Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru: “Concerning the Two Hills”

Proletarians of all countries, unite!
There is one goal, the conquest of Power!


Central Committee
Communist Party of Peru

Red Flag PublicationsTranslated and Reproduced by
„The Red Flag“


Apart from the usual study and analysis to contribute to the debate on the problem: we must pay special attention to the facts that refer to the apparatuses where we work.



The second stage may be termed one of strategic stalemate. At the tail end of the first stage, the enemy will be forced to fix certain terminal points to his strategic offensive owing to his shortage of troops and our firm resistance, and upon reaching them he will stop his strategic offensive and enter the stage of safeguarding his occupied areas. In the second stage, the enemy will attempt to safeguard the occupied areas and to make them his own by the fraudulent method of setting up puppet governments, while plundering the Chinese people to the limit; but again he will be confronted with stubborn guerrilla warfare. Taking advantage of the fact that the enemy’s rear is unguarded, our guerrilla warfare will develop extensively in the first stage, and many base areas will be established, seriously threatening the enemy’s consolidation of the occupied areas, and so in the second stage there will still be widespread fighting. In this stage, our form of fighting will be primarily guerrilla warfare, supplemented by mobile warfare. China will still retain a large regular army, but she will find it difficult to launch the strategic counter-offensive immediately because, on the one hand, the enemy will adopt a strategically defensive position in the big cities and along the main lines of communication under his occupation and, on the other hand, China will not yet be adequately equipped technically. Except for the troops engaged in frontal defence against the enemy, our forces will be switched in large numbers to the enemy’s rear in comparatively dispersed dispositions, and, basing themselves on all the areas not actually occupied by the enemy and co-ordinating with the people’s local armed forces, they will launch extensive, fierce guerrilla warfare against enemy-occupied areas, keeping the enemy on the move as far as possible in order to destroy him in mobile warfare, as is now being done in Shansi Province. The fighting in the second stage will be ruthless, and the country will suffer serious devastation. But the guerrilla warfare will be successful, and if it is well conducted the enemy may be able to retain only about one-third of his occupied territory, with the remaining two-thirds in our hands, and this will constitute a great defeat for the enemy and a great victory for China. By then the enemy-occupied territory as a whole will fall into three categories: first, the enemy base areas; second, our base areas for guerrilla warfare; and, third, the guerrilla areas contested by both sides. The duration of this stage will depend on the degree of change in the balance of forces between us and the enemy and on the changes in the international situation; generally speaking, we should be prepared to see this stage last a comparatively long time and to weather its hardships. It will be a very painful period for China; the two big problems will be economic difficulties and the disruptive activities of the traitors. The enemy will go all out to wreck China’s united front, and the traitor organizations in all the occupied areas will merge into a so-called “unified government”. Owing to the loss of big cities and the hardships of war, vacillating elements within our ranks will clamour for compromise, and pessimism will grow to a serious extent. Our tasks will then be to mobilize the whole people to unite as one man and carry on the war with unflinching perseverance, to broaden and consolidate the united front, sweep away all pessimism and ideas of compromise, promote the will to hard struggle and apply new wartime policies, and so to weather the hardships. In the second stage, we will have to call upon the whole country resolutely to maintain a united government, we will have to oppose splits and systematically improve fighting techniques, reform the armed forces, mobilize the entire people and prepare for the counter-offensive. The international situation will become still more unfavourable to Japan and the main international forces will incline towards giving more help to China […] Widespread guerrilla warfare and the people’s anti-Japanese movement will wear down this big Japanese force, greatly reducing it and also disintegrating its morale by stimulating the growth of homesickness, war-weariness and even anti-war sentiment. Though it would be wrong to say that Japan will achieve no results at all in her plunder of China, yet, being short of capital and harassed by guerrilla warfare, she cannot possibly achieve rapid or substantial results. This second stage will be the transitional stage of the entire war; it will be the most trying period but also the pivotal one. Whether China becomes an independent country or is reduced to a colony will be determined not by the retention or loss of the big cities in the first stage but by the extent to which the whole nation exerts itself in the second. If we can persevere in the War of Resistance, in the united front and in the protracted war, China will in that stage gain the power to change from weakness to strength.“1

In the second stage, the above changes on both sides will continue to develop. While the situation cannot be predicted in detail, on the whole Japan will continue on the downgrade and China on the upgrade. For example, Japan’s military and financial resources will be seriously drained by China’s guerrilla warfare, popular discontent will grow in Japan, the morale of her troops will deteriorate further, and she will become more isolated internationally. As for China, she will make further progress in the political, military and cultural spheres and in the mobilization of the people; guerrilla warfare will develop further; there will be some new economic growth on the basis of the small industries and the widespread agriculture in the interior; international support will gradually increase; and the whole picture will be quite different from what it is now. This second stage may last quite a long time, during which there will be a great reversal in the balance of forces, with China gradually rising and Japan gradually declining. China will emerge from her inferior position, and Japan will lose her superior position; first the two countries will become evenly matched, and then their relative positions will be reversed. Thereupon, China will in general have completed her preparations for the strategic counter-offensive and will enter the stage of the counter-offensive and the expulsion of the enemy. It should be reiterated that the change from inferiority to superiority and the completion of preparations for the counter-offensive will involve three things, namely, an increase in China’s own strength, an increase in Japan’s difficulties, and an increase in international support; it is the combination of all these forces that will bring about China’s superiority and the completion of her preparations for the counter-offensive.“2

China moving from inferiority to parity and then to superiority, Japan moving from superiority to parity and then to inferiority; China moving from the defensive to stalemate and then to the counter-offensive, Japan moving from the offensive to the safeguarding of her gains and then to retreat […]“3

At this point, the exponents of national subjugation and of compromise will again rush in and say: ‚To move from inferiority to parity China needs a military and economic power equal to Japan’s, and to move from parity to superiority she will need a military and economic power greater than Japan‘s. But this is impossible, hence the above conclusions are not correct.‘

[…] This is the so-called theory that ‚weapons decide everything‘, which constitutes a mechanical approach to the question of war and a subjective and one-sided view. Our view is opposed to this; we see not only weapons but also people. Weapons are an important factor in war, but not the decisive factor; it is people, not things, that are decisive. The contest of strength is not only a contest of military and economic power, but also a contest of human power and morale. Military and economic power is necessarily wielded by people.“4

People‘s War. Mass war led by the Party. Countryside is central to the People‘s War and its displacement to the city to conquer power throughout the country. Great leap in the incorporation of the masses into the People‘s War. To broadly and organizationally incorporate the masses, the people, into the People‘s War; key to the Conquest of Power throughout the country, especially for the insurrection, and for the defense of the People‘s Republic, Future Great Plan of Conquest.“5

The protracted war and its three stages. The three specific stages of the protracted People‘s War in Peru. The strategic stalemate and preparation for the counteroffensive; the enemy, to recover positions to maintain its system; we, to prepare a strategic offensive through Constructing the Conquest of Power. Therefore, reaction is faced with the need to annihilate the People‘s War and the Party and the people, who Construct the Conquest of Power.“6

The three stages of the revolutionary civil war have different characteristics from those of the war of anti-imperialist resistance; in the former, the strategic defensive is more prolonged, and goes from guerrilla warfare to mobile warfare which is the main one.“7

Prolonged character derived from the correlation of three situations: 1) ours; 2) that of the enemy; and 3) the international. This last one is the one that today and in immediate perspective presents problems, but apart from the revolution expressing more concretely its condition of main tendency spurred by the counterrevolution itself, the main thing is to rely on our own forces and conquering power, to serve the development of the World Revolution, to continue developing our own socialist revolution building socialism and dictatorship of the proletariat.“8

Encirclement and annihilation campaigns and counter-campaigns, main form. Through them, expanding and developing them, mainly maintaining the initiative we have reached the strategic stalemate. We have not had any great defeat, preparing ourselves so that this does not happen, but if it were to happen (which would require major direct or indirect action by Yankee imperialism), it would only be a partial and relative defeat within a perspective of development of the People‘s War aimed against Yankee imperialism and its puppets, within national polarization and towards the Conquest of Power. Furthermore, the international situation and above all proletarian internationalism and the support of the peoples of the world will be expressed more broadly and decisively.“9


The international class struggle has confirmed the positions agreed upon at the 2nd Plenum of the Central Committee. The new convergent offensive of imperialism and revisionism has unfolded and we have entered the general counter-revolutionary offensive at world level commanded by Yankee imperialism. Revisionism has passed from its general decomposition to its total bankruptcy; an irrefutable proof of this is the failed „putsch“ of the fascist faction against the demo-bourgeois faction in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). The policy of imperialism continues to develop areas of domination and redistribution of the world as evidenced by the Gulf War, the situation in Eastern Europe, the war in Yugoslavia and the apparent solution of old points through the United Nations (UN) such as Kampuchea, the Middle East and El Salvador. And the revolution as the main tendency in the world is lived with greater force in the torch in the People‘s War of Peru, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought, demonstrating the validity of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism.

The class struggle in the country was characterized by the conjuncture of a year of a new reactionary government led by the cynical and crafty Fujimori, the most shamelessly pro-Yankee imperialist ruler to date. A government that was born highly discredited before the people and that in its first year in office acted within the framework of the application of the three tasks that were presented as necessities to Peruvian reaction and imperialism: to give new impetus to bureaucratic capitalism, to annihilate the People‘s War and to restructure the old State.

In the first task it has revealed false successes, since inflation, despite the shock of 08.08.1990 and the measures of December 1990 and January 1991, with the corresponding change of Ministers of Economy has not been avoided; the recession has been maintained for the third consecutive year and particularly this year it has become more accentuated; a „low“, fictitious price of the dollar has been maintained in order to pretend low inflation. The tonic has been to adjust to all International Monetary Foundation (IMF) demands, applying a plan that is internationally considered one of the toughest in the world. The social cost, recognized by the very economists of North American imperialism, has been extremely serious and, if yesterday there were 12% Peruvians living in poverty, today there are more and most of them are in critical poverty. Their stabilization plan has failed, and they need a new one, their „reinsertion“ has been reduced to being declared eligible by their Yankee imperialist masters; the debt was not even minimally condoned, but refinanced to increase payments. Thus, 1992 will be a difficult year; the situation of the masses will be worse, the demands of imperialism greater. This apart from the fact that ‘91 did not mean to stop paying or receiving the much-trumpeted fresh money; for, to the few dollars that come in must be added more from where there are none to pay the part of the debt that corresponds: and, moreover, in ‘93 they will assume the heavy payments contracted. On the whole, inflation has not been kept at bay, the recession continues and deepens, and the „reinsertion“ has not been completed; therefore, the desired stabilization has not been achieved and the economic reactivation is postponed even further. As a consequence, in the task of re-launching bureaucratic capitalism they have not achieved the objectives they set themselves, and the law of bureaucratic capitalism of maturing the conditions for the revolution is fulfilled; thus, in our case, the conditions for the conquest of power in the whole country are maturing.

The task of annihilating the People‘s War has not achieved either great or small successes. Meanwhile, the 3rd Campaign has been fulfilled as a great, shocking and forceful expression; proof of this has been that the simple diffusion of the greeting to the proletariat and the people for the great triumph of having entered the strategic stalemate generated immediate and great repercussions in Peruvian and world reaction, as evidenced by the debates in the Congress of Yankee imperialism itself, the cover page on the People‘s War in one of its magazines with a 6-page article, the denials and affirmations of the starving mercenary of Yankee imperialism Fujimori and his cronies, the Ministers of Defense, of the interior and of the president of the Joint Command of the genocidal Armed Forces and the expletives of the armed revisionism of the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA) and of the worshippers of parliamentary cretinism like the Unified Mariáteguist Party (PUM); in addition to the growing garbage dump of „violentologists“, „senderologists“, etc., lackeys and plumíferos. Also the editorials and columns of the various reactionary newspapers and magazines, and of the unrepentant revisionists like Red Fatherland. Repercussion that in the proletariat and the people has been one of jubilation and satisfaction for such a transcendental people‘s triumph that demands their indeclinable decision to continue fighting for the conquest of power through the People‘s War.

Finally, with regard to the third task, the old State is marching towards its greatest reactionarization, there are systematic violations of its Constitution, norms and laws; rights and conquests of the proletariat and the people are being cut back. Fujimori, described as „authoritarian“, has continued to subjugate the Legislature, exceeding the powers granted to legislate in specific matters as in the recent issuance of 126 legislative decrees, 23 of them against the People‘s War and most of them to transfer the State monopoly to the non-State, restrict the functions of the State and fire public employees; furthermore, these legislative decrees, like previous provisions, are part of the State restructuring. Fujimori has also introduced the legal sarcasm of amending laws through errata. His tonic is the olympic contempt for the Parliament and the Judiciary; but the response of the former has been mediatized, expressing deep group interests, abdicating more in the exercise of its functions of legislating, auditing, especially in what refers to the budget and national accounts, demonstrating the rottenness of the old State. His complementary municipal elections have been a resounding failure. Fujimori continues to rely more on the armed forces, on elements of the big comprador bourgeoisie and on direct servants of Yankee imperialism such as Hernando de Soto, director of the Institute for Liberty and Democracy (ILD); and he continues his genocide and sinister policy of burning everything, stealing everything, and killing everyone. All these signs reveal the growing reactionary nature of the old Peruvian State; its bourgeois democracy is creaking and tottering, the fragility of the Peruvian State and its institutions is further proven. What is not yet defined is which group or faction of the big bourgeoisie will impose itself in the restructuring of the State, with advances being observed in the comprador bourgeoisie and fascist positions in Fujimori who is moving more towards absolute centralization and concrete absolutism of the Executive, more specifically presidential absolutism.

As for the situation of the masses, the masses-government contradiction has sharpened; learning from the People‘s War, they strengthen and elevate their struggles and continue to develop within the tendency towards revolutionary crisis, broadly joining the People‘s War.



a. About Strategy

The „New Strategy“. Establishments by Fujimori and the Authorities.

The 2nd Plenum justly and correctly said:

The ‚new strategy‘ is totally false, they aim at a more developed counter-subversive war, that is, to wage it in all fields; without forgetting that of the four: psycho-social, economic, political and military, they will necessarily focus, and at the end of the day, on the military, hence we must keep in mind what was stated and ‚be vigilant so as not to be surprised‘ and ‚be superior to the enemy‘. The so-called pacification is part of the so-called low-intensity warfare of Yankee imperialism, hence the search for social participation and national agreement and legitimization.“

This forecast is accurate and arms us in the face of Fujimori‘s counter-revolutionary actions. We are armed with Gonzalo Thought; while the cynical and crafty one is unarmed because he never imagined what it means to face a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought People‘s War, even less so in its second stage of strategic stalemate on the way to the conquest of power throughout the country.

What criteria are Fujimori developing? In the first place, he has protected the genocide committed around the ‘90s general elections, promoting impunity; he has neither denounced the perpetrators nor expressed his condemnation or asked for their sanction. Secondly, it has continued with the policy of genocide. Already in the balance of the 2nd Campaign of the Plan to Impulse and its extension we denounced part of the savage crimes committed by the Armed and Police Forces under Fujimori‘s mandate which, as always, remain in impunity or are hidden by the same military and civilian authorities who commit them. The first thing we want to add here is how Fujimori’s own words confirm our affirmations:

For 10 years the people of Peru have been suffering from subversive violence […] more than 15.000 victims and damages for 17.000.000 dollars […]“

He gave that figure when he took office. According to the Special Commission on Violence and Pacification of the Senate, up to September 1991: 23.196, we have that during the Fujimori administration, from July 1990 to September 1991, in a little more than a year, there were 3.761 deaths. Using the same source, the total number of deaths during García‘s five-year term was 9.660 and Belaúnde‘s was 8.103; compared to Fujimori’s 3.761 in one year and 2 months, they show him to be far more genocidal than his predecessors. This apart from the fact that the figures of this organization presided by Bernales are based on information from the Ministry of Defense; however, their data says that the first year of García‘s term resulted in 1.268 deaths compared to the 3.761, how to qualify Fujimori?

The second fact that proves what we affirm is the fact that he endorsed that the Parliament not approve the genocide accusation against his predecessor and dear fellow Aprista; he gave the slogan to his party Cambio 90 so that it would vote for it. Thus Fujimori remains in Peruvian history as the one who allowed the genocide of the Shining Trenches of Combat of 1986 to go unpunished and as the protector of the demagogue and genocidal García Pérez. A third fact, in December 1990 he issued Supreme Decree No. 171 by which he protects the genocide and corruption of his Armed and Police Forces, since he converts all his crimes into crimes of function, therefore under the impunity of the military or police jurisdictions. Fourth, the public homage paid to the Armed and Police Forces in the message of his first year in office and, even more, the set of homages, cults and obeisances paid to the cowardly and genocidal Armed Forces, experts in defeats, despite being qualified as violators of human rights by international organizations. Fifth, not to investigate and rather to hide the Army document that the journalist Hildebrant presented on television, about how the Armed Forces, states that the best terrorist is the dead one […] to extend it to relatives and friends […] to execute without leaving a trace“; a fact that has antecedents such as the exculpation of the genocidal Noel and what was said by General E.P. Monzon, former president of the Commanders of the Armed Forces (CFA) in 1986, in the parliamentary commission that ventilated the genocide of García Pérez:

The military action is combat action that inserted in the ‚anti-subversive strategy‘, it is subtracted from the humanitarian law of war, and at the margin of the Geneva Convention, it legitimizes in genocidal conception the violent retaliation, the extrajudicial executions and the disregard of the human rights of the subversives and of the presumed subversives.“

Facts that prove the genocidal policy of the Peruvian Armed Forces in the fight against subversion since the first genocidal government of Belaúnde; but that, sinisterly hiding it, Fujimori, the new genocidal president, was satisfied with the cynical version of his Minister of Defense who said:

It was a slip of an officer and does not reflect an institutional position.“

Sixth, the Presidential Directive on human rights approved by the Council of Ministers in September, issued precisely when the Yankee government was supposed to unblock its contribution to the counter-subversive war. The Directive extends the police function, so the National Police of Peru (PNP) interferes more in the judicial process, to see witnesses, evidence, etc. and:

[…] coordinate with the judicial authorities the creation of specialized courts […] to put penitentiary policy into practice.“

That is, to create a different and special judicial system, goodbye judicial power! It also creates a new penitentiary policy based on the dispersion of prisoners of war (to barracks?, concentration camps?) and isolation of prisoners; it proposes „intellectually trained judges“, that is to say, adequate to the President‘s policy, who submit to his orders; it discriminates against those accused of terrorism and drug trafficking, giving full value to circumstantial evidence, a monstrous violation of bourgeois law, a complete change of criminal procedural law. And, finally, everything „[…] will depend directly on the President and his political responsibility reaches the president of the Council of Ministers […]“; meaning that everything remains in the hands of the genocidal Fujimori.

Other proofs of his genocide in progress: the 540 deaths in the month of June, qualified by the reactionary newspapers themselves as „the bloodiest month“; or the denunciation by CEAPAZ (Center of Studies for Peace) that „the Caceres Region leads in the political assassinations as well as disappearances“. Here is the proclaimed „new tone“ or that „the Armed Forces will no longer enter with rifles only but with picks and shovels“. But the evidence does not end there, Peru was qualified for the third consecutive year as the main violator of human rights by international organizations. Finally, his genocidal acts, which we will describe below, prove conclusively that Fujimori is the greatest continuator of the policy of genocide and violation of so-called human rights.

On this basis, we will analyze his speeches to unravel what „new strategy“ he applies, taking into account how devious and cynical he is, since one thing he says and another he does, apart from the fact that from one speech to another he contradicts himself, we start from the fact that, due to the responsibility of his function, he should have informed the country about the situation of the People‘s War and the counter-subversive action but, as always, reactionary regimes care nothing for the people and lack respect for their own institutions. In the May guidelines, during his electoral campaign, in his first message and in the report of his ex-premier Hurtado to Parliament, he put forward simple ideas and a so-called general pacification plan.

He began to speak of a „new strategy“ as a result of the seizure of videos in February 1991, using the fact to hide his failures and divert the pressures of groups and factions of the big bourgeoisie on the economic problem, mainly. He proposed: „a new strategy based on intelligence“, and that from now on they would no longer aim at repressing downwards“ but at the top, presenting an organizational chart which was a raid of the three instruments of the revolution. Intelligence, first, was nothing new, since it is a constant in every war, the two previous regimes used it and aimed at developing it. Second, the „successes“ he celebrated derived from the action of the APRA government. Why then did he speak of intelligence as part of his „new strategy“, to adjust to the plans of the „low-intensity warfare“ of Yankee imperialism; for the Americans this war has a series of „non-military“ components: intelligence, psychological operations, civil affairs and control of the population and resources, intelligence being the first of these and aiming, all four, to develop their military action; it is considered the foundation of all low intensity operations. Therefore, enhancing intelligence is part of their low-intensity warfare, to which we counterpose raising our fight against the political police and higher clandestinity.

