives, orders or instructions and the division of labor is always clear.

cviii Mao Zedong: «On Coalition Government» (24.04.1945)

cix See V. I. Lenin: «Imperialism and the Split in Socialism» (October 1916)

cx Mao Zedong: «Problems of War and Strategy» (06.11.1938)

cxi The «Three Great Unities» within and outside of the People‘s Army were summed up by Mao Zedong as follows: «This Army has achieved remarkable unity in its own ranks and with those outside its ranks. Internally, there is unity between officers and troops, between the higher and lower ranks, and between military work, political work and rear service work; and externally, there is unity between the army and the people, between the army and government organizations, and between our army and the friendly armies. It is imperative to overcome anything that impairs this unity.» («On Coalition Government», 24.04.1945.)

cxii The Peruvian People‘s Liberation Army consisted of three distinct forces, which served different functions. All were divided into military units and had their own departments. The first type of forces was the Main Force, which consisted of highly mobile units for mobile warfare across larger jurisdictions. The second type of forces was the Local Force, which consisted of partisan units for guerrilla warfare within a smaller jurisdiction. The third type of forces was the Base Force, which consisted of the people‘s militias of a particular base area.

cxiii Mao Zedong: «Problems of Strategy in China‘s Revolutionary War» (December 1936)

cxiv Abimael «Gonzalo» Guzmán: «We Are the Initiators» (19.04.1980)

cxv During the people‘s war in Peru, six forms of people‘s political power emerged — five forms at the time of the 1st Session of the 1st Congress in January-February 1988. These were, in order of appearance: 1. Committee for Organizing the People‘s Power. 2. Dual Power Committee. 3. Clandestine People‘s Committee. 4. Reorganizing Committee. 5. Open People‘s Committee. 6. People‘s Struggle Committee. The first form was preceded by a germinal form, the Distribution Committee. For the People‘s Struggle Committee, see Note 102.

cxvi Mao Zedong: «On Coalition Government» (24.04.1945)

cxvii See Mao Zedong: «Some Questions Concerning Methods of Directorship» (01.06.1943), in which he states: «Take the ideas of the masses (scattered and unsystematic ideas) and concentrate them (through study turn them into concentrated and systematic ideas), then go to the masses and propagate and explain these ideas until the masses embrace them as their own, hold fast to them and translate them into action, and test the correctness of these ideas in such action. Then once again concentrate ideas from the masses and once again go to the masses so that the ideas are persevered in and carried through. And so on, over and over again in an endless spiral, with the ideas becoming more correct, more vital and richer each time. Such is the marxist theory of knowledge.»

cxviii See Mao Zedong: «It‘s Right to Rebel!» (21.12.1939)

cxix Women‘s emancipation here refers to the communist thesis of the abolition of patriarchy alongside private property and the State, once communist society is realized. Meanwhile, women‘s liberation here refers to the personal «liberation» of the individual woman in the bourgeois sense, which is tied to ideas such as «breaking the glass ceiling» and «free love».

cxx Friedrich Engels: Letter to F. A. Sorge (19.04.1890)

cxxi V. I. Lenin: «Imperialism and the Split in Socialism» (October 1916)

cxxii Supreme Decree 006-69 was a legal decree issued by Peruvian military dictator Juan Velasco which abolished the traditional independence of the universities and imposed demands on teachers, students and staff in the forms of a standardized curriculum and other measures, mainly intended to fight communist influence in the Peruvian universities. The decree was condemned as fascist and fought by the Communist Party of Peru.