In March ‘91, at the Army headquarters in Lima, overwhelmed by the shocking beginning of the 3rd Campaign, he announced the final triumph over subversion based on intelligence, praising the genocidal Armed Forces:

They will be crushed […] the enemy is identified, cornered and without arguments […]“

A clear expression of his wishes and part of his meager campaign of psychological warfare; a verbiage to cheer himself up and raise the morale of the Armed Forces and police, since their operations were about to begin, and let us emphasize that we are not borrowing failed strategies like the one who badly repeats that of his imperialist masters, mainly Yankee. Furthermore, withdrawing his praise to the Armed Forces, he said:

I am a witness […] of the intense love that their actions inspire; […] of their professionalism and preparation.“

Apart from their public pact of mutual defense, he wants to make believe that they are respectful of the so-called human rights and that they are capable of handling the counter-subversive war, one of the demands of his boss Bush to give the economic „aid“.

Within their low-intensity warfare, the Americans propose that the reactionary governments must introduce readjustments of various kinds, among them the modification of the conduct of the armed forces towards the population; let us remember what they say:

The objective is fundamentally political, aimed at winning the minds and hearts of the people. One instrument is civic action, but another substantial one is the humanization of war.“

It is within this that Fujimori moves, which is why he makes fanciful statements that do not correspond to reality:

The initiative has been retaken and now it corresponds to consolidate the social initiative based on joint action, solidarity and identification between the Armed Forces and the civilian population.“

He ends with another cynical statement:

The whole country has confidence in its Army.“

With this, what he does is to give them more power, he endorses them, since he takes refuge in the genocidal Armed Forces bathed in the blood of the people, those that will never win neither the minds nor the hearts of the people because the people are witnesses of the monstrous and unpunished crimes they commit systematically, given the reactionary class character of the old landlord-bureaucratic State they support. And, if the objective of the low-intensity warfare is political, it is centered on the military; and if they propose „reforms“ these are nothing but the three tasks of re-impulse, restructure and annihilate. The instrument of civic action in the hands of the Army and the Navy is minimal and formal, based on imperialist „aid“, mainly Yankee and through the International Development Agency (IDA), because the deep economic crisis, will also cut their means, and the „works“ they intend will be for military purposes of counter-subversive warfare, using as always the free labor of the masses supported by some lackeys. This is why Fujimori has soldiers and marines working on highways, occupying towns, painting hospitals, intervening in universities, entering and occupying slums and helping to distribute food and medicine donated to other organizations. Thus, such „humanization“ is impossible because their counter-subversive war is reactionary and unjust, and is only another imperialist condition for both their low-intensity warfare and their „reinsertion“.

As the 3rd Campaign develops further, he proclaims the Armed Forces, mainly the Army, „vanguard of the struggle for development and social justice“. This clashes with what he said in 1990: „not exclusively military solution“ or with „it is predominantly the people who, with the support of the government, will fight subversion“. Worse still, if shortly after having spoken of a new strategy and new intelligence, we hear him say „with that same intelligence“ and „only adjustments […]“ and in the face of growing criticism „I have explained the strategy in a message and I cannot give more details“, revealing another of his many inconsistencies. In the 1990 message he spoke of attacking structural causes by eliminating marginalization and injustice and of giving priority to the development of the convulsed Andean and jungle zones; but what are the development actions he has started? None. With a regime of exploitation, a nation will never be able to develop, but rather grow against the interests of the people and with greater constraint of the productive forces.

Another orientation of Fujimori is to arm the ronderos. He says:

The Armed Forces are providing them with defensive weapons […] This is part of the change of defensive strategy. It is no longer only the police and the military but the entire population that fights against subversion […]“


We will win the internal struggle by having the population on our side […]“

And he began his trips to hand out shotguns to the ronderos until on 28.09.91 he paraded them in the capital as part of the military parade and in his message he called them „ronderos, brave soldiers of civility, authentic army of democracy“.

Yankee imperialism in its low-intensity warfare conceives as a factor of this war the control of the population and resources, whose objective is to dismantle the infrastructure of support to the revolutionary movement and to avoid new adhesions to its cause. To achieve this, it combines intelligence actions, psychological operations, civil affairs and other measures of a military nature. The „pacification“ projects contemplate incorporating these elements and aim to win the minds and hearts of the peasants, improve the villages and achieve economic and political security in them (underlined because it is the same word used by Fujimori on 28.09.90). It implies forced resettlement, formation of strategic hamlets and the obligatory incorporation of the people to the defense tasks through the constitution of civilian self-defense forces or patrols.

What is the experience of population and resource control in Peru? For the Peruvian reaction, the peasant patrols emerged as:

Complementary alternatives to public security, organized in a peaceful, democratic and autonomous manner, under the protection of the law, that defend their property, their lands, their crops and their lives from social and political banditry.“

For them, they have become „firm allies of the Armed Forces and a barrier against terrorist actions“ and „contribute to social peace“. The demagogue and genocidal García Pérez promulgated the law of „rondas“ with the consent of the United Left (IU) and placed them under the control of the Armed Forces and the Ministry of the Interior; but they are linked to the criteria of Velasco‘s Civil Defense; and furthermore, the genocidal Noel applied them when the army entered to fight us by disposition of Belaunde in 1983. Proof of this is the celebration, in April ‘91, of the „7th year of the Hatum Pampa peasant patrols“ in Huayllay, province of Huamanga, when men, women and children paraded armed with weapons made by themselves, a ceremony presided over by General (EP) H. Martinez Aloja, chief of the Huamanga Front. Thus, there is nothing new about them, except that Fujimori is developing them within the criteria of „low-intensity warfare“. Furthermore, the 2nd Plenum already warned us that they would begin to develop their plan of mesnadas but in new conditions of 11 years of People‘s War, the peasant patrols are being formed as counter-revolutionary forces complementary to the Armed Forces, since these are insufficient to fight us; that the ronderos are called „soldiers of democracy“, implies conceiving them as people‘s forces of self-defense“ based on natives organized according to their ethnic, social, religious, racial, etc. conditions, and part of the control of the population and resources, according to the theory of „low-intensity warfare“ of Yankee imperialism.

It is from 1989 that they will infiltrate marines and soldiers, as they also did in 1983 before the first great bloodbath, and they will form companies of 50-100 men of false combatants of the People‘s Guerrilla Army (PGA) to discredit us before the masses; in the Center, the captured marines of the intelligence service confirmed it. They used the supposed division, set up an espionage network and dressed as civilians they razed and murdered the masses; in many points they forced at gunpoint to organize under their control on pain of being annihilated as subversives. They have also relied again on some graduates apart from lackeys, preferably rich peasants. The composition of these armed counter-subversive forces is, one part of black heads, infiltrators and lackeys, another of supporters and a third, the great majority, pressured masses. As Marx taught us, the reactionaries use the most backward part of the peasantry to counterpose masses against masses.

Again like yesterday, they used a soft hand with the services of the Catholic Church, the IU and the MRTA. They have also pressured with leaflets saying „if you want to plant you have to defend yourself against the terrucos“ or denounce „the murderous terrucos“, etc. And after the genocide they handed out poisoned candies; in their so-called civic actions. But they have done all this in the face of fierce resistance from the masses, as evidenced by the 1.000 dead in the Center, the graves in Huanta, the bodies dropped by helicopters in Pucallpa, among others.

On the other hand, the arming of the peasant patrols has been promoted since mid-April 1991 when the Army delivered the first batch to the communities of the Central Highlands, in Upper and Lower Tulumayo, organized in patrols. The aggressive character of these reactionary armed organizations is concealed behind the word „self-defense“; but by their actions, they are offensive and bloody forces as demonstrated by the ronderos of Andamarca, in Junín, one of whose chiefs, a „peasant chief“, handed over 14 heads of „Shining Path members“ to the military Chief of the Mantaro Front, as reported in the Yankee magazine Newsweek of 26.08.91. Or the raids and mass killings in Huanta; or the actions of the rondas such as those of Quinua whose leaders are denounced for their barbarity by some reactionaries; or the raids unleashed by the ronderos of Apurimac, in the Yanachoqecc payment, district of Julcamarca, in Huancavelica, capturing and harassing wives of PGA members „whom they accuse of committing terrorist actions“, as well as the capture of two „supposed Shining Path members“. The constant denunciations before the Ayacucho Prosecutor‘s Office against the ronderos for their atrocities, further demonstrates their reactionary character, such as the murder of a child, in Miraflores, San Francisco, La Mar, or that of a merchant in Quimbiri, pretending, as usual, to blame the Communist Party of Peru (CPP), etc. All of these actions are propitiated or instigated by the Armed Forces because they have not only organized and trained them in their systematic genocidal policy, but also lead them to genocide under their command, complicity and cover-up. But, in addition to their constant patrols, incursions and persecutions, in many cases they act at the vanguard of the armed forces and police who act jointly in a 10-1 relation, receiving the main blow of the confrontations, they are, therefore, cannon fodder for the soldiers, marines and police who hide behind the ronderos. Other times they act alone without the „forces of order“ arriving in time for a thousand and one excuses to „defend“ them. All this, in addition to being led by known criminals such as the publicized commander Huayhuaco of the Apurimac valley patrol, today imprisoned for murder, drug trafficking, robbery and abuse of authority.

As for weapons, their regulations stipulate the use of 12 or 16 gauge shotguns, shot by shot, they only give them to a few and the head of the patrol is responsible for the weapons that must be concentrated; the recommendations of „not using them to solve internal or inter-community problems“ are constant. Fujimori‘s pretensions to develop an army complementary to the genocidal Armed Forces reveal: 1) The People‘s War is advancing; 2) they lack sufficient forces; 3) the ronderos continue to be cannon fodder; 4) they clash with the idea of humanizing the counter-subversive war by focusing on the military; and 5) it is part of the control of the population with resources from the Yankee strategy of „low-intensity warfare“.

As for the strategic hamlets. In ‘83-‘84 they made nuclei, which we penetrated and destroyed with actions from inside and from outside; concentrations that in themselves were already failed given the total change of habits, the subjugation, the prohibition to go out to sow and harvest alone, since they could only do it escorted by the soldiers. The tendency today is to decentralize and that the communities assume their productive work; they organize in the communities themselves civil defense committees or armed patrols, they provide them with a local person in charge who is the most lackey if not one of those trained for this type of work. The blowing up of settlements is nothing but the destruction of barracks of counterrevolutionary forces complementary to the regular forces; and the constant confrontations are armed clashes, they are combats with these militarily trained forces, it is not therefore the „massacre of peasants“ that they accuse us of and propagandize.

These armed patrols developed by Fujimori’s government have met with diverse responses, from the most high-flown support, as echoed by Senator Bernales, who proclaims: it is „correct to arm them in self-defense“; to the opposition of a part of the big bourgeoisie for considering them a violation of the Constitution, such as that of journalist Ricketts, to the shameful support of those who say „it is insufficient“, such as that of S. Pedraglio of the IU. Or those of some hierarchs of the Catholic Church who fall into the simplicity of considering them a „show that does not solve anything“, while priests bless the weapons that the government gives to the ronderos; although lately they pronounce themselves against this armament, a hypocritical attitude since they argue that they are not prepared to carry them. Within this range we transcribe that of the journalist awarded by Yankee imperialism for his article „Terror in the Andes“, published in the New York Times magazine:

It is positive to arm the ronderos for self-defense […] opposition to giving arms to the ronderos encloses a tone of racism and distrust of the popular peasant organizations, surprising above all if it comes from the left […] I trust more in a farmer who defends his life‘s work […]“

Just as he covers up the application of the Yankee strategy in the counter-subversive war in Peru, in this opinion he hides behind „people‘s peasant organizations“ the spawn of counter-revolutionary forces complementary to the regular Armed Forces, because as a journalist, he knows that they are black heads, rich peasants, lackeys, and pressured middle and poor peasants. But, just as he says that it is an advance, he considers that at the same time it is a danger because we can reverse them or turn them into a vehicle for the transfer of weapons as happened in Vietnam, that is why he demands that this plan must be accompanied by an „aggressive, creative and comprehensive“ internal defense strategy. Here we can see the role played by Peruvian reactionary journalists paid by imperialism to implement its counter-subversive war plans; they are active counter-revolutionary elements.

Finally, they have generated the proliferation of types of „rondas“, thus Bishop Gurruchaga of Ancash organized the „rondas for peace“ and welcomed in his diocese combatant volunteers for peace“ in Peru organized and directed by the Pope. In the same Chavin region were organized, according to the Prefect, „federated patrols“ of the IU contrary to those formed by this authority, the „democratic patrols“. But as the People‘s War developed throughout the country and expanded to the cities, in parliament they began to propose „urban patrols“, at the proposal of the PPC, based on the concept of civil defense and self-defense, which they would coordinate with the PNP and the Public Prosecutor‘s Office. These urban patrols were applauded by the Minister of Defense who, according to the Express of 17.0791 before 50 foreign correspondents, affirmed that if the citizens decided on their own initiative to form urban patrols, they would have the support of the Armed Forces. Following this orientation of the Armed Forces, in Juliaca, (Puno) a graduate, Emilio Gonzalez Andia, formed „anti-terrorist brigades“ with military discipline, uniform and authorization to operate thanks to a resolution granted by the Third Military Region with headquarters in Arequipa, which even exempted 4 young men from military service. In Lima, „capitulants“ have appeared in several middle and upper class residential neighborhoods; in the human settlements, neighborhood patrols against subversion have been organized „spontaneously“ and are seeking recognition from the Ministry of the Interior. However, there is fear that they may go beyond the limits of „self-defense“ and exercise popular justice, and they are asking for a definition of their functions within the defense of the rule of law; they are conceived, therefore, as part of the control of the population and means for „national pacification“.

But what is the result to date? Lately, the Institute of Peruvian Studies has held an event with representatives of the ronderos and has concluded that they are indeed „cannon fodder“; moreover, this opinion has been very significant:

From the province of San Marcos to Cajabamba and all the surrounding river contour, the subversives have eliminated the peasant patrols.“

This was expressed by the president of the Coordinating Committee of Peasant and Urban Patrols of the Northeastern Region of Marañon who also asked for government support to implement „authentic patrols“. Some leaders say that they are growing and defeating subversion, but demanded more help, weapons and means of communication, radios to communicate; among these, the leaders of the rondas of the Apurimac River Valley, of Ayacucho and of the Tulumayo Valley and Upper Cunas, in Mantaro, stood out.

In summary, Fujimori understands by control of the population and resources, the formation of armed peasant patrols as part of the counterrevolutionary forces in the countryside and urban patrols with the same objectives, behind his false self-defense, violating his Constitution and further undermining his democratic order.

Another of the „advances“ of his „new strategy“ highlighted in the message of the first year of government is the intervention in the national universities, which is nothing but part of the control of the population and resources and civic action to pretend that the Armed Forces serve the university development. This intervention violates the principles conquered with the blood of students and the people in general, such as university autonomy, which implies academic, economic and administrative autonomy that requires the inviolability of the university campus and co-government to guarantee freedom of thought, concretized in freedom of teaching, etc., according to the principles and conquests of the university reform, to which the most profound development of the popular struggle has added free education, linkage with the masses and serving the people in their emancipation. Fujimori, acting like an emperor, loaded in a litter by the genocidal Armed Forces, began to erase resplendent sickles and hammers, slogans and murals alluding to the People‘s War, clashing directly with the university students of San Marcos, La Cantuta, fleeing immediately frightened under the just rain of stones and agitations of student fighters. Everyone has seen it, the Fujimori aggression was repudiated and today we are winning the war of graffiti in the universities in spite of the desperate cries that impute us to be „infiltrated delinquents who violate university autonomy“ and „control by terror“. But he left his genocidal henchmen imprisoning, infiltrating, raping, controlling dormitories, checking books, closing student residences; and, under military occupation and curfew, he subdues the national universities under the command of the army and the police. What is being applied? Another resource of low-intensity warfare to win the minds and hearts”, as the regulations of the Yankee Army state, but, on the contrary, it put on the agenda the „Defense of the university“ and reaped repudiation and condemnation from the youth.

Linked to the need he has to legitimize himself, he strives to change the image of Peru, thus Fujimori declares to the Brazilian press: „To change the image of Peru in the world scenario is one of the main goals“; and his premier in Chile: „Terrorism has been exaggerated“ a little. „President Fujimori has total control of the country“; also his marginalized vice-president, the evangelist García, in La Paz, Bolivia repeats the Shining Path“ is merely terrorist“, and in Mexico: „The framework in which they fight in Peru is inhuman and bloody. They (the Shining Path) do not accept dialogue“ precisely when they differentiated terrorism from subversion in order to promote dialogue with the armed revisionism of the MRTA after their armed propaganda in Rioja. To the National Radio of Spain, before his tourist trip as an „image salesman“, by telephone:

Peru will have achieved its pacification in 1995, before the end of my mandate […] to confront in an integral manner […] the Shining Path is not a guerrilla but criminals without ideology; […] financed by drug trafficking […] it is the hit man group of the drug traffickers.“

And while in Madrid he said:

[…] in spite of the process of de-ideologization that the world is currently undergoing, in Peru there are still groups that, disconnected from the new world political currents and debased by their alliance with drug trafficking, as is the case of the Shining Path, dream of achieving what Pol Pot failed to do“; „it should be noted that these criminal actions are the cause of human rights violations, which we reject and are correcting […] but it is necessary for Europe to know that the most atrocious human rights violations are caused by the Shining Path and MRTA terrorists, and what constitutes complicit silence is that the organizations that defend human rights have not denounced it […]“. „They have also organized themselves here in Europe, they present themselves as an incredible revolutionary movement! How can they be revolutionaries who have no respect for life, who have fallen in love with death after so many years of walking with it?“

Likewise, one of their most faithful followers, Senator Bernales, upon his return from Geneva, said: „The European community has recently formed a clear idea against the Shining Path, which it considers the most cruel, the most violent, the most bloodthirsty of all those who practice terrorist methods in the world. The NGOs have begun a better handling of subversion information“. For this reason, Fujimori also describes us as the main obstacle to the economic development of the country, exonerating himself, his government, the Old State and his genocidal Armed Forces, and, with the same cynical, crafty and impotent tone in the face of the overwhelming advance of the 3rd Campaign, he says that the first signs of an involutionary process are noticeable, that we would have gone back to the initial stages of crimes, savagery, etc. Vain dreams of the Peruvian reaction and part of the psychological campaigns aimed at discrediting us, and verbiage that otherwise qualifies him as genocidal and a traitor.

Lately, in November he has promulgated 126 legislative decrees, using the powers granted by the Parliament, in this regard he said:

There is an authentic integral strategy against terrorism, which we have made known to the country through the last legislative decrees, they are part of a conception of the fight against terror, without any verticalism whatsoever. On the contrary, the national pacification plan that we have outlined is the result of the diverse social expressions of self-defense and organized participation of the Peruvian people.“

And he stressed:

The union between military action and civic participation, because only in this way will we achieve a sense of national solidarity, the seed for the final triumph over terror.“


My government does not justify a single violation of human rights by the State, because I know very well the weapons of democracy.“

In December at the Military School of Chorrillos, he said that in order to eradicate terrorism he will carry out development actions in backward areas and thus overcome social and economic disparities; develop intelligence actions to locate the ringleaders and prevent actions; he stressed that „the Armed Forces together with the people are the only guarantee that this will be so“ and that „the Armed Forces are the primary basis of national pacification“; and criticizing the increase in the budget of the Chamber of Deputies: „It must be made very clear that the combat against this social scourge (subversion) is not carried out in the legislative chambers but in the highest fields of the highlands […]“. And to the Washington Post he declared that he expects his government to eradicate subversion before 1995.

In synthesis, protecting and continuing the genocide, the „new strategy“ invoked by Fujimori and never explained, is based on praising and giving more power to the genocidal and corrupt Armed and Police Forces, based on them, mainly the former; developing intelligence and civic action activities; arming ronderos and pretending to organize them as counter-subversive forces complementary to the regular forces; seeking also to control the neighborhood and university population; aiming at changing the image of Peru, charging us with „genocide“ and „counter-subversive forces complementary to the regular forces“; to arm ronderos and pretend to organize them as counter-subversive forces complementary to the regular forces; to seek also to control the neighborhood and university population; to aim at changing the image of Peru, accusing us of „genocide and violation of human rights“ and to qualify us as narco-terrorists in order to receive crumbs from imperialism, mainly Yankee imperialism. All of which implies that he acts within the Yankee strategy of the so-called low-intensity warfare, aiming at a more developed counter-subversive war; criteria which, however, he applies only half-heartedly; he overvalues the military, undervalues the reactionary parties themselves and tries to subjugate the people‘s organizations; he has not achieved to this day the agreement for the so-called pacification which he said was easy to achieve. The „legitimization“ is reduced to respecting, in words, the proclaimed human rights and to a mere publicity campaign that conceals greater genocide; preparing conditions for a greater Yankee intervention with the objective of annihilating the People‘s War.

Debate About Strategy and the Leadership of the War.

Chairman Mao teaches us:

Yes. Systems of government in wartime may generally be divided into two kinds, as determined by the nature of the war — one kind is democratic centralism and the other absolute centralism. All wars in history may be divided into two kinds according to their nature: just wars and unjust wars. For instance, the Great War in Europe some 20 years ago was an unjust, imperialist war. The governments of the imperialist countries forced the people to fight for the interests of imperialism and thus went against the people’s interests, these circumstances necessitating a type of government such as the Lloyd George government in Britain. Lloyd George repressed the British people, forbidding them to speak against the imperialist war and banning organizations or assemblies that expressed popular opinion against the war; even though Parliament remained, it was merely the organ of a group of imperialists, a parliament which rubber-stamped the war budget. The absence of unity between the government and the people in a war gives rise to a government of absolute centralism with all centralism and no democracy. But historically there have also been revolutionary wars, e.g., in France, Russia, and present-day Spain. In such wars the government does not fear popular disapproval, because the people are most willing to wage this kind of war; far from fearing the people, it endeavours to arouse them and encourages them to express their views so that they will actively participate in the war, because the government rests upon the people’s voluntary support. China’s war of national liberation has the full approval of the people and cannot be won without their participation; therefore democratic centralism becomes a necessity. In the Northern Expedition of 1926-27, too, the victories were achieved through democratic centralism. Thus it can be seen that when the aims of a war directly reflect the interests of the people, the more democratic the government, the more effectively can the war be prosecuted. Such a government need have no fear that the people will oppose the war; rather it should be worried lest the people remain inactive or indifferent to the war. The nature of a war determines the relationship between the government and the people — this is a law of history.“10

In the Preparatory Session of the 2nd Plenum of the Central Committee, on pages 355 to 357, Chairman Gonzalo comments on this quotation, such comments are absolutely valid. It is within this framework that the debate on strategy and direction of the war unfolds in Peru. Some maintain that a counter-revolutionary war can be conducted with democracy, but they crash against reality, as we are seeing in the country, because a counter-revolutionary war can only be conducted with absolute centralization; and it implies impossible true unity between the people and the reactionary government, and that all institutions become more and more formal until they become a complete negation of bourgeois democracy. This is precisely the tendency expressed by the Fujimori government, which has continued the path of its predecessors, greater reactionarization of the Peruvian State and greater absolute centralization; and no matter how much democratic disguises and demagogy it squanders, the Fujimori government is moving towards absolute centralization, expressed in a presidential absolutism based on more power for the Armed Forces. This path is the one that the imperialists are taking today in the reactionary regimes of the 3rd World to apply their „low-intensity warfare“, promoting legislation on counter-subversive warfare in order to act within „legitimate“ frameworks, even though these laws sweep away their bourgeois-democratic principles, since the legal formality, the democratic appearance, is enough for them.

Others said there was no strategy (today they say it is incomplete). As we have seen, Fujimori spoke of a new strategy; the concrete thing is that, at bottom, it was a question of reformulating the counter-subversive strategy they were applying, drawing lessons from what had been done and giving greater participation to Yankee imperialism which is increasingly acting in the People‘s War in Peru. In synthesis, their problem today is to rethink the counter-subversive strategy within the criteria of the so-called low-intensity warfare, but adjusted to the situation of general crisis of bureaucratic capitalism and in the framework of a People‘s War which has entered into strategic stalemate.

In February 1991, Prime Minister Torres y Torres Lara informed parliament that what had been announced by former Prime Minister Hurtado would be created for the Ministry of Defense, the Unified Command for Pacification and the Operational Command for the Anti-Subversive Struggle, which would be presided over by President Fujimori, as well as the Council for Peace at the level of the Presidency of the Council of Ministers and considered an „advisory support body“. This means that the so-called new strategy required organic forms that would allow it to be applied. Fujimori wanted to control the strategy himself in order to give this control to the Armed Forces: he was not interested in this pacification body and the operative apparatus was to give more power to the genocidal military and to put himself above the political parties: his objective was to manage directly, to reach a national agreement but to personally direct the „pacification“ process under the protection of the Armed Forces. Thus, a long and difficult debate on strategy and conduct of the counter-subversive war was generated; let us take a look at some of this debate.

Among the so-called Senderologists, the sociologist and verbal juggler, ignorant of the theory of the People‘s War and its specification in Peru. Raul Gonzales, as Fujimori’s defender and lackey of the Armed Forces and Police, repeats his chant of „strategic defeat of the Shining Path“ and welcomes the fact that Fujimori personally assumes the CUP (Unified Command of Pacification). A new Senderologist, the feathered defector Rospigliosi, disagrees that there is a new strategy and states that it is centered on the military, ignoring political parties and civil, popular, regional, municipal, etc., organizations. Among those of the IU, Ames, the Pharisee follower of Gustavo Gutiérrez, demands a counter-subversive war at all levels, hence he states: „It is necessary to specify strategy“, „the Shining Path will die by asphyxiation if the minimum needs of the population of the zones where it acts are attended“; he opposes the entry of the Armed Forces and Police into the zones where the Shining Path has gained ground, because „it would mean the razing of peasant communities“, he says „we must improve the living conditions of the people“, „to solve the problem of violence we make the State more authoritarian and repressive or we make it more democratic“, he speaks of incorporating „social leaders of the population, mayor, governor, prefect, sub-prefect and the representatives of the regional governments“. While the pseudo-theoretical careerist Degregori writes:

Since 1989, a more refined strategy of the armed forces has been observed […] the blows against the Shining Path are more selective; we no longer see mass graves, for example, but we do see the disappeared.“

Meanwhile, the Socialist Left (IS), in charge of the pacification proposal, through the creeping PUMist Tapia, proposes a political mobilization against the Shining Path and „District Committees for pacification and development“, and calls for everyone to join Fujimori‘s tail to „fight the Shining Path‘s fascism“! Those who thus clamor are within the low-intensity warfare of Yankee imperialism and pretend to traffic with the mobilization of the people to develop it as a political aspect of the more developed counter-subversive war, they are all defenders of the old order, enemies of the revolution, of the construction of a new order; They are in favor of annihilating the People‘s War and their divergence with Fujimori is that opportunists and revisionists want to control the process to continue riding over the masses and benefit or sell their services more expensively; apart from the fact that some are opposed to the growing political weight of the Armed Forces, their fear of the coup and what they call the „militarization“ of Peruvian society.

Among the parliamentarians, the senator of the Liberty Movement, now independent, Ferrero Costa, said: „Let us hope that the CUP does not remain in words and that once and for all the president assumes his duties.“ Another, Garcia Belaúnde (Popular Action), is of the criterion of first annihilating the People‘s War and then developing it; a criterion of reducing it to the military, which Belaúnde applied mainly from 1980 to 1985.

Among the NGOs: The Legal Defense Instittue (IDL), a non-governmental organization (NGO) that defends human rights at the service of imperialism, mainly Yankee imperialism, said: „at last the CUP is born above the Armed Forces“; also: „Terrorism continues to grow […] lack of a strategy capable of pacification […] human rights violations continue […] the counter-offensive (of the Armed Forces and the Public Forces) cost the Shining Path heavy casualties as well as detainees“ and „to what extent are the norms that can be dictated by the Executive under the protection of legislative powers reliable“; as always serving the demands of their imperialist masters and acting as their soft hand, against Marxism and the People‘s War and defending and even criticizing the reactionary rulers when imperialism needs it. Colonel EP (r) José Bailetti, of the National Defense Research Institute (INIDEN), another NGO, says „there is no solid link with civil society“, „there is no conquest of the minds and hearts of the people“, a position clearly pro-Yankee strategy of „low-intensity warfare“. According to the „expert“ E. Obando, (magazine What is to be done? No. 72), there would be a plan of the Joint Command of the Armed Forces that „starts from the principle that there is a military war and a political war, and that the latter is the most important“; that the military war would be carried out by the Armed Forces and the Police, while the political war would be carried out by the powers of the State, regional and local governments and social organizations, comprising six aspects: 1) ideological; 2) intelligence; 3) strategies; 4) psychological warfare; 5) anti-subversive organizational warfare; and, 6) mass warfare that seeks to win over the population. But the article also predicts the failure of the plan for three reasons: there is no single command; there is a lack of war legislation; there is a lack of budget.

Among the retired military, General Jarama advocates for a strategy of low-intensity warfare managing the four aspects and giving priority to the political aspect. General EP(r) Cisneros Vizquerra said, „It worries me that Fujimori says ‚armed wing of drug trafficking‘“ and he is not in charge of the Operational Command“. Regarding pacification, he considers that it is necessary to provide wellbeing for society, fair and balanced democracy (that is, for those at the top): to reinforce civic education (his patriotic symbols of exploitation); that the values of subversion must be destroyed; that the armed forces must be provided with the necessary resources and that their successes must be highlighted to generate confidence in the population (because logically they do not have it, nor will they ever have it).

Among the newspapers, Express and The Republic claimed „there is no unified leadership“, and held a series of round tables on pacification, strategy and ways of conducting the war. Among the magazines, Oiga was the one that promoted the discussion aiming at an organic system to direct the counter-subversive war in the four planes, asking for an apparatus directed by a civilian who would manage the strategy 24 hours a day. The national journalism, headed by The Commercial, elaborated its pacification proposal and presented it to the government; a proposal that was not listened to either because Fujimori does and undoes on the margin of all his institutions, except for the Armed Forces.

In the background of these debates is expressed the unfailing tendency towards absolute centralization to direct the counter-subversive war and the need to develop it on the four levels with a single command, since they continue to act with dual command while the contradiction between the CPP and the reactionary Armed Forces is accentuated in perspective. However, the tendency towards absolute centralization clashes in the very heart of reaction with bourgeois-democratic positions which are against a management which overvalues the military and strive to maintain their bourgeois-democratic order, considering it a key instrument to counterpose it to the New State which the People‘s War is developing. This is part of the struggle of factions and groups of the big bourgeoisie and the landowners who, within the tendency towards a greater reactionary nature of the Peruvian State, develop the absolute centralization which today is concretized in Fujimori‘s presidential absolutism. Thus, the debate on strategy and direction continues within the need to develop its counter-subversive war at all levels and to have a single command, sharpening the contradiction between „military management or political management“; its tendency being absolute centralization and militaristic management of counter-subversion.

Narco-Terrorism“ and International „Aid“.

Another criterion he has spread is to insist on showing us as allies of drug trafficking in order to adjust to the need for an ever increasing participation of imperialism, mainly Yankee, hence he spreads: „With international aid we will fight subversion“ or „gentlemen, the Shining Path has nothing to do with Socialism nor with any ideology, People‘s China has nothing to do with the Shining Path, it is the right arm of drug trafficking“ (meeting with journalists in the Palace, April ‘91). He uses Reagan’s term „narcoterrorism“ and links it to international „aid“, a need that Bush has today to justify his intervention, it is the pretext before the American people and the peoples of the world. That is why he says to a weekly newspaper in Rome:

The Americans realize that the Peruvian situation is very complex since it is not only a question of confronting drug trafficking but also terrorist groups that benefit from drug trafficking […] neither I nor the United States want to make things worse with some kind of military intervention.“

The last sentences are only a deception, because it is a question of adapting the Yankee intervention to the rethinking of its strategy of low-intensity warfare. Part of this policy is the signing of the Anti-Drug Agreement which is a Treaty of Yankee intervention under the guise of fighting drug trafficking: an agreement signed behind the back of the Parliament and the entire nation, harshly criticized for the benefits it will bring to the United States against Peru; and that they „develop“ the coca growing areas, is another story as the failed experience in Bolivia proves; besides, the part of the „aid“ for alternative development, for coca substitution, is minimal, no more than 1.900 dollars. It is, therefore, the height of cynicism that Fujimori has stated in the OAS in his last trip to the United States:

We are convinced that with the support of the United States we will defeat drug trafficking […] This is a true investment of the United States in defense of the world’s youth but also of democracy because today the greatest threat to it comes from terrorism.“

With these words he opens the way for Yankee intervention in Peru, „to save democracy“; to which D’Ornellas joined in his column in „Express“, pronouncing himself in favor of an indirect intervention by saying that if the Shining Path conquers power the neighboring countries would invade it immediately. Part of this plan is his trip to Uchiza with Quainton and UN representatives to the coca growers‘ meeting, where he announced a decree on access of prosecutors to the barracks to see if there are any detainees.

Regarding human rights, Fujimori has moved between demonstrating that he and his armed and police forces respect them, and vociferating that we are the main violators of their human rights, even having to clash with international organizations, thus opening a new front of struggle. All in order to receive the coveted „aid“ from Yankee imperialism.

As for us violating human rights. We start from the fact that we do not subscribe to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, nor to that of Costa Rica; but we do use its legal provisions to unmask and denounce the old Peruvian State, its institutions and organizations, its authorities, beginning with the head, officials and subordinates who violate them by denying their own international commitments. For us, human rights are contradictory to the rights of the people because we base ourselves on man as a social product, not on abstract man with innate rights. „Human rights“ are nothing but the rights of man of the bourgeoisie, a position that was revolutionary in the face of feudalism; thus, liberty, equality and fraternity were advanced bourgeois criteria in the past. But today, since the emergence of the proletariat and more as a class organized in Communist Party, with experiences of triumphant revolutions, of construction of socialism, new democracy and dictatorship of the proletariat, it has been historically proven that human rights serve the oppressor and exploiting classes that lead the imperialist and landlord-bureaucratic States. Bourgeois States in general. Whereas, the rights of the people are the rights that the proletariat and the immense people‘s masses conquer with their own struggle and blood, and that they study them as guiding principles of the New State according to the interests of the classes that make up the people: the rights of the people are obligations and class rights, superior to the so-called human rights, at the service of the masses, mainly the poor, of the New State, of socialism and of the future Communism; rights of the people that only the People’s Republic of Peru, in our case, will be able to guarantee, recognizing and above all protecting the right to life and health, the right to education, culture and development itself, the right to work and welfare, social and political rights and, above all, the supreme right to conquer and exercise power, to transform the old existing order, oppressive and exploitative, and to build a New State and a New Society for the people and the proletariat. On the other hand, the non-compliance with their Constitution, laws and norms delegitimizes them; that is why it is not convenient for them to be shown that their State violates and does not satisfy the elementary needs of the citizens and, even more, it is propagated that such a State only serves to be overthrown. Finally, we reiterate, only under a New State that represents the interests of the workers, peasants, petty bourgeoisie and middle bourgeoisie will it be possible to apply the rights of the people, the only rights that can really benefit the four classes of the people. These are our positions and no one has been able or will be able to refute them. Thus, we differentiate human rights from the rights of the people. Furthermore, we fight for the Old State to comply with the fundamental rights wrested by the people and embodied in its Constitution, laws and norms. Finally, we insist that Yankee imperialism within its „low intensity“ war aims at „aiding“ „legitimized“ governments, hence the juggling that Fujimori is doing on human rights and the role of the NGOs that act in this field at the service of the same master.

Today, when Yankee policy is to impute alleged human rights violations to the guerrillas, the NGOs spread the word that the Party violates human rights; their members, well financed by imperialism, consciously serve their plans. The defense of the human rights of the bourgeoisie is the fashion imposed on them by their bosses; hence the multiple publications behind which they act as counterrevolutionary ideologues. These organizations are part of the prevailing order although they pretend to appear above the war; hence some ambiguous positions, basing themselves only on „official data“, accepting „denunciations“ of the repressive forces, hiding rather than ignoring reality and infaming the People‘s War, even accusing it of genocide. On the other hand, their denouncements and their dissociations with some actions of the government and the armed and police forces, raising human rights. They do so in order to seek the desired legitimization of the government and the development of the counterrevolutionary war of low intensity, according to the orientations of imperialism and for the defense of the subsistence of the dominant bourgeois-democratic order. As for the rest, we have not found to date, among the NGOs, an organization that openly and courageously defends the rights of the poorest, much less advanced revolutionary positions; at most there are bourgeois humanitarianist positions, but the great majority are conscious or unconscious lackeys of imperialism.

Thus, Fujimori’s cantaleta has only been to pretend a certificate of good conduct in order to obtain the economic „aid“ derived from the „Anti-Drug Agreement“. This apart from the fact that his so-called legitimization is reduced to declaring „respect for human rights“ and „working for the people“, in the most formal, cynical and demagogic manner of traditional Peruvian politics. In conclusion, while „fighting narcoterrorism provides just cause“ and „moral basis“ mainly to the Yankee and imperialist strategy in general; Fujimori, adjusting more and more to it, squanders devotion to human rights clamoring for international „aid“.

Legislation, Judiciary and Counter-Subversive War.

The third power of the State, the judiciary, also has to adjust to the conditions of internal war that the country is experiencing, to serve the „new strategy“; to submit to the demands of a more developed counter-subsubversive war and within the criteria of low-intensity warfare of Yankee imperialism. But, as in the other powers, struggles and factions are expressed, which fight between the defense and evolution of the bourgeois-democratic order and the tendency to a greater reactionarization of the State; thus, they march towards a greater reactionarization of the legal system, within the strengthening of the Executive as presidential absolutism in conflict with the definition of a fascism adjusted to the new actions of the class struggle in the world and in the country. At the level of justice, there is a dilemma between putting aside the laws and judicial procedures, taking measures and expeditious solutions of torture, disappearance and genocidal execution, on the one hand, and, on the other, the enactment of legal provisions that protect repression and genocide, as recently with the promulgation of the latest decree laws on the so-called pacification based on the Armed Forces. The role of justice will be even more a necessary complement to the military action mainly, and part of the political, economic and psychosocial actions of the counter-subversive war; within these criteria the new Penal Code and the Penal Procedures Code have been given.

In Peru, states of exception, such as states of emergency, have become permanent states, covering 3/4 of the country, including the capital. Under Fujimori the state of emergency has been lifted, in the case of Huamanga for example, in order to pretend pacification; but the truth is that this is nothing more than propaganda for the imperialist tribunes, in Ayacucho the genocidal action of the armed forces, the police and the patrols does not cease. He also suspended them for a few days and imposed them again, as in Apurimac, Huanuco and San Martin, (from 24.07.1991 to 27.08.1991). In his message of 1991 he said that he was studying the lifting of the states of emergency in the Mantaro, Huallaga, Ucayali, Cuzco and Arequipa fronts. He was obviously concerned about maintaining a permanent state of emergency, since he wanted to comply with the demand of his imperialist masters to humanize the war, „observe the laws“, „neutralize the insurgent organization within the country’s legal system, scrupulously observing the constitutional dispositions related to rights and responsibilities“, as part of campaigns to give credibility and legitimacy to the government. In addition to this, there are provisions that violate its legal order such as the DS Oll-91-JUS by which the Armed Forces assume control of the prisons; it declares the prisons of Trujillo, Chiclayo, three in Lima, Ica, Iquitos, Huancayo, Cuzco and Arequipa in emergency, restructuring and rehabilitation; the Ministry of Defense, the Joint Command in coordination with the Ministry of the Interior and in its case with the INPE, assuming the Armed Forces the external and internal control of the same. Political objective: „to prevent the prisons from being schools of terrorism“, but in essence to prepare a plan for the annihilation and genocide of prisoners of war as his predecessor did. In addition, it is also part of the demands of the „low-intensity war“ that proposes „to have the captives in good condition, good treatment“; for Fujimori the question is to appear to apply it, and he thinks that it is a great step that the Armed Forces enter the prisons to paint walls, to refurbish structures, to carry out civic action because that way they would control and execute the plan underway; it was not for nothing that they murdered four prisoners of war when they opposed the removal of paint from the murals, it was part of the rehearsal of his macabre genocide underway.

Within these aims of adjusting the legal system to the imperialist demands of the „low-intensity war“, we observe, especially, how from July to September a series of legal dispositions referring to the management of the counter-subversive war will be promulgated, legal baggage that would form part of Fujimori‘s equipment to travel to the United States for an unofficial visit to meet with his master, the world’s biggest genocidal Bush, before whom he behaved like a good mercenary (so much so that a Yankee senator highlighted his salesmanship when he begged for Yankee „aid“ not to be suspended and asked for his approval of the „reinsertion“ plan). Thus we have: the National Council for Peace, on 31.07; the humanitarian law courses for prosecutors, on 14.07; the creation of human rights offices in the prefectures, on 05.08; the technical commissions to analyze the problem of displaced populations, on 08.08; the authorization of the Public Ministry for prosecutors to enter police stations and barracks, on 03.09; and, the Presidential Directive on human rights published on 13.09. Simultaneously, there was a symptomatic reduction in the number of complaints of human rights violations preceded, however, as the Peruvian people know and witness, by genocide and „civic action“ by the Army. All these provisions clash with reality, on the one hand, and we will only see their application; but, on the other hand, they are part of the adjustments to combat the People‘s War „having as a great framework the firm and unrestricted respect for human rights“, as Fujimori said in the Organization of American States (OAS), „with the law in hand“, just like the genocidal demagogue Garcéa Pérez. In this context, the 126 Decree Laws issued as part of the powers granted to him by the parliament, mainly the pacification decrees, should be placed in this context: in synthesis, they reflect the tendency of absolute centralization, expressed in Fujimori‘s presidential absolutism and in granting more power to the Armed Forces.

In this struggle of groups and reactionary factions, there are those who say that the current laws are too permissive and do not serve to confront subversion legally; they even say that in every country where the legal system does not allow confronting subversion, the dirty war arises. Others, such as Archbishop Cipriani Thorne, spread recalcitrant positions, thus he proposes:

Moralize the Judiciary, establish a trial system that allows the judge to act freely; clean up the police, casualties are not enough.“

And, the main thing:

A new legal framework must be determined that precisely defines the legal situation of the places that are in the so-called ‚Emergency‘ […] The Legislative Power must study this absence of legality […] mechanisms of legality compatible with the existing situations must be studied and established, but without suspending the civil authorities […]“

I have only pointed out some legal aspects that must be studied to overcome the deception of the so-called ‚emergency‘ zones […]“

Any apology […] exemplary punishment.“

We are not in dialogue with terrorists, nor before a totalitarian State that oppresses its people. We are […] before a band of assassins that destroys the freedom of the poorest and tries to destabilize the State through the rupture of its powers […]“

This is how a „servant of God“ and hierarch of the Catholic Church thinks; for some reason he works in Ayacucho, who qualifies us of generating „the greatest genocide of our history“ (And the one Spain did when it conquered us with blood and fire and exterminated us supposedly so that we would redeem ourselves and adopt its Catholic religion?) or „the greatest violation of human rights in Latin America in this century“ (And Pinochet the pro-Yankee fascist and very Catholic? And Argentina? And García Pérez? And Belaúnde?).

ILD criminal lawyer, Jose Carlos Ugaz, argues: for legislation to be efficient, subversion requires a democratic anti-subversive strategy, apart from considering the state of crisis of the Judicial Power; he considers that the administration of justice, in the case of internal war, is hindered by legislation that is not adapted to reality. He proposes an „Investigation Unit“ which implies the union of the intelligence services and a change in the laws to speed up the processes of terrorism by eliminating the much invoked „lack of evidence“.

Attorney Daniel Espichan is the spearhead of imperialism and Peruvian reaction at the judicial level. He holds recalcitrant and anti-demoliberal positions in the law; he is in favor of cutting down to the maximum the rights of those accused of terrorism, he demands more expeditious procedures and „that they be tried and sentenced once and for all“, he „proves“ this need by giving figures, he says: in 11 years only 497 were sentenced with sentences ranging from two to 25 years in prison, while 4.395 were released without being convicted for „lack of evidence“ or „failures in the drafting of police reports“; only 10% of those convicted, 90% were released, therefore Espichan argues that for lack of evidence should not release terrorism suspects; and he has a systematic aversion against judges who adjusting to the laws grant freedom to the accused, even after having praised them for their management. He is the most servile pawn of the Old State to launch himself against the freedom of democratic lawyers and accuse the Association of Democratic Lawyers as a facade of the Party, he acts as a vulgar informer and never proves his slanders; he is also one of the recalcitrant props of the denial of the right to defense and clamors for draconian legislation to combat subversion: which is nothing more than maintaining legality in appearance and in essence making a clean sweep of it, sweeping away all fundamental rights and liberties aiming at repressing and condemning the accused based on circumstantial evidence and even on mere suspicions.

On the contrary, there are those who maintain that when confronting an armed organization, the objective should not be to punish or repress but to neutralize the adversary; they think that the element of penal repression should not be overvalued and that it should not go beyond the framework of respect for human rights; that „the State should embody order and social values, moral superiority with respect to the citizenry and cannot respond to terror without losing consistency in the face of the problems that are submitted to it“, as the jurist Oscar Schiappa Pietra writes. But, these criteria collide with the world historical reality when claiming that it is possible to face the people’s war without fracturing the „democratic legitimacy“, even more, if they conclude that the whole legal and justice administration system must be modified, because, as the Constitution of 1979, they are made for peace times, according to what they affirm.

In addition, this government also systematically violates its constitutional order, laws and norms. Thus, in criminal matters, the intimidation of the judge of Huanta, with a military raid on his home, for opening an investigation against a captain and a commander, responsible for the murder of journalist Bustíos. The denial by the Supreme Court of the habeas corpus filed in the case of the student Castillo Paez, imprisoned by the PN and then vilely murdered. The resignation of the General Prosecutor of the Supreme Council of Military Justice, Dr. Juan Carbonell, due to pressure in the face of a complaint filed against police chiefs responsible for the escape of an MRTA member. The formation of new paramilitary groups such as the so-called Operative Antiterrorist Group (GATO) that operates in the center of the country; and others known only for their sinister actions, such as the genocide of Barrios Altos in the capital of the republic. The constant persecution of lawyers who bravely defend those accused of terrorism; threatened, harassed and persecuted directly by Fujimori and the repressive forces, as well as OIGA, Expreso, etc., promoting their annihilation. Opposition to international organizations, such as the International Red Cross, carrying out their functions with prisoners of war, in defense of their lives. Concerted campaigns against the Association of Democratic Lawyers, denying them the right to defense, freedom of expression and organization, and harassment of its leaders, seeking to eliminate the Association. The repression and persecution of the relatives of the prisoners of war, hindering and preventing the support they give them, mainly the struggle for the defense of their constantly threatened lives. Finally, the sinister prison policy against the prisoners of war over whom a new genocide is in progress, apart from the daily treatment that violates the most elementary fundamental rights; to which is added the black campaign of newspapers and magazines that falsely claiming a supposed lack of police control in the prisons, in essence foment genocide in vile collusion with the government and the country-seller Fujimori.

Another problem, the death penalty is back on the table. Expreso took as a pretext the supposed words of the president of the Supreme Court invoking that this is how the country thinks, being denied by such authority; but having echo in some plumíferos as Rospigliosi, who maintains: instead of killing outside the law, it should be done within the law. In 1991, public opinion in favor of the death penalty has been re-emerged.

Thus, in a year and a half of government, Fujimori has criticized and ignored the Judicial Power; his violations of the Magna Carta are more habitual than ever, invalidating even more the legitimacy of the Old State; and in legislation, justice and counter-subversive warfare he gallops towards a greater reactionarization of bourgeois law, absolute centralization in legislative management is also expressed; and his fascist positions and presidential absolutism are observed, adjusting more to the demands of the „low-intensity war“.

Pacification Accords. Legislative Decree About the Council for Peace.

With the birth of the mountains they begin to formalize the collusion for the so-called ‚pacification‘; this is part of a broader plan and campaign that has been promoted, mainly since April (presentation of the Prime Minister in Congress and conservations with party representatives); and of which the MRTA is part (their activities in San Martín must be interpreted within what has been seen about their departure from Canto Grande; it is part of the same, although its concretion is greater as a plan and collusion). All in function of the so-called ‚integral strategy‘ against the People‘sWar; to which Yankee imperialism is obviously linked and decisively, one of whose bases of action is the ‚Anti-Drug Agreement‘.“ (Chairman Gonzalo‘s comments, May ‘91.)

Already since the Belaúndist government there were attempts to form peace organizations, but it was with the government of García Pérez when a Peace Commission was constituted, presided by Bishop Metzinger, who resigned due to the unfeasibility of the project; in June 1990, Law No. 25237 created the Peace Council, which never took place. On the other hand, revisionism has always sustained the criterion of „peace with social justice“; in 1983, Barrantes called for a march for peace and then pacification was also agitated. Until the current government on 31.07.1991 promulgated legislative decree 652 by which the Council for Peace was created. The ideas that guide them are to annihilate the people’s war to apply „development“ that conjures away „social injustice“; in their bourgeois world outlook, they do not conceive of that the exploited classes rebel to oppose their system and proclaim total submission, at most and to cover up their false democracy they allow discrepancies within the maintenance of the exploiting order. This basic position is what unites reactionaries, revisionists and imperialists in general. Moreover, at the international level, imperialism through mainly the two superpowers and of these the one that pretends to be the only hegemonic superpower, Yankee imperialism, especially, seeks to subjugate peoples and dominate the world proclaiming an „era of world peace“, „disarmament“; while incorporating international laws to justify the razing of nations and peoples, violating their independence and self-decision with cruel massacres as it did recently against the Arab people in Iraq. It is the Imperialists, the superpowers and the powers that raise the dialogue, chanting to end armed processes and conjure up the main tendency of the world to revolution. It is the mainly Catholic Church, which in the name of peace endorses the plans of imperialism and spreads subjection to the exploiters on Earth and „heaven“ after death.

Fujimori, since his electoral campaign, pointed out that in matters of pacification it would be simple to agree, but from the moment he took office until July 31st, in contradiction with the Prime Minister, he put together his own plan and gave the Council for Peace a long time to wait, To the point that he met with the Armed and Police Forces to see the CUP and the corresponding Operative Command of the Anti-Subversive Struggle with the purpose of presiding over it and analyzing the situation of all the war fronts, a meeting that was attended even by the political-military chiefs of all the anti-subversive fronts, around the month of April. Once again we see their criterion of bypassing the so-called political or social organizations and relying on the genocidal Armed and Police Forces. And the leadership of the CUP, what happened? The premier, under pressure from the political parties, the Church, etc., convened „peace dialogues“, bringing together first 14 political parties, which reached quite general agreements, since the debates were blocking the march towards pacification. On 16.04.1991 they agreed that „the main objective of terrorist subversion is the destruction of the democratic regime“, „subversion exists not because there is hunger but because there are criminal groups“, „the need for an integral civil-military strategy, with a political command to defeat subversion with the least possible cost“; thus, the fundamental contradiction is whether the integral strategy“ is in fact integral and whether it will be managed by the political parties or the Armed Forces.

In another meeting, in May, the parties signed a document expressing their willingness to conclude political agreement for national pacification; of the 14 parties neither the PUM nor the IU signed, only 12, namely: AP, ML, SODE, PPC, Frenatraca, IS, UCI, C.90, FIM, MAS, revisionist PC and PAP. The premier came out to say: „There are coincidences to perfect and put into action the Council“ and that in the next meeting they would analyze the proposal to be presented by the SI (Tapia). This shows how difficult it is for them to agree on pacification and how the political parties demand participation and direction in such a task. Signing an agreement was a ridiculous formal compliance to present a supposed success. Also in the first meetings, at Letts‘ proposal, the Church was invited to participate in the Council. The point is that, in July the government, based on the attribution conferred by the parliament to legislate in matters of pacification, promulgated the Law of the Council for Peace; the birth of the Council was born in the midst of acute internal contradictions. The objectives of the Council are to present to the Executive Power a National Peace Plan and to contribute to its execution; to support national and regional efforts to strengthen citizen awareness of human rights; to support the Public Prosecutor’s Office in the defense of citizens’ rights; and to carry out all types of actions aimed at achieving peace in the country. It is integrated by a representative of all public or private organizations of businessmen, professionals, students, workers, religious associations, etc. The board of directors is integrated by the president of the Council for Peace and six representatives of the General Assembly elected by universal vote; it will last 3 years. According to the decree, the installation is convened by the Catholic Church or the president of the Council of Ministers. It is neither a state organism nor a Peace Commission and requires „all the living forces to give it legitimacy“, some say. And its financing does not come from the State budget but from the support of the entities that make it up and from the foreign „aids“ they manage.

But as they begin to march, what is revealed? more group struggles for hegemony; each party, institution or „people‘s“ organization has its own interests. The Catholic Church does not want to be used by anyone, least of all by the government to lead a crusade as a cover for genocide; it plays its own plan „above the classes“, that is why the Episcopal agreement was to send a representative but not to lead the Council and to convene it „for one and last time“. However, in the first meeting, 12.10.1991, they could not reach an agreement either and the Council was left without a president, since they did not elect a president of the Council; in view of this impasse, the Catholic Church agreed to convene it again, without setting a date. Dammert Bellido, the president of the Episcopal Conference, said days before that it would be the last effort for the pacification of the country; in this hierarch one sees eagerness to preside the Council and hegemonize it, but it clashes with agreements of his institution that insists on not leading and marching along its own rails and interests.

Others, about the Council, say:

As long as there is this anti-subversive schizophrenia on the part of the government whereby the practical part of the problem is entrusted to the Ministry of Defense and political initiatives such as these are simultaneously but incommunicably encouraged, subversion will continue to advance“; „there is no unification of the anti-subversive struggle“; „everything seems to indicate that the government does not want to reach any positive result“; „I fear it will be useless“; „Who is going to bring together 60 members of different levels and types of institutions such as: professional associations, business organizations, unions, peasant organizations, political parties and all the churches?“; „Long and sterile discussions that will lead nowhere“; „It is a maneuver by the government to use the people‘s organizations to its own ends.“

The decree law stipulates that within 50 days of its installation, the Council must present the Plan and the regional committees must present theirs within 120 days. If the first meeting generated a lack of acetyl, the November meeting, in parallel to the rash of decrees, was a failure, the presidency fell in the hands of Francisco Diez Canseco, questioned by all and a member of a ghost party. And so, the Council was constituted as a scarecrow managed by Fujimori through the secretary of Cambio 90, Reggiardo; its members are people without any popular representation.

In the speech given by the bishop of Cajamarca and president of the Peruvian Episcopal Conference, Dammert Bellido, when installing the Peace Council, we find the following criteria:

1. Justice and peace, the axis of class conciliation. He says:

To the old and serious economic and social problems today has been added the scourge of political violence.“

He proposes not to combat the reactionary violence exercised by the Old State as a dictatorship of exploiting classes against the exploiters, and points against revolutionary violence. He adds:

The absence of peace means death and destruction and our people demand life, respect for human rights and integral development. Because […] we believe in democracy and civilized coexistence, we must commit ourselves to peace.“

He preaches the peace of the dead from hunger; in today’s world 3/4 of humanity is plunged into hunger by the imperialist system: Asia, Africa and Latin America live in hunger and backwardness; and in Peru, 60.000 children under one year of age die annually because of the only dominant system, according to data from 1990, a figure that has obviously been higher due to the scourge of cholera. Compare this with the number of deaths, officially reported, in the war between revolution and counterrevolution in the country, in 10 years of People‘s War, 1/3 of the children under one year of age killed by the Peruvian State system in one year (this apart from the fact that the vast majority of those killed in 10 years of war are the product of the genocidal policy of the government and its repressive forces). Who murders children in the cradle? Fujimori and the Old State. Against the peace of the dead preached by the Church and Dammert, we raise the lasting peace of Communism, which is built with the weapons of the People‘s War, sweeping from the face of the Earth all systems of oppression and exploitation.

He speaks of „Destruction“. Who destroys the productive forces of a nation in formation like ours? Who forbids the peasantry to work the land that was theirs for generations, who condemns them to till the soil with instruments discarded by history hundreds of years ago? Who squeezes the proletariat to the point of sucking its blood for a miserable salary? Who imposes that out of every 10 workers only one can do it properly? Who generates unemployment, the rising cost of living, terrible working conditions? Who generates the crisis that grinds the people and sweeps away the small and medium property? Who squanders our wealth for derisory payments, plundering the sea, sinking the countryside, closing mines, plundering jungles, drowning cities in misery? Who burdens the nation with huge debts, subjugating us even more? Semi-feudalism, bureaucratic capitalism and imperialism; they are the destroyers, and the Peruvian State that represents them and with blood and fire defends them with the blessing of the Church. The Party, the People‘s War, the proletariat and the masses are the authentic builders of a true new world, which in the future will be a world without private property over the means of production, without class, without State. The kingdom of freedom! Today we, the Communist Party of Peru, the masses, the People‘s War, are building the New Power where those from below, the people, exercise power and rule in defense of their class interests, and we struggle unbendingly for the People’s Republic of Peru.

That „the people demand life“ is an artful half-truth. The people demand life without inequality; they do not want to simply survive or live however they can, and they prefer to die fighting than to die of hunger. „Respect for human rights“, another falsehood; he demands and conquers the rights of the people with his struggle, with his blood, because nothing has ever been given to the proletariat, nothing has ever fallen from heaven; all his rights he conquers and defends in this way. Moreover, its rights are never equal to those of its bureaucratic capitalist exploiters, but opposed and different because they are two antagonistic classes. It invokes the so-called „integral development“, thus concealing a system of exploitation and oppression. And behind „civilized coexistence“ it hides class conciliation. This is, in essence, the class position of Bishop Dammert: defense of imperialism, of bureaucratic capitalism, of semi-feudalism, of what today is spread by Yankee imperialism and its lackey Fujimori. It is against the proletariat and the people; it wants pacification to preserve the old order, hence its fallacious slogan of „Peace and Justice“.

2. The Church must command but without being used by anyone.He says:

The Church cannot be involved in daily politics […] but it seeks […] to shed light […] from the mission that is proper to it […] announcing the values of the Gospel that Jesus, the Master of Peace, gave it.“

As always hypocritical and sinuous, the Catholic Church says it does not want to but wants to command; it pretends to be the great light above all and under the command of no one, to act more freely according to its global interests within the world struggle of imperialist Power.

3. To annihilate the People‘s War and to serve the other two tasks. He points directly against us as the main target, he says:

Imposition of death, blackmail, kidnapping, attack, by terrorist groups is one of the main obstacles to achieve peace. These groups not only violate human rights and the national laws that protect them, but also transgress international humanitarian law, the very international laws of war that prohibit attacking the civilian population“; „to call on these groups to lay down their arms, to dare to have the courage to win with reason and through democratic channels and not with imposition and terror.“ „In order to succeed in adding all Peruvians to the task of peace, they must feel that this is their State, they must feel protected — and not attacked — by that State“

This is all he criticizes the Old State for.

4. „My proposals.“ He puts forward his plan to impose his conditions: 1) „Campaign of education for peace and against war“, with the children, the youth, the family; using teachers, social organizations, the Armed and Police Forces, the mass media, associations of businessmen, workers, peasants, women, peasants. 2) „To promote an economic policy that overcomes misery and hunger“, is to support the first task of reaction: to reimpulse bureaucratic capitalism. 3) Ways to bring the State closer to society, is to restructure the Old State, third task. 4) Open ways for national dialogue, listen and especially organize the simple people and promote the participation of people‘s organizations, is part of the plan to mobilize the masses to march to the tail of reaction, to use them for the three tasks: is to traffic with hunger and make them sell out for a crust of bread, go against their class interests The most sinister use of the hunger of the people! 5) „The Council deserves respect and preferential attention by all the powers of the State“. And he calls on all political parties and organizations to support it because the State has no money to attend to its functions as such; that the people themselves contribute with their efforts, with their miseries, with their hunger and with their blood to continue being exploited and so that the exploitation and oppression to which they are subjected is not so notorious, for that they promote subsistence plans Vile desires of the supporters of the Old State!

He ends by putting the patch, before it fails: „Peruvians see with hope but also with certain and well-founded skepticism, since there are already several frustrated attempts to reach peace“, „a difficult and demanding path“. In reality, it sees the perspective of the Council for Peace, a reactionary creation to annihilate the people’s war in the first place and to divert the masses from their real path of transformation and change, as black, and it expresses it. But, subsequently, the Church has reiterated its agreement, changed its representative and reiterated its support for the Council. This takes nothing away from its approach because it will guide its own plan. (The subtitles are our interpretations of their headings).

In summary, they have not achieved the agreement they said it would be easy to reach in terms of pacification, the Council for Peace is another failed figment and Fujimori has put a strut to control it from within; the perspective is a worsening of the struggle for who manages pacification and each one has its own plan, especially the Catholic Church, apart from the government.

The Situation of the Armed and Police Forces. The „Reorganization“ of the National Police of Peru.

Marxism clearly defines the class character of the Armed Forces and the role they play, they are the backbone of the Old State and therefore, they have the class character of the State they support; In Peruvian society, the Armed Forces are reactionary and the backbone of the old landlord-bureaucratic State, they protect semi-feudalism, bureaucratic capitalism and submission to imperialism, mainly Yankee, but also, being in People‘s War, they bear fundamental responsibility in the counter-revolutionary war; the Police Forces are a complementary part of the action of the above and are strongly militarized to fight us, having gone through two reorganizations during the People‘s War. The President of the Republic is the supreme commander of the Armed Forces, and therefore politically responsible for all their actions.

The Armed Forces, according to the Peruvian Constitution, fulfill the function of guaranteeing the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic, they assume the control of the internal order when ordered by the President and are not deliberative. The purpose of the Police Forces is to maintain internal order, preserve and conserve public order, guarantee compliance with the laws, the security of persons and public and private property, as well as to prevent and combat crime; and they participate with the Armed Forces in the National Defense. But, both repressive forces call themselves, especially the first one, „tutelary forces“ as if the citizens were minors or incapable of deciding or acting; they also call themselves „guarantors of the Constitution“ placing themselves above the powers of a so-called democratic State; there are even bourgeois politicians who recognize this role. Lately they cover up that they are the Armed and Police Forces by calling themselves „security forces“ or „forces of order“, especially when they refer to their genocidal and criminal actions.

11 years of People‘s War have fully unmasked the reactionary and genocidal entrails of the Armed Forces and Police. In a further example of this, a Correctional Court declared the case against General EP(r) Clemente Noel and members of the PNP for the massacre of journalists in Uchuraccay as filed.

The genocide, corruption and brutal repression were always hidden by Belaúnde and García, generals bathed in blood were protected and their crimes were rewarded by their institutions and although they were exonerated by justice, they were condemned by the people. Noel, Huamán, Mori, Arciniegas? No chief of the political-military fronts, nor generals, nor admirals, nor captains, nor majors have been able to claim victory. And today Fujimori, following the path of his predecessors, takes refuge much more in the boots; lacking a Party, he resorts to his backbone and gives them a growing political role, calling them the main factor of development and vanguard in the struggle for social justice. He is the one who most brazenly protects them, endorses them and gives them a wide carte blanche, making impunity the law of their genocides and corruptions. Thus, he said in his speech on the Armed Forces Day, 23.09.1991:

Peru will denounce before the world the atrocities of the terrorists […] the Armed Forces fight for social justice and peace.“

The terrorists, their front organizations or their useful fools will not resign themselves and will use all possible resources to damage the image of Peru claiming that the Armed Forces systematically violate human rights but we are going to unmask them, we are not going to fall into their game. We are going to pacify the country in a disciplined manner and respecting human rights […] [terrorism] will not have an armed force like the one it imagines in its dreams of conquering power: stained with the blood of the people, blindly repressive. Those dreams of subversion will remain dreams. We are not going to play their game […]“

He also said that with the new strategy they are called to be „the vanguard of the struggle for development and social justice […]“ In Puquio „the soldiers will not only enter with knives and machine guns, but now they will do it with lamps, wheelbarrows and machinery, to build roads next to the villagers, in order to bring progress to the towns“. On Navy Day, he said that the Armed Forces together with the people will act „in development actions“.

Let’s discuss some opinions. From the Defense Sector. The Minister of Defense General EP (r) Jorge Torres Aciego, in April stated „the country lives in a state of war because of terrorism“, reason for which „we are requesting legislative faculties to Congress to adapt the legal provisions in this field and to be able to face subversion with greater energy […]“. Regarding recent actions, they are acts of desperation“, „they try to intimidate them with more fireworks“ and he compared the latest subversive acts with „the purpose that young people seek by exploding small rockets“. In May:

We have detected the trail of several ringleaders […] in the next few days we will have good news.“

They have realized that they do not have the support of the population and that is why they want to maintain their presence in this type of terrorist attacks.“

In June:

[…] weapons of great help for self-defense […] these communities are armed and are left with a communication link so that they can alert a nearby Army detachment that can immediately come to their support. While the regular forces arrive, the rondas can defend themselves.“

Between 10 and 20 shotguns manufactured by the Navy and the Army will be given to communities in the emergency zones […] MGP-10 12 gauge shotguns manufactured by the Navy and Winchester 1.300 Ranger, manufactured by the Army, of the same caliber.“

He also said:

They are taking the children! […] To avoid these abuses we are organizing self-defense committees and we are training them in the use of weapons so that they can confront subversion.“

On the Convention:

We are not going to take direct action in the application of the Convention but we will continue to eliminate the subversives who are often allied with drug traffickers.“

That mission is strictly police, the armed forces are going to have a very general and simple participation: to create the conditions for the police forces to eradicate drug trafficking, but we are not going to take any direct action against that crime.“

Sometimes the terrorist is confused with the drug trafficker and then what we call the narco-terrorist emerges […] we do have to eliminate this criminal.“

The 15.07, official communiqué by which the Peruvian government gives priority importance to the defense and promotion of human rights and gives support to international control organizations and NGOs inherent to human dignity such as Amnesty International, says that it is unacceptable not to denounce violations by terrorists; and „in Peru there are no prisoners of conscience“, there is „absolute freedom of expression“. The president of the CFA, General Velarde Ramirez, and head of the Peruvian Air Force in a meeting with Amnesty International, announced the prompt creation of a human rights department in the Joint Command, and some time later in a meeting with the coordinator of human rights, Pilar Coll, received the demand to nominate the High Commissioner for Human Rights. The same general said:

Very hard month, but it is also hard for the terrorist criminals […] we will not let up until we crush them […] with a strategy based on Intelligence.“

Acts of terrorism are treason to the homeland.“

And on 18.07 they published:

The armed forces study the ABCs of human rights.“

A few days later, in a communiqué from the Joint Command:

It is intended to accuse the Armed Forces of endorsing an alleged dirty war in the country […] [the Armed Forces] will continue acting against terrorist criminals with respect for the legal and constitutional norms in defense of the democratic system until the pacification of the country is achieved.“

In August, the Minister of Defense rejected the strategic stalemate: a propagandistic step“, „the facts show that the Armed Forces are in control of the situation“: he also affirmed:

The terrorists have not been able to take over geographical space and when there are combats, the balance favors by far the forces of order, with the obvious exception of the ambushes“.

Days later:

We are punishing with full rigor the military who commit crimes and misdemeanors, especially those who incur in excesses […] we have had triumphant battles despite the fact that the forces of order have also suffered casualties […] we never boast about the victories we obtain […] results do not mean that subversive delinquency has been withdrawn or reduced […] many years of persistent struggle will have to pass […]“

The forces of order apply to the letter the new strategy that consists of intense intelligence and then act with precision.“

Where are they and who are the sanctioned ones; he does not say, he does not know.

In October, in Santiago de Chile: „Peru does not intend to unleash an arms race in the region.“ „It would be madness“ to divert resources now „in times of an economic crisis that we are suffering“, „terrorism is in retreat. At this moment the Peruvian government is taking severe measures against subversion“, „the Shining Path“ has practically lost the control it had over the population“.

Recently, in December, the general commander of the Army said:

Commitment to banish forever the cowardly and treacherous terrorism and conquer the so longed for peace to which the Peruvian people have the right […] we have as a rule the unrestricted respect for human rights […] this makes the difference between soldiers and murderers […] to return peace, tranquility and justice to the Peruvian people […] all Peruvians with or without uniform must always be united under one flag, the red and white […]“

And going against the norms of the military institution of not giving political opinions, „I salute the President for the legislation on pacification“ „since it gathers in all its breadth our experiences lived in the daily struggle against the enemies of the fatherland, such as homicidal terrorism and drug trafficking that are destroying the very foundations of our society“ and „will allow us to maintain the task of pacification so longed for by all Peruvians and thus to work for the development and greatness of our beloved Peru in a climate of peace and tranquility […] in this way we will be able to contribute to the construction and rehabilitation of roads and bridges that will facilitate the development of the country, the construction of schools that will bring education and culture.“

Opinions of the Interior Ministry. In the first place the Ministry of the Interior is being assumed by an Army General, until April it was General EP Alvarado, then General EP Malca and now General EP Briónes, which is a source of contradictions with the Police Forces: General Police, Technical Police and Security Police. In February, the Police Forces made an MRTA leader escape and the Minister of the Interior said „there is no reason for a minister to resign“. In March, some commented:

The new Minister of the Interior must contribute to the design and implementation of a new anti-subversive strategy which must include the formation of a Unified Command in charge of national pacification.“

In May, the Minister of the Interior said:

We are winning the war against terrorism, Peruvians working together, with the Armed Forces and the Police, we will succeed in defeating the enemy that attacks without mercy […]“

About the armed strike in Lima:

The Armed and Police Forces have been, are and will always be prepared for any counter-subversive action.“

He added that the subversives may have infiltrated you or ourselves“ when leaving the awarding of distinctions to members of the General Police; and, „it is very difficult to finish them soon“ (at that time it was March). In June, they showed three presumed high-ranking leaders, described the „great success of the work“ and hid the massacre in San Gabriel (south zone of the capital). In July, they published:

The Minister of the Interior traveled to Spain to coordinate logistical aid and advice for the fight against terrorism and drug trafficking.“

In August, the Minister said about the drunken policemen who shot down and annihilated passengers of an airplane in Bellavista, San Martín jungle:

A minister is not going to resign because these things happen […]we are present in the place to proceed with the investigations.“

In September. Police reorganization is demanded but the Minister of the Interior remains mute. The policemen undergo psychological examinations to check their psychological state, with doctors from their own institution. At the end, police reorganization in charge of a Senate commission.

Let us now turn to the personnel and budget demands of the Armed and Police Forces. In March, the Minister of Defense stated that they started with a budget deficit of more than 30% and that if the year remains like this, it would be complicated and that the loan of US$ 500.000.000 for the Armed Forces did not materialize due to lack of credit from the State.

F. Soberón, director of APRODEH, said that a central issue for the new strategy was the operational conditions of the security forces. The military contingent is withdrawn and its equipment is far below the minimum recommended; that 80% of the Army‘s equipment that could be used in the counter-subversive war was at a standstill. He said that the Peruvian Army had 30.000 men destined to the counter-subversive war (in total there are 80.000 men in the Army, 23.000 in the Navy and 15.000 in the FAP, total 118.000). However, other sources said that a good part of those 30.000 were stationed in the barracks of the emergency zones in different tasks. It reveals, therefore, that the Army is afraid to go out to fight us. Some say that there are 15.000 troops actively engaged in the counter-subversive struggle between the Armed Forces and the Police. If this were so, we note that their Armed and Police Forces would be insufficient since the ratio between them and us, who are no longer young, is very low; some military theorists consider that a ratio of 20 to 1 would be needed. Soberon concludes:

The lost 1980s force us to win peace in this new decade.“

G. Romero of the PPC affirms that there is no budget for the pacification of the country and that it would be necessary to look for international aid, but not for military actions but for education, health, work, because peace, according to his ideas, is not going to be achieved by shooting. This means that they lack money and the „aid“ they want to invest in „non-military“ actions. H. de Soto said that in the coca growing zone there were 17.000 men of the Armed and Police Forces and „possibly as many people from the USA as there are in Bolivia […] in that case militarization in Peru is a fact […]“.

E. Obando of the Catholic University is of the opinion that no war in history has been liberal, that all war is Keynesian; that it is not financed by supply and demand but by mobilization and requires the intervention of the State in the economy to obtain the necessary funds to wage it, he was referring to the debate that took place and generated interdict between the Minister of Economy and General Torres Aciego, ex-Minister of Defense.

The president of the National Defense Committee, deputy of Cambio 90, also said that there was a lack of resources to implement the anti-subversive strategy and expressed that they were looking at the salary increase of the Armed and Police Forces, but that „their morale remained unalterable“; the same cynicism as that of his boss.

According to Congressman Ghilardi of the PAP, a general of the Armed Forces earned 120 dollars a month; a captain with 10 years of service earned 69.000 intis, assuming that the dollar was at 8.000 intis, a million would be more or less 80 dollars. He said that the fire capacity of the armed forces was 30% in 1991, while in 1980 it was 80%, of 18 helicopters for the counter-subversive struggle only three are working; that the budget of the armed forces in general used to imply more than 30% of the national budget, but in 1991 it dropped to 11% and of this budget, that of the counter-subversive struggle was intis, but it was cut by 75% and that in April and May there was no budget for these expenses.

In July 1991, the Minister of Defense himself, General EP (r) J. Torres Aciego, said: The 75.000.000 dollars granted to the sector for the anti-subversive struggle are insufficient“, and he did not rule out the possibility that apart from the money coming from the emergency fund and the budget, he would „resort to indebtedness in order to finish with the subversive criminals“. In September, the pressure to increase the budget of the Armed and Police Forces increased, the contradictions with the Minister of Economy grew and a comparative table of what they, parliamentarians and members of the Judiciary, were earning was published in local magazines. Oiga, for example, published: Armed Forces Major General, Vice-Admiral and Lieutenant General S/. 165.75. Lt. Gen., Frigate Captain and Commander S/ 104.42. Sub-Lieutenant, Ensign and Ensign S/. 48.06: and Third Grade NCOs S/ RG 46.“

True or false, all the data show coincidence as to the lack of men and resources, they require an increase in the budget, specify an internal war budget and above all increase salaries and benefits to those directly involved in the struggle, survivors, wounded, widows, etc. Let us also remember that the demands for salary increases for the police led to aggressive mobilizations of their wives and retirees; even a new police strike was called. We have stated that, as part of the policy of disintegration of the Armed and Police Forces, we must aim to differentiate the blows, not to target subordinates; but we must also promote the work of infiltration to develop the organization of the police. Organizing to fight for rights and demands, as well as social and political rights, is a right of soldiers and policemen.

An example of the growing discontent among the repressive forces was seen when Fujimori traveled to the Santa Lucia base in Huallaga; the police chief presented his complaints, lack of successes, ranch, clothes, equipment, men, and denounced the abuses and arrogance of the Yankee personnel of the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA); remarking that the tips from the North American government were not even enough for a good meal.

Up to this point we have wanted to demonstrate the lack of men and resources to fight us; that is a law within which they are going to move because their war is unjust, it is counterrevolutionary and they can only resort to forming cannon fodder and yanahumas, necessarily having to resort to the more direct participation of Yankee imperialism or its allies.

But, if their economic situation is bad, the political conditions of their action are ultra-reactionary; in spite of Fujimori‘s demagogic talk, the Armed and Police Forces of the Peruvian State not only maintain their genocidal policy but have developed it within the Yankee conception of low-intensity warfare. The abject genocides of Barrios Altos, San Gabriel, and La Perla are irrefutable proof, in the very capital of the Republic, that millions of astonished witnesses have seen and no one will ever forget; no further demonstration is needed, just ask yourself how it will be in the countryside! That this policy guides, officially, the Armed and Police Forces, we know it from General Guillermo Monzón Arrunátegui‘s own declaration before the Congressional Investigation Commission on the events of the prisons (genocide in the Shining Trenches of Combat) on September 3rd, 1987, then General Commander of the Army Genocidal policy developed by Fujimori‘s government as it appears in the document of the Joint Command of the Armed Forces that the journalist C. Hildebrandt denounced on Peruvian television. A genocidal counter-subversive policy that soaked the whole country in blood and that the government and the Armed and Police Forces vainly try to hide and minimize until its disappearance, after reluctantly admitting the existence of „some excesses“ that they never punish, even less so today with the government of the genocidal, country-selling Fujimori. And this is in addition to the economic and social policy that the counter-revolutionary Armed and Police Forces serve and defend.

As for the moral conditions, today they are worse than yesterday, desertions are multiplying among the soldiers, while the requests for discharge of the officers have grown so much that they have had to suspend them. And while corruption is rampant, the troops endure daily needs and suffer daily arrogance and humiliations, forced even to plunder the poverty of the masses to feed themselves. All this corrodes more and more the morale of the repressive forces, be they armed or police forces; thus acts of cowardice increase and indiscipline spreads: soldiers disobey their officers, threaten them with death or simply assassinate each other pretending to be in combat with the PGA. The military are strongly committed to drug trafficking and they are the ones who facilitate operations inside and outside the country, receiving huge sums from the biggest „firms“ of the mafia; they are the ones who provide security for the take-off and landing of Colombian drug trafficking airplanes.

But their main problem is that the morale of the Armed and Police Forces is based on a reactionary ideology, the bourgeois ideology of the feudal base of the Peruvian State which serves imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism and semi-feudalism; that is the very root and insurmountable root of their moral crisis. And against which we victoriously oppose our class morality, the popular morality guided by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, solid and incorruptible base that forges iron legions of the proletariat.

Thus, everything shows that the Armed and Police Forces are marching towards their decomposition due to their class character and the conditions of the counter-revolutionary, unjustified war they wage. The campaigns to disintegrate the enemy troops contribute to generalize their decomposition and contribute to their total annihilation. The slogans: „Soldier, why are you killing your people?“, „Desert with your rifle and join the guerrillas!“, „Annihilate the genocidal officers!“ and „Police: Don’t be cannon fodder for the cachacos!“ are still valid.

Let us review some of the genocidal acts of repression and corruption of the Armed and Police Forces during the Fujimori government. Already since March 1991 it was denounced that „excesses“ of the Armed and Police Forces could become systematic; the continuation of Fujimori‘s genocidal policy and the impunity promoted by him was being reflected.

a) Mass graves. Appearance of 3 mass graves in Ayacucho: August 1990 in Iquicha, 30 peasants; September 1990 in Chilcahuaycco, 20 peasants; and October 1990 in Challwapampa, 30 peasants, among them two pregnant women (Iquicha in Huanta, Chilcahuaycco and Challwapampa, in Huamanga). These were reported to be a Shining Path cemetery, and the newspapers also said that they were pre-Inca corpses. Fujimorist genocide perpetrated by the head of the political-military command of Front No. 5 of Huamanga, General Fernandez Davila Carnero; he directs all the counter-subversive bases in this zone, among them the military base of Castropampa from where they sent to commit these atrocities; in three successive months 80 people were murdered in three graves.

b) Rape, looting, arson. In the Castropampa barracks, since April and May 1990, in preparation for the elections, the genocidal commander EP Hurtado Robles imprisoned peasant women, torturing and raping them with irons to force them to inform on the Commissars, pressuring them to form „rondas“; he also put bayonets around their children‘s necks, threatening to slit their throats if they did not inform on him. In the department of Apurimac: in Mamaru, Totora, Anco, Turpay and Huaruchaca, province of Grau, they looted and raped, they also burned houses in Anco, while in Mamaru, they raped all the school girls and young peasant women, 10 schoolgirls died as a result of the rape. In Chalhuanca, the EP, following the confrontation with the PGA in August, raided the Support Base and when they found no one, they destroyed 30 cows, 12 alpacas, more than 80 birds and loaded the belongings of the masses on 30 donkeys. But in addition to the rapes and fires, in Antabamba the Army forced the peasants, under penalty of firing squad and the provincial capital to form patrols. The Army in Ocobamba and Andahuaylas had a carrot and stick policy: killing and civic action „helping“ with food donations. The police in Huancaray and Tanquihua forced with their weapons the masses to attend the flag raising on Sundays and shout: „We want peace!“, „We are against violence, we want to work and live peacefully!“. Chaviña‘s Army authorized supposed peasant civilians to moralize the masses by giving them whippings for „bad behavior“ and stamping on their arms „Wake up people!“, in Quechua, all along the route from Sancos, province of Lucanas, department of Ayacucho to Jaque.

c) Torture. Between June and November 1990, 11 tortured corpses were thrown by the Navy from helicopters in a swamp, 30 km from Pucallpa. Continuous bombing and strafing from helicopter gunships belonging to the Armed Forces of Peru against the population, e.g. in Vista Alegre, Inuya River, a tributary of the Urubamba River, in November 1990. The Navy’s viciousness is known in the region for its captures, tortures, rapes and disappearances; it preys on the youth, peasants and professionals; it raids young towns and buries hundreds of tortured corpses to leave no trace. In the police station of Santo Tomas, Chumbivilcas, Cuzco, they bury tortured prisoners; it is easy to dig and find their corpses, on 26.09.1990 the corpses of 2 detainees were found days before in that police station with traces of torture. In August and September 90, in Mamaru, Totora, Anco, Turpay and Huaruchaca, province of Grau in the department of Apurimac, the Army barbarously tortured the masses for having formed People‘s Committees: they cut out the commissars‘ tongues, gouged out their eyes and drowned them by sinking them in water, while shouting at them „Speak, where are the weapons, grenades, posters!“

d) Disappearances. In Lima, capital of Peru, in Villa Salvador, in the Southern Cone, in the trunk of a patrol car they introduced the university student Castillo Paez and he disappeared, in October ‘90, the case has been trapped by Fujimori through the Supreme Court of Justice; and motivated the attack on Dr. Zuñiga, legal representative of the parents of the disappeared. In the department of Ayacucho, in March 1991, three authorities were arrested and disappeared for not wanting to join the so-called „rondas“ or „Civil Defense Committees“: mayor, secretary of the Council and lieutenant governor and also a merchant of Chuschi, Victor Fajardo; and in the same province in April ‘91 a patrol of the EP detained and disappeared 7 candidates of the IU; and in the province of Puquio, in the military base disappeared 6 prisoners after torturing them, only 1 escaped alive, August ‘91. And in the district of Cahuaco and annexes, of the province of Caraveli of the department of Arequipa, the Army, in response to incursion and actions responded, disappeared 15 poor peasants. In September ‘91, in the Bocanegra farm in the capital, 2 masses were disappeared. In the department of Junin hundreds of these cases came to occupy the first places in disappearances; thus the disappearance of the AP leader of Iscos, plus 2 students of the Universidad Nacional del Centro, whose corpses appeared „dead by asphyxiation“ and with traces of torture; the cases denounced by the public prosecutor’s office were more than 500. In the departments of San Martin, Huanuco and Huacayali (in the latter up to October ‘91, 300 missing persons were reported), especially the cities of Pucallpa and Tarapoto, the towns of Chiclayo and Picota, the districts of Morales, Soritor and Naranjillo are daily shaken by disappearances. But the department that continues to occupy the first place in these genocidal actions is Ayacucho, where even the simple denunciation is a motive for suspicion, threat, disappearance and death; it also happens that for the thousands of tortured and disappeared poor peasants no denunciations are filed because they have no documents or means to do so and, in general, they are prevented from denouncing, keeping these facts in anonymity but boiling with class hatred in the heroic masses that fight for a New State: the People‘s Republic of Peru. However, all this genocide is reduced, despite what has been publicly denounced in Peru, to only 179 disappeared and 58 extrajudicial executions, since the beginning of Fujimori‘s government, according to Amnesty International, officially denounced, and only four cases pending investigation: graves of Chillcahuaycco, Ayacucho; Castillo Paez student; youths of La Perla and peasants of Santa Barbara, Huancavelica.

e) Raids. In April 1990 for ten days the military disguised as civilians and posing as Comrades arrived at Qochapata, a small ranch in the district of Totora Oropesa, province of Antabamba, department of Apurimac, they captured 2 men, their wives and their 2 children; 20 km from there in Huachullo they captured 7 evangelists. From there they went to Puchungo in Chumbivilcas, Cusco and arrested the Apfata Binga family, 3 brothers, the wife of one and the son of both, plus the companion of another, a total of 6 peasants, stripped them naked and subjected them to torture. They arrested 2 more and a few days later their bodies were found with traces of torture and the other one beaten to a pulp in the vicinity of the community of Collama, district of Quiñota. On the way to Chuchumke, the soldiers captured 5 brothers at a celebration, 2 elderly, tied their hands and feet, kicked them and drowned them in the river without killing them, locked them naked in a room and raped the women. They did the same to 7 peasants from Ccasahui. An elderly prisoner was poisoned and died, 16 prisoners were taken to the Ccapallullo hill and blown up with dynamite.

f) Assassinations. In the emergency zone No. 5, the Armed Forces and the Armed Forces committed genocide by pressuring the masses to form „rondas“, by order of the miserable General Fernández Dávila and his lieutenant, Commander Ocampo. In Yahuarmachay, Ayahuanco, Ayacucho, 35 peasants were murdered, among them 15 children and 6 elderly, on May 16th, 1990; in Chaynabamba. Huancavelica, 12 people were killed, also in May 1990; in Ramadilla, Llochegua, Ayacucho, 10 peasants were killed in August 1990; in Somabeni, Ene River, Junín, 9 were killed, also in August 1990. On the same date, mass murders were perpetrated, demonstrating electoral genocide of the masses and combatants in the department of Ayacucho, Acocro, Quinua, in the province of Huamanga and others in Huanta; in the department of Huancavelica in Chincho, Huanchuy, Uralla, Michca, Villoc. In Tocache, massacre of 9 members of the Tuanama Tapuyina family, denounced by AP deputy Geno Ruiz; the Army tried to accuse the CPP. In Santa Barbara, Huancavelica, massacre of 14 peasants, whose corpses with traces of torture and rape were hidden; first the CPP was officially accused, as is the norm even with the pronouncement of the military chiefs, and then, when the OAS Human Rights Commission came to Peru, they published the „excesses“ of an officer and five soldiers of the Army and passed the trial to the military jurisdiction. In Chillutira, Puno, brutal crime of 3 peasants been incorporated in the PGA committed by the Army, having also tried to impute the fact to the CPP, in this case as responsible for „having recruited them by force“. In the Castro Castro prison, Canto Grande, Lima, assassination of 4 prisoners of war in an operation by the Armed Forces and the CPP to remove political slogans, once again unmasking their „civic action“. In Lima, killing of 10 youths, 7 of them in San Gabriel, South zone of Lima, a human settlement where the masses were paying homage to the heroes fallen in the genocide of 19.06.1986, with fists raised, red banners and singing hymns; they were shot and then killed in a joint operation of the Army and the Police, using cars and helicopters. Is there freedom of expression then, if the simple fact of remembering revolutionary relatives or friends is a motive for massacre? These murders, however, were exalted by the reactionary press, describing the just tributes as „Shining Path paraphernalia“ and the genocidal action as a „great triumph“ or „7 fall in battle“, justifying the vile slaughter of humble unarmed youths; as always, the Catholic Church kept silent, protecting the crime of its exploiting partners. But this vaunted supposed success blew up in their faces when 3 days after June 19th, during the celebration of the 5th Anniversary of the Day of Heroism, in La Perla, Callao, the police murdered two minors of 15 and 17 years old and another young man of 27 who were just passing through the streets where there was not even any armed action, believing them suspected of terrorism, as they usually do every day, they took them in two patrol cars in broad daylight, on the way they received the order to kill them and they did it expeditiously. And immediately they fabricated their „success in the fight against terrorism“, they staged their bloody and daily farce: They put a gun, Party leaflets and the newspaper The Daily on them and pretended to proclaim that they were subversives; But a few days later, pressured by the evidence and the people‘s condemnation, the government had to syndicate the perpetrators, of whom Sergeant Francisco Antezano, sub-officer José Infantes, Sergeant Guillermo Cornejo Zapata and sub-officer Angel Vasquez Chumo are under arrest, but Infantes was threatened with death for having denounced the bosses who ordered the attacks; they are only under a summons, interned in the Police Hospital: Captain Bazan Llapa, Major Quiroz Chavez Chavez and Captain Odar Inchaustegui Jimenez. One more example of the impunity that Fujimori favors for his Armed and Police Forces. In the land invasion of Ate-Vitarte in Lima, let us highlight another very common type of murder: drunken policemen murdered 4 residents for invading land on January 1st, 1991.

Part of this genocidal policy that Fujimori continues and develops is the appearance of new paramilitary groups that perpetrate savage individual murders such as that of journalist Ortega Morales in Ayacucho; or that of journalist Melissa Alfaro of the weekly Cambio, blown up by an „overbomb“ in Lima. Or the massive crimes such as that of the García family in Ayacucho, on 24.09 in the Villa Santa Rosa human settlement, they murdered the bricklayer García Marsilla and his wife, whose bodies „were found behind the calamine door, in which 13 bullet impacts of 9 mm. caliber can be seen, it is supposed that they approached the door when they heard the noise of those who tried to enter their home“; in the bedrooms were killed their children Gladys of 17, Gregorio of 8 and Beatriz of only 2 and a half, also the cousin of the owner of the house M. Garcia C. and 2 visitors of last name Huamani (17) and Rodriguez H. (18). And the horrendous massacre of Barrios Altos, 16 people, one 9 year old child among them, all of them workers, mainly street ice cream vendors from the provinces, killed by dozens of bullets in an old house and in the very midst of several police institutions; genocide over which the repressive forces, supported by the reactionary press, have woven a sinister disinformation, even pretending, when not? To impute it to the Party, in order to cover up, as they do to this day, those who ordered it and those who executed it, in Lima itself and in the midst of the fanfare of „respect for human rights“!

But the unpunished crime of genocide continues to be committed in the campaigns of encirclement and annihilation; since the beginning of the People‘s War they have been applying it, as in ‘83 and ‘84, mainly in Ayacucho; or in ‘90 and ‘91 in the Central Region, especially where they assassinated more than 1.000 people; or in the operations of 1990, in the general elections, hitting the masses with their usual genocidal policy of stealing everything, burning everything and killing everyone, or in the application of their plans to organize peasant patrols, unleashing white terror to stifle the masses with blood and fire.

Campaigns of black counter-propaganda and murderous stratagems are applied by the Armed and Police Forces in various parts of the country and have the same reactionary „brand name“ aimed at discrediting the Party and alienating the masses, they set up sinister plans which they present propagandizing them as Machiavellianism or terrorist monstrosity. Thus, in April ‘91, in the neighborhood of San Sebastian, Cusco, 2 children die by explosion of war grenades; in May, in the surroundings of the San Martin barracks, Lima, the Armed Forces „did not clean well“ the remains of the MRTA car bomb and an explosion kills the following day a soccer player publishing „new target of terror“; in July the Prosecutor Mendez Jurado in chorus with the Minister of Defense said: Terrorists have kidnapped 260 children between 15 and 19 years old by force“; in August, „war grenade explodes in Ayacucho market when armed paro and a woman dies leaving 33 wounded“. In September, Express linked dismembered bodies found in the capital to the CPP. This monstrous defamatory campaign, in October, fabricated a murderous stratagem against Jorge Mayta Sucso, a nine year old boy, sacrificing him to fabricate the infamy that the Party had used him, in Lima, to test if the high tension tower was mined; precisely when the OAS Human Rights Commission was about to arrive to investigate Fujimori‘s genocides, and with unheard of cynicism they declared him a martyr of subversion. Previously they put together a fetid melodrama about the supposed salvation by a police officer, after having induced the child to enter the tower mined by them, a few meters from an elementary school; and in the height of barbarism to prevent the child from speaking, they let him die of exsanguination. These are the Yankee methods applied in Fujimori‘s Peru in the purest imperialist style. Bloody hoaxes to which the Peruvian government’s The Peruvian and the Express of Ulloa, among other formers of the so-called public opinion, happily join in.

If to all these facts, part of the counter-subversive war strategy, we add the multitude of criminal acts committed by the military and police as a result of the impunity and carte blanche they are granted, we would never finish describing them; suffice it to add the corruption of the military in the coca-growing areas in collusion with the big drug traffickers; or the murder of the 12-year-old girl in La Molina, an urban district of Lima; Or that of the Monzón merchant, or that of the cattle rancher extorted and tortured in the PIP of Trujillo; or the assaults in the Pan-American North and South highways, not to mention the daily ones in the Sierra; without forgetting the inconceivable shooting and shooting down of the passenger plane in the province of Bellavista, department of San Martin, causing the death of all its occupants; and the fraud discovered in the entrance to the School of Command and Police Advisory, without any authority having resigned for it.

Faced with so much impunity and corruption and the imperialist pressure to withhold „aid“, the Police Forces had to pass „psychological exams“ and, together with the Armed Forces, they began to study human rights, as if that were the solution. Until the Police Forces entered into reorganization.

This police reorganization is the third in 11 years of People‘s War. But what does the measure hide? the criminal acts have exceeded the limit; the pressures of Yankee imperialism to apply its low intensity war are growing and, they use the well-known method of hitting the weakest point to exempt the main genocidal ones, which are the Armed Forces. The evident uneasiness of the Police has been made public, its director, General Adolfo Cuba y Escobedo, said: We can’t ask for more, except for the emergence of a new law where people are degraded. And if there is another one, let them be shot“, after questioning the public dismissal of officers and subalterns.

Finally, the situation of the Armed and Police Forces is yet another source of contradictions within reaction. But the uneasiness does not stop there, it extends to the factions of the big bourgeoisie that do not agree with the greater power Fujimori is giving to the Armed Forces and demand an integral strategy for the counter-subversive war. They demand that Fujimori coordinate with the parties, they disagree that the military should assume military and non-military matters and that it should plan and decide on its own; they insist on a Unified Command directed by a civilian or a retired military officer dedicated full time to the problem; They are, therefore, against the creation of a single military-only command that in the long run would end up assuming the political, economic and social aspects, and would clash more and more with their democratic system. The reality is that with this new government the tendency towards absolute centralization to manage the counter-subversive war with a growing militaristic criterion is growing every day. The demagogic declaration of respect for human rights and the carte blanche to impunity will be greater, although the more varnished the genocide and generalized repression, thus undermining even more the bourgeois-democratic order and developing the galloping reactionarization of the Peruvian State. The so-called „humanization“ of the counter-subversive war will once again blow up in the face of Fujimori and his military, police and civilian authorities, bathing them in blood from head to toe.

In summary, to see the situation of the Armed and Police Forces we have started from their counter-revolutionary class character whose essence is genocide and corruption, and how Fujimori‘s government is the one that most brazenly endorses them and gives them greater political power. Second, some opinions of the Ministers of Defense and Interior and the President of the CFA to demonstrate their political and military incapacity. Third, the political, economic and military conditions in which they fight us, which reveal their inferiority, lack of men and means. Fourth, some genocidal acts and black campaigns. Fifth, the police reorganization. And, sixth, how the situation of the Armed and Police Forces and the counter-subversive war strategy is another source of contradictions within the reaction.

Everything leads to the conclusion that the Armed Forces and the Police are counter-revolutionary, genocidal, corrupt and deniers of the very heroes they invoke; the reactionary Army is the dishonor of Bolognesi, the black and sinister Navy is the dishonor of its patron Grau and the Air Force is the dishonor of Quiñones. The people are witnesses of this reality and it will never be possible to erase the blood of the thousands of heroes who fall with fierce resistance in this glorious and growing People‘s War; as the most convincing example is the genocide perpetrated on 18.06.1986 when in a single day they murdered with unbridled barbarism 250 prisoners of war, who continue to win victories beyond death as in the 5th Anniversary of the DAY OF HEROISM. The black dreams of the raging hyena of the genocidal Armed and Police Forces have not even been able to stop the People‘s War, and day by day they are defeated by the victorious PGA, a new type of Army that has arisen from the depths of the mainly poor peasant masses of the country, a PGA which, led by the CPP and armed with its invincible ideology wrests arms from the genocidals, incorporates new brave combatants and builds the New Power; in fierce combats of annihilation against the genocidal Armed and Police Forces, it wrests victories that mark historic milestones in the people‘s struggle. Never before has there been such an Army in Peruvian history; neither the peasant hosts of Túpac Amaru, nor the peasant guerrillas that gave glory to Caceres had the quality and heroism of the PGA, because this is an Army of a new type, of a new class, led by the Communist Party. For 11 years two armies have been confronting each other in Peru, the Old Army and the New PGA which is defeating the Old Army which has not been able, nor will it be able to stop and even less annihilate the People‘s War and which today, more than yesterday, resorts to using the peasant masses as cannon fodder, as a complementary army while desperately clamoring for „aid“ from its masters of the Yankee imperialist army. What better proof of class, ideological, political and military superiority!

b. Campaigns, Plans and Actions

Campaigns, Operations and Actions. Huallaga, Central, Ayacucho. 5th Anniversary. Searches.

A simple enumeration can give us an idea of the tactics they have been employing during this campaign and which stem from the so-called „new strategy“.

In February. On the 23rd, attack on the rondero base of Ccano; 26 dead and 17 wounded in confrontation; from there a detachment of ronderos left to communicate to the counter-subversive military base of Tambo, 40 kilometers away and with military troops they set up a mixed patrol of persecution, at the same time that they communicated to the political-military command of Huamanga. Three patrols left: one from Huanta, another from Tambo and the third from Machente towards Razuhuinca in a raking operation; they annihilated 5 guerrillas but they were ambushed and caused 6 casualties: a lieutenant, a sergeant and four soldiers of the EP. The military had declared that they believed that the zone had been pacified and that is why they withdrew their military base from Ccano. The peasants point out that the Party continues to act in Pulpería, Sello de Oro, Jepeccra, Iquicha and Uchuraccay. They report a recent attack on Ccarhuaurán causing 17 rondero casualties. As an epilogue to these actions, the Army says that the guerrillas are coming up from Ene to reinforce the disbanded columns of Ayacucho to increase their attacks.

After a 7-day strike in January, called by the Front in Defense of the People of Ayacucho, February became even more active in Ayacucho. Magazines in Lima published „Petronio‘s recipe“: General EP Petronio Fernandez Davila applied the suspension of the curfew in Ayacucho since January ‘90 and in July, he lifted the state of emergency in the city of Huamanga. He designed the strategy to be applied based on intelligence, civic action and psychological operations as well as direct combat. As a first psychological action, he created an atmosphere of normality, combined it with civic action: he took a tractor from the Ministry of Transportation and gave it to the red light district „El Carmen“, he proposed to the neighborhood councils to organize themselves and they carried out some works. Afterwards, he recruited 400 children of ronderos and took them to the barracks „Los Cabitos“ to train them and invited the ronderos parents to spend 8 days confirming the learning; they were taught the concept of Homeland, human solidarity, future of Peru, as civic actions and above all offensive military training; they returned them to their areas of origin and organized rounds in each of their communities, each round was given a local command, no longer of the whole region and they also manufactured rear-loading weapons to arm themselves. At the UNSCH, he coordinated with the heads of university programs to discuss the situation of the subversion in the university, agreeing that since Sendero was a minority, they should not be dominated and should be expelled. With the ONA, he made a pact to provide food. The general said that with this program he would win over the population and the Shining Path would be caught in the crossfire, that desertions would be provoked and that captures would be easier; they captured some, made them give themselves up under pressure for 48 hours and based on that they set up annihilation operations. Objective: total turnaround of the peasantry. Meanwhile, while this plan was being propagated in the city of Huanta itself, two bodies of subversives were found dead by a paramilitary group and the Party led an attack on a base of ronderos and ambushed 10 policemen from a patrol.

In March. In Ayacucho, La Mar, Tambo, confrontation leaves 16 dead, including 6 military personnel and 10 subversives „that were taken when fleeing“. In the same month: Search of the Canto Grande prison in Lima, 400 SP and support of 8 Army troop carriers; it lasted 5 hours, they found graphic representations of actions already carried out and presented them as plans for assaults or attacks; they used the pretext of „rumors of escapes“. They announced that they had mined 80% of the Mantaro service towers. And at the end, with great fanfare, they spread the word that the Ashaninka „have joined the forces of order“, „that they have decided to fight to the death against subversion“, that they act with mixed patrols of police and soldiers, that go through Satipo, Mazamari and Puerto Ocopa; that they act as lookouts and act with the anti-subversive corps of the 48th General Police Command, Los Sinchis. In Huanuco they fabricate the farce that political prisoners are annihilated due to internal conflicts and they assassinate 5 of them when they were sleeping and with a knife. They publish that three subversives were killed „who were assaulting transport cars from Oyón to Lima, by members of the PGA but this news is denied and they discover that the assailants killed were policemen.

In April. Two subversives die in an attack on a patrol car in Lima; 2 escaped and 2 wounded „died on arrival at the hospital“. Criticism for the withdrawal of police posts from 1982 to 1991 is accentuated. On 28.04 following a major blackout in Lima, 2,500 arrested after 75 attacks in Lima in the last 4 days. The CFA after the visits of the general commanders to the fronts creates a permanent and national „Anti-subversive Operational Command“ and sets up a rapid intervention group combining armed and police forces.

In May. FA receive budget for counter-subversive actions. The Army detained 30 inhabitants of the northern cone of Lima, gathered in an assembly to discuss their right to land in Los Olivos; they were taken to Fort Rimac and the following day they were handed over to DIRCOTE. Previously coordinated operations between the Armed Forces and the Police are carried out in Lima, mainly in slums; as a result of sabotage to banks and blackout; both agencies work 24 hours a day nationwide and are determining critical areas for joint actions. 8 subversives were annihilated in Chuquibamba, Arequipa, in a bloody confrontation with the Police who were looking for the group that „on 24.04 attacked the same place“. Callao, General Police carried out a „saturation“ operation and blockade; 611 people and 617 vehicles were intervened; 6 were arrested and 20 vehicles were detained; it was “during the night”. Operation in San Isidro, Lima „with the objective of capturing drug addicts and packers“. PNP chief announces maximum security measures against armed strike in Lima, for the 29th. Raid and 50 suspects arrested in Lima, in one night.

Army annihilates 30 subversives in Acos-Vinchos Ayacucho.“

On the 25-26th the Shining Path raided the Ccanobamba farm, killing 16 […] they burned 59 houses […] the peasants alerted the counter-subversive base of Accocro and from here they alerted ‚Los Cabitos‘, Huamanga, they contacted the Air Force whose headquarters is the airport. The commander sent a TWIN-BELL 212 helicopter armed with 2 MAG 7.62 mm. machine guns and several ribbons of 200 cartridges.“

Already before, the Shining Path, on 09.04.1991 put it at risk.“

They coordinated with another Army helicopter MI-17 with 40 men and they applied: ‚sombrilla‘ […] were answered by the Shining Path with FAL and the ship was left adrift and returned to Huamanga, there it fixed its breakdown and was reinforced with 12 C-S rockets returning to the field of operations and annihilated 30 subversives.“

Official communiqué:

„In view of the serious violation of human rights by the Shining Path against defenseless communities […]“.

Communiqué of the Political-Military Command (CPM) of Huamanga says:

The Shining Path has called an armed strike for the 18.05 […] the Ayacuchan people are invoked to reiterate once again their deep love for their land and the future of their children by massively attending their workplaces.“

It says that they will be given guarantees.

On May 12th, the Army began an operation directed by General Perez Documet, of the Mantaro Front, from the base of Ollanta, Satipo and the police barracks of the Sinchis, in Mazamari; there days before, between the end of April and the beginning of May they changed the contingent that was demoralized and exhausted; the general, to raise the morale of the new soldiers „encourages“ them with „magic“ and uses computerized astrological charts as guides for the difficult moments“. He also formed, shortly before the starting date, an „Ashaninka Army of the Great Pajonal“ and in the city of Satipo he ordered that voluntarily or by force the whole population would be organized in urban anti-subversive patrols. There were 900 soldiers in 15 groups of 60 each, plus 45 natives with Winchesters, Navy patrols and 5 helicopters. In Ayacucho, General Martinez Aloja, who leads the Huamanga Front, simultaneously entered to occupy the Apurimac valley; here, the Apurimac patrols played a „decisive“ role (they have been acting since July ‘90); they raided the Quimpiri base, parallel to the Apurimac and reaching Cutivireni, on the Ene river. At the same time, the ronderos of the lower part of the Apurimac Valley called the Anti-subversive Civil Defense of Huayhuaco, and in joint operations they acted with the Army of the Huamanga Front and entered the Ene Valley. The number of soldiers was similar but the number of ronderos was greater. (It is said that between the departments of Ayacucho and Huancavelica there are 836 Civil Defense organizations.) The operation lasted until July 17 and took place along the Ene Valley, Apurimac Valley and Tambo River.

On 03.05.1991 newspapers published:

Attack on Huanuco police post in the town of El Afilador, on the Huanuco-Tingo Maria highway, 2 policemen and a woman selling fruit were killed, 15 local civilians were wounded.“

June. Official communiqué from the CPM of the Huamanga Front points out terrorist attack on members of the Chupac Defense Committee; 7 community members killed plus 3 ronderos also killed in „confusing clash“.

EP troops kill 6 in the main square of Pacayhua, Huanuco, „when the terrorists were preparing to victimize authorities“, on 03.06 they published: „Military personnel killed 30 Shining Path members“ in Huanuco, „Shining Path members rushed to ambush 25 military personnel returning from Aucayacu to their base in Tingo Maria“. „They had previously attacked El Alfiler police post on May 28th says The Commercial; in Ku King‘s interview with Rios Araico, head of the Huallaga ACPM, in Oiga, he tells the general:

In recent weeks he has suffered casualties among his troops because of the upsurge of subversive violence and because the guerrillas seem to have the initiative at the least expected moment, as happened 5 days ago in the area of Afiladero where 2 policemen and 2 civilians died. Today it was also reported that a military patrol was ambushed by Maoist guerrillas of the Shining Path […]“.

Rios Araico brigadier general, political-military chief of Huallaga:

Torture, disappearances and much less extrajudicial executions are not authorized here? I collaborate with justice, with the defense of human rights and I will not allow the honor of the Armed Forces to be stained.“

The counter-subversive strategy must be based on development with security and development.“

He recognized „limitations in the counter-subversive struggle“:

It is a war of criminals that is destroying Peru, but at the same time I ask myself are they winning or losing this war? We are going to defeat them.“

About the Agreement he said he agreed, he addressed the peasants, „do not worry, no ‚green berets‘ will come to kill peasants“. Due to strategy, FAP airplanes are withdrawn from Santa Lucia base, „they cannot remain inactive in a place where they can be attacked“ said FAP spokesman to explain that the Tucanos had been withdrawn from the jungle.

After the confrontation EP troops seized weapons from the Shining Path in Alto Huallaga was recovered by the Army, after the confrontation last Saturday in Aucayacu, in which 30 terrorists had died.“

2 anti-tank grenades, 1 anti-personnel grenade, 8 FAL rifles, 3 AKM, 10 shotguns and no less than 6 handguns (revolver and pistol). After 4 hours of confrontation, at the break of dawn and combing the place, the soldiers found the aforementioned weapons abandoned as well as blood stains and traces of people dragged away, presuming that at least 30 terrorists were killed.“

Military sources informed that it is presumed that this Shining Path column had the objective of carrying out attacks in the localities of Tingo María or Aucayacu, to gain publicity, since in the first city there were national and foreign journalists in a seminar: Right to information in emergency zones.“

From The Commercial. (COMPARE WITH NOTICE OF 03.06.1991 ON EL AFILADOR).

In an operation they frustrate subversive acts, they capture a prowler of the Alipio Ponce School, they neutralize a flyer in the Central Market and continue operations at peak hours, 529 intervened and 428 vehicles. According to the Armed Forces, in joint action with the PNP in Huallaga, during the first 5 months of the year they killed almost 60 subversives and captured 52. Antiterrorist Group in Ayacucho threatens journalists. Armed Antiterrorist Group Operative: GATO appears in Huancayo; on 08.06 acted in Yanacancha and Yanamarca, district of Acoya, Jauja, Junín. 16.06 surprise raid in Canto Grande, Lima, again for alleged escape of Osmán Morote, that ‚Chairman Gonzalo would have planned‘; 1.500 soldiers and Armed and Police Forces, 4 hours; visitors protest.“

As a result of the beginning of the celebrations for the 5th Anniversary of the Day of Heroism. In Lima, total mobilization of the police was ordered throughout the department, with support from the 2nd Military Region and the Navy. On 19.06, massacre in San Gabriel, South zone of Lima slums:

Exemplary punishment to terrorists was given by police and army forces. They killed 7 and captured 50 men and women.“ „6 terrorists killed in combat.“ In front page headlines. And on the inside pages: „Using helicopters they fight terrorists.“ „Police and Army gave a hard blow to subversion.“ „7 die and 51 are detained in different areas of Lima.“ „Police free family held by subversives.“ „Police give hard blows to the Shining Path.“ „6 are killed.“

General Pedro Villanueva informed Fujimori in detail about the events in San Gabriel; he also informed Fujimori about actions throughout the country and received his congratulatory face (Comment on article in The Republic about action and repression in San Gabriel, Lima 19.06). Gigantic raid; 7th Region of the General Police reported that on 18 and 19 with combined PNP and EP forces, 11,114 people were intercepted in different parts of the capital; after evaluations, 400 suspects remained, 174 of them (30 women) were transferred to DIRCOTE. On 22.06, third day of actions celebrating the 5th Anniversary of the Day of Heroism, they published:

„Explosion of car bomb killed Navy bus driver.“ „In La Perla (Callao) PN troops killed a terrorist.“ „Frustrated assault to ENCI offices left two dead and three wounded.“ „Police killed a criminal in Vía Expresa.“ „Explosive device in the Ministry of Labor.“ „Daily raids continue in Lima.“

Express, the same day, similarly conceals a successful ambush against the Navy after a supposed defeat:

MRTA assault on a money truck thwarted.“ „ENCI security guard and terrorist killed on Camino Real.“ „Ministry of Labor and Ministry of Agriculture attacked.“ „Commander saved from terrorist ambush.“ „For fast and efficient reaction.“

In The Republic, the same day:

Assault on a cargo truck ends in a bloodbath“; „Navy bus attacked by car bomb“; (they try to cover up the action but it is the one that best describes the ambush; commentary). House to house raid in San Juan de Miraflores; Pamplona Alta; Rinconada; 20 detainees from 01:00 to 05:00; the previous week the same operation in Asentamientos Humanos José Carlos Mariategui, Cruz de Motupe and Huanta, in San Juan de Lurigancho, 48 detainees. They deny that Castillo Paez was in San Juan.

On Sunday 25.06, Hildebrant denounces the massacre of 3 young people in La Perla, hidden by farce also mounted on TV, especially by Channel 2 of Lima. Their „triumphs“, lies and „defeats“ of ours blew up in their faces and in the capital itself. Everything they did to silence the successful beginning of the 5th Anniversary of the Day of Heroism ended with the irrefutable demonstration that the Party acted with the poor masses of the slums of Lima and the furious enemy responded like a beast with genocide, moreover, the images broadcast in the television media are stamped in the minds of millions, the bad treatment of the prisoners handcuffed, with their faces hidden and the murderous boots trampling on their bodies, the „Party“ leaflets, the „mandate“ of Ayacucho and the „weapons“ in the backpacks of the two children were added to the images of the combative and historic neighborhood of San Gabriel where defenseless youths with no other weapons than their banners were attacked by the army and the police from the ground and from helicopters, chasing them over the hills and murdering as many as they wanted, seizing and transporting them like cattle in their black hyena trucks. One more day of heroic combat was torn by the blood of the heroes of June 19th, 1986 and their blood is warmed by the new blood shed.

On the same day about actions outside Lima, they also present them as defeats:

In 7 days at least 40 terrorists have died in clashes with soldiers.“ „Military patrols held separate clashes yesterday and today with terrorist groups in various areas of the provinces Mariscal Caceres (San Martin) and Leoncio Prado, in official report.“ „On the subversive side, there would have been numerous casualties that added to those registered in other clashes, a week ago [the 30 dead that according to Comercio itself there were in Aucayacu, and who later said „they would have died“] would raise to at least 40 the number of seditionists killed by the Army.“ Patrol kills 5 seditionists, 3 in „attempted ambush of soldiers of a patrol“ in Malape, Progreso, Tocache; 2 in „confrontation in La Morada“. FAP now uses A-37 fighter-bomber in Selva; so its strategy and patrolling will be permanent and no longer eventual; informed FAP spokesperson. „Police patrol disappears in Huánuco“, 16 who were guarding the radio tower of San Cristóbal hill, „after the sighting of a red flag with hammer and sickle on the same tower they were in charge of“. „Some 55 terrorists were killed in 2 clashes in the jungle“ In 5ta. Ana, Padre Abad province, 35, communiqué from the CPM of the Ucayali Front, in charge of the Navy: The same day [18.06] the DOES of the PNP confronted the subversion and 20 subversives were killed“ in Altopendencia, Tambillo, Huanuco; it continues that „In the last 8 days [since 13.06] law enforcement forces killed at least another 45 terrorists in different points of San Martin and Huanuco“, The Commercial, 20.06; (In report No. 65, of the 19th The Commercial said in 7 days at least 40 terrorists killed in the same departments) (Thus, from the 12th to the 19th, in 7 days there are at least 40 dead, and from 13 to 20, in 8 days, there are 45 dead which added to the 35 + 20 would give 40 + 35 + 20 = 95, or 45 + 35 + 20 = 100, in 7 or 8 days; comparing with the casualties of the Armed and Police Forces which are only 3 dead the proportion is already questionable); Express: „Another 30 terrorists killed“ „during bloody clashes in Ucayali and Loreto“; The Republic: „Army annihilates another 60 terrorists in fierce combats“, „Army killed 30 terrorist criminals in the district of Padre Abade“ and „destroyed main column of the Shining Path in Santa Ana, province of Ucayali, department of Loreto: actions in which 30 seditionists died“. Also, on the front page: „Army in full offensive in Ucayali, kills another 60 terrorists.“ In transcribed report, they double the number, and, Santa Ana is the district, Padre Abad the province and Ucayali the department, Loreto has nothing to do with it. „Over-pump killed ex-regulator“, „Custodian of congressman dies in accident“ (Cateriano, de Libertad) „Massive terrorist escape thwarted“ in Quenqoro, Cusco; „Joint Command reiterates its support to the Ucayali Front“, „The president of the CFA Fernando Velarde Ramirez reiterated his help to the political authorities of the Ucayali Front“, „Senate Defense Commission: Executive must have finished projects in anti-subversive fight“: „State of Emergency continues in 8 departments and 1 province and 2 districts Ayacucho except Huallaga, Apurimac, Huancavelica, San Martin, Junin Pasco, Huanuco and Ucayali“; (All extracted from The Commercial). Army ambushes and annihilates 9 subversives in Shapajillo, Tingo María, a sergeant of the EP dead and another of the EP wounded. Also „Document confirms alliance between drug traffickers and terrorists“ following the return to Lima of Commander General FAP head of the CFA Velarde Ramirez: OperationZarpazo a great success“, 10.06 in Padre Abad, 30 terrorists killed“, „combat morale of our troops very high“, „we are progressively pacifying these areas“. „Soldiers killed 65 terrorists in confrontations in the Ayacucho area“ according to the head of the CPM of Huanuco, colonel EP Augusto Salaverry. (During these days they attack the police for the violation of human rights, they ask to reorganize it. They also attack, but less, the Army). Command of Huamanga denies false information from The Republic about the supposed ambush of 6 soldiers in San Pablo, San Francisco, La Mar. Shining Path seized grenades, 80 installed. About the action in AucayacuThe Commercialand Channel 4 TV Lima attribute it to MRTA, and The Commercial says: „More than 60 terrorists dead in clash between military and subversives in Aucayacu“, next to this headline the description says 60 between terrorists and civilians „neighbors“ „would have“ and that it was „subversive incursion“ „they arrived by 3 routes, San Martin, Tingo Maria and Huallaga river“, „large group“, „heavily armed“; Express: „Shining Path attacked, unspecified number of dead, their bodies were removed by their colleagues, 2 FAL seized“; The Republic: „More than 80 terrorists died in Aucayacu“, violent incursion of Shining Path, 350 men, due to dispersion suffered in May they concentrated from the highlands that is why „they spoke Quechua“, destroyed local is public and police premises, „unusual, surprising displacement of forces of order, DOES controlled roads to Aucayacu, Pucallpa, Huanuco“, „they acted bravely in defense of the town“.

In July. Communiqué of the Huamanga Front: „It has been intensifying its operations […] with the valuable collaboration of the Self-Defense Committees and deserting elements“; „6 terrorist delinquents killed and another undetermined number of dead taken in the escape of the seditious“; „2 FAL, 1 universal machine gun, 1 AKM rifle and 22 revolvers seized“. Gigantic raid in Lima; more than 4.000 people arrested, north and south cones, La Victoria, Rimac, San Luis and central avenues of Lima. Helicopter crashes in Huánuco; Huamalíes province, it was carrying out an anti-subversive operation; it was an MI-17 of the EP. „They frustrate escape from Cachiche, Ica and prove torture“. Lima is besieged by the southern flank of the capital, peasant communities of Chincha Alta dominate; counter-subversive operations are deployed by land and air Tension in Canto Grande; claims of 4-B, visits are suspended; again alleged escapes. Security is reinforced for national holidays throughout the country.

In defense of the Ene, Ashaninka patrols. „In two months of struggle they caused 400 Shining Path casualties“ together with the military fronts of Huamanga and Mantaro; at the beginning of the operation, SL ordered the withdrawal and the army did not find anyone, after a month of siege, the natives weakened by hunger and diseases „returned with white flag“ to their towns occupied by 585 soldiers, the Army helped them and together they undertook a crusade to free the zone „Support Base“; they used helicopters; they occupied both margins of the Ene, 265 km. They occupied both banks of the Ene, 265 km. long by 20-40 km. wide, divided into 15 patrols. The Shining Path destroyed the Cutivireni mission after harassing it, „many natives were brought by the Army“ today there are only 347 natives; „never like now the presence of the State is needed, to which the natives belonged without knowing it“, one said: We ask the government that the Shining Path calls the Old State to support us with medicines […] we don’t have food […] tools […] ammunition […] teachers […] doctors […] authorities […]“. „If the Army withdraws […] and the State absent, the Shining Path will dominate again.“ Officer responds to natives: „I only have these men and their weapons.“

August. Anti-terrorist offensive intensifies in Pasco; rumors of a 3-day armed strike starting on the 15th.

There are 67 dead in Huanuco“ after four days of violent armed confrontations, patrols of the EP killed 67 subversives having only three military personnel perished, according to police reports, it says that initially they reported 32 but that the figure rises to the mentioned due to the intensification of the fight; in the area between Cantamayo, Chavin de Pariarca and Jarcas Grande; the actions began on the 1st of this month and concluded yesterday (7th). Apart from some weapons, the report stated: „they seized medicines and 4 vans that had been stolen from Italian tourists, attacks to the mayor of Huacaybamba, Gustavo Reyes de la IU, to a dependency of the Ministry of Agriculture and to a civilian“, then the same Express says „They kill the mayor in his flight through different places of this zone, a group of terrorist delinquents murdered the mayor of Quivilca Mateo Matos (PAP) in circumstances not yet specified“, Express, Huanuco, 06.07. This is nothing more than a military operation in response to the action in Quivilla reported by The Peruvian on 02.08, an action that follows the same pattern of operations in response to the attack on the police post in the town of El Afilador de Huanuco reported on 31.05; both under the same command. This is another reprisal action that targets the masses. „12 killed in confrontation with the Army in Huallaga.“ Another of their fabricated „successes“.

Chiclayo: 17 arrested in San Marcos, Cajamarca. Repression in Canto Grande; Channel 4 TV says 4 dead. 10 injured charged with terrorism in operation to erase graffiti, newspapers only say injured. 20 terrorists die in Cerro de Pasco in clashes with EP and PN in Paucartambo, 100 seditionists assaulted the police post where 14 police officers were stationed, dynamited Banco de la Nación, Cooperativa Regional del Centro V Municipalidad; Andina, The Peruvian. 10 subversives were arrested in Catahuasi, La Union, Arequipa.

„New outline“. General Arciniegas will be in command of a new front: „The Great Huallaga Front“, in less than 20 days, policy he applied was the basis for the anti-drug agreement, Rios Araico would be the second in the plan to fight against subversives and pacification and would count on the collaboration of ministries, especially Transport, Economy, Agriculture and Defense for development works. General Petronio Fernandez Dávila, will head the Human Rights offices in all the dependencies of the Army. He expresses contradictions in the Army.

In September Ronderos liberate 2.000 natives held by the Shining Path in the Ene and Apurimac jungle. About 2.500 natives of the Ashaninka tribe and 4 teachers out of a total of 62 were rescued by a „peaceful incursion“ of the Army in the department of Junin; the 4 „repentant“ teachers were taken to the command of the 31st Army Infantry Division, which entered the area, as revealed by the head of the division, Brigadier General EP Luis Perez Documet; the natives have formed surveillance patrols; „in their incursion to 15 zones occupied by the Shining Path, the army found red rags, notebooks with hammer and sickle, photos of Abimael Guzmán, drawings of children, teachers teaching, pits and North Vietnam style traps. Today the Army [since 10.05 they say] provides logistical support […] especially with food, medicine, medical attention to control malaria and yellow fever. Meanwhile, military bases have been installed in mission, Puerto Ocopa and Valle Esmeralda, being possible the installation of new contingent along 120 Kms. between Puerto Ocopa and Boca Mantaro“. Helicopter gunships fight in Ica, PN General Raul Chávez Gonzáles: More effective combats because now they fight from top to bottom; 5 police posts were attacked; they reopen 5 police posts“ (but in reality he refers to the fact that they have reopened 1 Independencia, Pisco; and that Laramate is guarded by the Army and Querco had been reinforced), also: „reinforcement of 6 helicopter gunships, 2 in Ica, 2 in Nazca and 2 in Chincha“; „there is another morale“. Pedro Palomino, FAP Colonel says: „civic action and intelligence, mainly the latter, we have a plan that derives from the 2ndMilitary Region“. He is head of the CPM sub-zone security Center No. 6, covering the department of Ica, Operations Center Air Base No. 9 Pisco. „I only had 1 assault on the police post of Ingenio, Palpa“. 38 Shining Path members were arrested in Cajamarca. FA assume control of prisons by DS 011-91-JUS. State of emergency is reimposed in Apurimac; DS 045-Ministry of Defense, at the request of the CCFFAA for 60 days from 18.09. Combined action and operation in La Libertad, supported by helicopter gunships search for hikers who attacked Consuzo mine in Sanchez Carrion. House to house operation by Navy in Ventanilla Alta; 300 police raided 2,000 houses; 10 hours. „35 Shining Path casualties in Leoncio Prado“, more than 3 hours in confrontations, of them, not 1 casualty, neither wounded nor dead.


20 Shining Path members surrender to ronderos from Ayacucho“. „They showed signs of malnutrition and some of them were treated in the hospital of San Francisco […]“ „to the towns of San José and Pampacora, in the province of La Mar“. „Around 80 ronderos from Canayre carried out their usual anti-terrorist operation when two of them stepped on a mine that the day before the Senderistas had camouflaged in the undergrowth […]“ „The ronderos were raking through the Ene River sector on the border of the departments of Cusco, Ayacucho and Junín.“

Continuing with the ‚Community Self-Defense Program‘ and supporting all the ronderos of the country in the joint struggle they wage with the Armed Forces to defeat the subversion that attacks defenseless inhabitants of the interior […] Fujimori travels to Satipo to deliver arms, medicine and food […]“

In its headlines:

Shining Path in its darkest day“; „100 dead in combat with the army in Huanta“.

And in the news page 7:

100 terrorists die in Huanta; sinister annihilation plan frustrated; Huanta around 70 terrorists were killed in a confrontation with the combined forces of the EP and the PN […] the clash took place yesterday, Wednesday 17th at 17:00 hrs. in the Razuhuillca hill […] they impeded the access of the subversive column that had the main objective of taking Huanta […] up to the moment of sending this dispatch, the corpses of the terrorists were lying on the scene of the confrontation, and the wounded were taken away by the subversives.“

[…] counter-offensive is feared, Army on permanent alert […] despite the secrecy of the Army stationed in the city; peasants […] assured that Shining Path columns were advancing towards Huanta, […] the peasants themselves were the ones who said ‚the survivors picked up their dead and took them away‘ […]“.

Versions gathered in the streets, in the bars and among the humble community members say:

„The confrontation would have occurred in the following way: between Sunday and last Monday, heavily armed Shining Path members who were moving from the areas of Acosvinchos, Pacayeasa and Huamanguilla, were discovered by the ronderos of Macachacra, who would have alerted the military forces. The members of the Civil Defense pursued them for 3 days, leading to confrontations in which several ronderos were killed […] when they reached Razuhuillca hill, the Senderistas tried to prepare an ambush, which was rejected by the brave ronderos and the combined forces of law and order that participated with their helicopter gunships.“

Neither The Commercial norThe Peruvianpublished any of this either on 18.10 or 19.10. Perez Documet before the OAS commission: he informed that the peasant patrols were born by the will of the communities, and that in his jurisdiction there are 300 patrols with a total of 26,000 members; they also met with Humberto Orozco Garcia, president of the Central Committee of the Peasant Patrols of Satipo, who reported a recent attack of 500 Senderistas against the community of Poyeni, 150 km east of Satipo, leaving 25 community members dead and several injured. Also, on 17.10 in the area of El Milagro, 25 km from Satipo, 3 ronderos and 3 terrorists were killed in a confrontation with Senderistas. The subversives took 13 community members.“ (Our emphasis.)

The Army rescued the natives in operations between October 20 and 23, in which 38 subversives died, 29 in Cutivireni Mission, where 35 natives were rescued; the other in the Esmeralda Valley where 9 died and 18 were rescued“, informed the Political-Military Command of the Mantaro Front.

About subversives killed in Ucayali, unofficially it was known of 50 dead in a confrontation with military troops, on the 23rd of December, in a place of Aguaytia, department of Ucayali.

Army prepares to search Canto Grande prison.“ „The intervention will take place at any moment.“ „The Shining Path wants to provoke genocide in Canto Grande before or during the visit of the OAS Rights Commission.“ „Shining Path members are barricaded in Canto Grande.“ „[…] at least 500 Shining Path members have been barricaded for several days in ward 4-B.“ „They rejected the presence of provincial prosecutors […]“ „Police sources said they have detected that the Shining Path members have accumulated weapons and ammunition in their cells with the purpose of using them in an eventual riot […]“ „Imminent Shining Path riot […]“ „If the authorities of the sector do not immediately take action on the matter, the Canto Grande prison could become the scene of a new genocide. The Shining Path detainees would be preparing to offer a new ‚bloodbath‘ to dent the international image of Fujimori‘s government […]“ „[…] it is convenient to warn the government of the inconvenience of letting itself be carried away by desperation […] it is not necessary to fall into their game. And if circumstances make it impossible to avoid a riot there are a thousand and one ways […] before using bloody violence with weapons […]“ „Calm reigns in Canto Grande.“ „Escape plan discovered in Canto Grande.“ „Army watches over the prison.“ „Operative extends to the neighborhoods of Canto Grande.“

In November. More than 4.000 people kidnapped by subversives are rescued, among settlers and natives of the Ene area, informed Major EP Wilson Alvarez, head of Public Relations of the 31st Infantry Division of the Mantaro Front, „at the end of the attempt to recover 85 teachers who have been reported missing and who are presumed to be held by the subversives“.

„A Shining Path annihilation commando is operating in broad daylight in the city to the perplexity of the armed forces. Until recently a military patrol entered a red slum every week to lower a red flag with hammer and sickle. In the rural areas, the Shining Path members raided 3 communities organized with Civil Self-Defense Committees. The Military Front of Huamanga covers 11 provinces of Ayacucho and 7 of Huancavelica […] around 3.500 members of the army are under the command of General Hugo Martinez Aloja, general commander of the 2nd Infantry Division of the Military Front of Huamanga. The front recognizes that out of 50 sustained confrontations, 38 occurred when the military forces were carrying out regular patrols, it also recognizes ‚critical zones‘, above all in border areas, those that have not achieved their organization in Civil Defense Committees […] it also recognizes towns that serve as bases for the Shining Path for their recruitments.“

To the north, between Huanta and Huancavelica is San José de Secce, for example. Between Huamanga and Huancavelica, Ticllas. To the northeast, the province of La Mar. To the south, Parinacochas, bordering with the Arequipa province of Caraveli „where they [the Shining Path] developed a great offensive at the beginning of the year, nobody wants to organize here“ said „a high ranking officer“, the officer points out that the actions in the city increased since the state of emergency was lifted, first in all of Huamanga (Nov. ‘90) and then in all the jurisdiction of the Front (Aug. ‘91). It recognizes the PGA with 40 combatants per basic operative unit. APRODEH points out that 115 to 75 actions are in the capital of the province of Huamanga, followed by Manta and La Mar. What is difficult to explain is how the Shining Path can continue to act with such continuity in the provinces most controlled by the Army where there are the largest number of communities organized in Civil Defense Committees. Quinua has been the target of 6 incursions, the strongest on June 13th with 150 men annihilating 6 ronderos, and on August 4th the ex-president of the rondero. In Cangallo there are Open People‘s Committees.

The struggle must be political oriented to legitimize the presence of the State in the most forgotten parts of the country.“ „Decentralized patrols that fulfill productive work more than good intentions exceed theoretical schemes, the patrols are decomposing. It is estimated that there are 2.000 in the left margin of the Apurimac Valley.“

Intelligence. Real and False Captures; Imputations and Inventions.

6 captured in Ayacucho, „high commanders“. Arrested „treasurer of the Shining Path“ on her way back from Germany. 6 captured in Tarapote. 9 subversives of the annihilation cell are captured in El Tambo, Huancayo. Terrorist from Ayacucho is captured in La Molina, Lima. „High leader of annihilations“. 21 „Senderistas“ are captured in Chimbote. Another leader is captured in Lima who was traveling from Huallaga, „political leader of the region“. „Shining Path leading member of the Agrarian Confederation of Cusco arrested“; „3 leaders are captured and the leader of the Shining Path inUpper Huallaga is identified“. On 26.06, the Minister of the Interior presented „three high leaders of Shining Path, members of the Shining Path leadership“. „Abimael would be operating in Ayacucho and Huancavelica, that is why they intensify operations in helicopter gunships and new combat troops were transferred“. Another top leader of the Ayacucho annihilation is captured. Parliamentary advisor of the IU falls, „she was a Shining Path member“ also an employee of Empresas Eléctricas, part of the command to blow up towers“. „15 terrorists captured in Cerro de Pasco“, „10 subversives are arrested in Cotahuasi, La Unión“. „High leader of Puno, member of the leadership“ is arrested. „Abimael would have been operating in the Pavilion of the National University of La Cantuta.“

Psychological-Operative Actions and Psychological Warfare. Campaigns.

Subversive arsenal „was discovered by the Army“ in the heights of Cajacay, Bolognesi, Ancash. Police „discovered a subversive shooting range“, by Canta, Lima. They discover „Shining Path arsenal in Huaraz“. Prefect of the Chavin Region said that 300 MRTA were pursued by the Army of Huanuco, through the Monzon route, to enter through Llamellin, capital of the province of Raymondi. „Happy coincidence“ and celebration of 10 years of railway police: „deactivated 310 kilos of dynamite near La Oroya. 3 subversives die due to detonation of explosives ‚they were handling‘, 2 in Cerro de Pasco and 1 in Jauja“.

They attacked with machetes the inhabitants of Laura Caller, Los Olivos district, Lima; led by land traffickers.“

They distribute flyers with helicopters in all the regions including Lima (Human Settlements), contents of psychological warfare against Gonzalo Thought, the People‘s War and the CPP, flyers that in the field are made of used newspaper and handwritten with the handwriting of the soldiers because they do not have money, aiming to generate desertion and sow the farce that they are winning the war. Deputy Guerrero of AP said that he did not suffer any attack as reported by The Commercial when apparently 2 subversives died in an attack on his house in Tarma, Junín. They attack the People‘s Schools of the Shining Path, because they win the minds of the children and youth, they are „schools of terrorism“.

They arm ronderos of Huanta and Huamanga, more than 3.500 ronderos of the provinces of Huanta and Huamanga received yesterday October 13th150 Winchester brand shotguns from the hands of the political-military chief of the emergency zone, General Martinez Aloja, as part of the armed strategy against subversion; they also distributed 1,5 tons of food and delivered two trucks, one for Quinua and another for Acosvinchos.“

They distribute notebooks, food and medicines in the ‚Campaign for Apurimac‘.“

Army and PAD take food supplies to Los Olivos.“

The aid was supported by the army both in security and transportation […] distribution began on September 29 […] the PAD has distributed 518 tons of food so far and it is expected that some 50 thousand families in the capital will benefit until the end of the year.“

The Army delivers weapons to the Mantaro Front […] where it has so far distributed 2.200 shotguns to 26.000 peasants in the Caceres Region, grouped in 279 organizations […] the last delivery was destined to 9.000 ronderos of the province of Concepcion, Jauja, Junín, established in Andamarca, which has 41 annexes, and in Santo Domingo de Acobamba, with 33. In these localities the Political-Military Command of the Mantaro Front distributed last Tuesday 12th 200 Winchester shotguns.“

The Army distributes food in Huaycán […] General Cesar Ramal Pesantos, chief of the first division of the Special Forces, said: ‚The balance of our actions is positive […] we believe that these 9 months of integration with the people are important. We have made progress in pacifying Huaycán, Raucana and Villa El Salvador, places that are considered red zones. The work is not finished, there are still many towns to visit […] when we started this program on March 8th, in Huaycan we were received bitterly, but now we are even coordinating with the leaders of the popular organizations. In Raucana we managed to make the population understand that violence is not the right path and they have even helped us to capture terrorists.“

The Army arrived in Huaycán with the PAD with more than 95 tons of food, 2.000 notebooks, 1.000 manuals of ‚Patriotic Education‘, 1.000 books of ‚Initial Education, Amiguito‘, 2.000 cotton polo shirts with Army emblems and 300 seedlings for the reforestation of the zone.“

Campaign of the businessmen against labor in the working class and miners. Campaigns of surrender in Ayacucho, Apurimac and Huancavelica; also in Cusco.“

They spread lies like this:

2.500 deserted […] army in peaceful incursion in eastern jungle of Junín, in the May campaign achieved surrender and rescue.“

Another campaign:

The Shining Path is against the people‘s organizations, that is why it destroys the people‘s kitchens and the Glass of Milk centers in the poor neighborhoods of Lima, that is why it annihilates people‘s leaders.“

In the background they express their panic for the advance of our work in the slums of Lima and, of those executed by the people‘s justice nobody can say that they are people‘s representatives because what defines is not the origin but the class position and the attitude towards the revolution; They have all been unmasked as traitors and even looters of the meager products that the organizations were already almost giving up, which otherwise serve to form the cushion of lackeys and ayayero voters. Campaign for „racists“ when the technicians of Japanese imperialism in Huaral were annihilated under people‘s trials or the landowner and dispossessor of invasions for roofs to live that he was an expert in martial arts was not our problem; besides the racists turned out to be Fujimori and his retinue of niseis who accompany him in his government.

Another campaign: The Shining Path targets the Church.“ Verbal juggling campaign that there is no strategic stalemate, when this is confirmed even by their imperialist masters, mainly Yankees.

Oil from the sabotaged pipeline floods rivers, said Express, but a few days later the technicians denied such consequences of the action.“

Campaign against the work we develop abroad, counterproductive because it rather propagandizes us. A ghostly, ridiculous and antidemocratic campaign in its reactionary bourgeois-democratic system. „The force of the Law“ by which they look for leaders and militants that even they have disappeared or killed or even imprisoned before looking for them; but the rewards are so insignificant that they do not even excite the delinquent informers. Express‘s favorite campaign: „Learn from Huayhuaco“, a delinquent trained by the Armed Forces to organize and lead rondas; in addition to being a drug addict, he is now imprisoned for common crimes. Caretas campaigns against prisoners of war preparing conditions for great genocide. Campaigns of Oiga against the democratic lawyers. Campaigns against the sweeping advance of the road from the countryside to the city. Among these campaigns, The Commercial led the journalistic proposal for the definition of a new counter-subversive strategy, on behalf of all reactionary journalists. Of the television channels operating in Lima, Channel 2 has become the channel directly at the service of the army, etc.

Civic Action. In Countryside and City; Shantytowns. Raucana.

Civic actions are nothing new either, besides being an inherent part of the functions of every army, since the armed forces began to fight the People‘s War they have been carried out by the Army and the Navy, particularly after a genocide and as part of their two-handed policy. And being a constituent element of the „low-intensity warfare“ with the Fujimori government, these actions, conceived as campaigns, are being promoted in the countryside and are beginning to be developed mainly in the slums of the capital of the Republic, and we say this because they are also carried out in the universities, among other fronts. Their objective is to prepare the conditions for repression and genocide; and they are reduced to support the distribution of food donations from international organizations, coordination with the PAD (Direct Assistance Program) and other subsistence organizations. Another specification is that these actions are not carried out by the police as stipulated in the strategy mentioned, but by the armed forces in order to appear to be respectful of human rights and to receive the Yankee economic collaboration to the program of the three tasks; they pretend to win the minds and hearts of the population; they call them „programs of civic action and community outreach“ and have formed „development battalions“ to carry them out in the emergency zones; They develop them with a great propagandistic apparatus, they transport the donations and arrive at the place where they limit themselves to queue the masses and to protect the distribution of the organizations; the cases in which they use their own resources are counted with the fingers of one hand, for example the Navy does it as part of its neutralizing action of the neighborhood masses that were in the surroundings of its institutions and to buy infiltrators.

Civic action that they have done for example in the countryside by occupying part of the Apurimac valley and part of the Ene and mouth of the Mantaro where after bloody campaigns of encirclement and annihilation and counter campaigns of encirclement and annihilation they act as distributors of what they do not have, headed by the genocidal and fatherland-selling Fujimori who gives the Civil Defense Committees a few shotguns, a couple of trucks and a handful of food and medicines that his general Pérez Documet demands in order to calm the „recovered“ masses, who are dying of hunger and disease; He promises them reconstruction and development programs: hydroelectric plants, highways, schools, computers, direct telephone dialing and other wonders of the milkmaid‘s tale. Actions to which the Catholic Church happily contributes through its missionaries like the priest Mariano Cagnon, from the mission of Cutivireni, where, as evidenced by documents written by himself, requested the entry of the army to fight us, who, powerless before the development of the Party in the area, got scared and fled to the U.S. abandoning „his flock“; Today, with the military barracks installed there, he visits from time to time, gives away candies poisoning the children and continues to traffic with the high degree of backwardness of those masses.

In the pro-government newspaper:

Army distributes 51 MT of food in the Southern Cone“. „As part of the civic action program in coordination with the PAD.“ „Around 31 young towns of Pachacámac, Lurin and Pucusana received powdered milk, oil, rice and wheat.“

They say they distributed them to some 10.000 families in total and „to each one 10 K. of rice, 10 of wheat, 2 of powdered milk and a liter of oil for a lapse of 20 days“ and that at the end of the same they would repeat the „beneficial“ action; they even go so far as to conceive it as a complement to the precarious daily food. In the first place, they have not returned to any area at the end of the period they have established; in the second place, if one adds the 10 K. Secondly, if one adds the 10 K. of wheat plus 10 K. of wheat plus 2 K. of powdered milk and 1 (equivalent to a liter of oil), 23 kilos per 10.000 families would give a total of 230.000 kilos or 230 tons that would be needed to cover those quantities, that number of families and the period of days; then, if they spread the news that there are only 51 tons, they are not covering neither the quantities, nor the families, nor the period they say; in conclusion, the DAP takes less quantity, covers less families and covers less time. In addition, if one calculates 10.000 families in 31 shantytowns, it would only cover 323 families approximately in each of the 31 settlements, which compared to the average of 2.000 families that live in each shantytown, gives 30% of the total number of families; but, in each family there are between 6 and 7 people. The so-called „benefactment“ is therefore a farce of „aid“ and serves to compensate minimally for the lack of wages generated by this system and worsened by this government; it acts as a container of explosiveness and allows the masses to submit to an order of exploitation and to these subsistence plans the presence of the Peruvian Army concurs and finds there a way to penetrate the slums and the peasant zones to annihilate the People‘s War. It is for all these reasons that we do not agree with these subsistence plans and even less with the so-called civic action of the armed forces.

Part of this type of action is the raising of Sunday flags to which the peasant and slum masses are forced to attend under penalty of arrest for complicity with subversion. Or the ridiculous „civics“ classes that have been given, for example, in Raucana where members of the Special Forces „dictate these classes“ to children sitting on the ground or on bricks that the State shows to those children who listen to them? The old and exploitative one that subsists and that is incapable of giving their property titles to their parents, incapable of providing them with a little school to educate them or of paying a team of qualified teachers; the medicines will not even be enough for the end of the year and the toilets are worse than those of the old Public Assistance. The flag raising, which is mandatory, has already been seen by the masses in the countryside and they know that with this flag of oppression nothing is solved, not even the military themselves raise it to defend their borders, today attacked and invaded by Ecuador. This supposed civic action that they have promoted has failed from its base due to its class character and the conditions of economic crisis that the country is going through. At most they will manage to make centuchos like the one in Accomarca, with Garcia Perez, which we penetrated, infiltrated and blew up, making it fail thunderously. Our policy, then, is to penetrate them, unmask them, undermine them and blow them up with actions from within and from outside; clandestine work; and, the sixth form and first germinal form in the city already emerged linked to the preparation of the insurrection we must promote it by applying the unmasking of that civic action using our double policy, it is not enough to destroy them from outside; educate the masses in their contents; ideological: use the masses to support outdated ideologies, the Catholic religion for example: trafficking with the religiosity of the people; political content that are not handouts but the by-product of the revolution, that without the People‘s War they would not have given them even that and that is part of the low-intensity war to contain the explosiveness of the masses; to make the masses themselves grab those things, that they distribute them giving more to the poorest, that they demand more, much more than what they receive because the economic content is that with those poisoned candies, with those miserable temporary amounts they take away a good reduction of their salaries because that is the policy of capitalism: to end up with the masses having to satisfy their hunger and needs alone because what neoliberalism wants is more surplus value and it gets it by skinning the people; to educate them that the obligation of this old State is to give them food, education, housing, work, water, light, roof, even decent ecological conditions, respected borders, otherwise why the hell does a State exist that does not meet the minimum needs of the masses? Simply to overthrow it. These civic actions are part of imprisonments, disappearances, of the formation of informers, of infiltration networks, of the structuring of rondas or self-defense committees, of the conformation of that counterrevolutionary army that they are forming in the countryside to act as cannon fodder. To unmask, to tear away all the pink veil with which they cover themselves and to blow up the sinister civic action.

In Raucana what they have applied is to occupy the shantytown at 11:00, taking advantage of the fact that at that hour the heads of families are out working and after having infiltrated people; they entered, captured, took a census and have installed themselves in the same way that they occupy the support bases; they put in a military contingent of Special Forces of the Army, when they entered they did so with 1.000 men and left 600; a tremendous amount of men for 2.000 inhabitants evidences their incapacity and political stupidity because to install a barracks in the very capital of the Republic reveals that the old State does not even rule there and to impose itself it has to use its armed force. Military occupation is part of the „control of the population and resources“ that they are developing in all the places where our advance is impossible for them to control. We have already referred to the supposed civic action they are mounting here. Worse still, the results obtained are null, in so many months they have not been able to set up their networks; the masses in general repudiate them and are shouting for the army to withdraw. In short, their great Raucana plan has failed thunderously.

Population Control. Rural and Urban Rondas.

Population control is part of the low-intensity warfare and this also implies the control of the resources of a community; its objective is to form a contingent of people from all sectors to fulfill an active role in the counter-subversive war; Yankee imperialism conceives that to achieve this they must base themselves on minorities, groups of different race, ethnic, social or religious backgrounds as spearheads in the plans to control the population and resources. Here in Peru what they have achieved is to form peasant patrols or Civil Defense Committees and with the current government they are promoting the armed peasant patrols as a complementary army; based on a part of the Ashaninka they have formed an „Ashaninka Army of the Great Pajonal“. Part of this are the „District Committees for peace and development“ of the opportunist Tapia, much applauded by the Express; the calls for „Common regional fronts against violence“ that coordinate civilians, military and Church, as they have done in San Martin and Puno; or the municipal fronts against violence. Also in these plans for control and resources we see the masked action of the Catholic Church that with its own plan moves its people for counter-revolutionary actions such as the neighborhood marches.

As we said before, the patrols in the countryside have been formed using both hands, mainly with blood and fire. In the cities they will aim in a similar way to organize urban rondas and to base themselves on the lackeys, in the Regions, in the municipalities and in the organizations of revisionism. In the universities they will also aim at forming groups of lackeys, informers and fascist or Reade-type apparatuses like that of the UNI to fulfill the function of breaking up struggles. Among the workers and laborers they will do the same aiming at breaking strikes and whistleblowers. As the crisis is hitting harder every day they do not have the resources to implement actions, so they will strongly use free and forced labor; our policy is to condemn these feudal forms of exploitation, demand payment, demand working hours, demand working conditions; make the masses see that it is a means that the armed forces are using to develop their low intensity war, unmask the old State and demonstrate that it is an outdated State that does not fulfill its minimum obligations; we must mount specific counter-campaigns to these plans. In this regard, Chairman Gonzalo commented:

The universities are in the sights of reaction, mainly of the counter-subversive struggle; behind the actions of the so-called ‚READE‘ there is a police and even more so a military plan of counter-revolutionary war, although this is only a ‚trial balloon‘ or initial steps. The formation of mesnadas began in the countryside and then moved to the city; in the cities it began in the slums and is passing to the universities, it will pass to trade unions and other city fronts. It is necessary to reanalyze the mesnadas because the reimpulse that since last year is seen in the countryside, extends as an impulse in the cities; this is another expression of the strategic stalemate, keep in mind how it is concretized here: ‚The enemy to recover positions to maintain its system; us, to prepare the strategic offensive through constructing the conquest of power. That is why the reaction is faced with the need to annihilate the People‘s War and the Party and the people to build the conquest of Power.‘“ (May ‘91.)

This is accurate and valid to guide us.

In the cities, the Army has set up a plan for the slums of the capital of the Republic, it began to be applied approximately two years ago and lately it has intensified; as in the countryside, they have had to apply a special plan with special forces to exercise control and restore the presence of the State. As they themselves say, they set them up in the areas where the Party has advanced and as a response to the strategic stalemate, otherwise why do phrases like „to gain ground“ or „to remove the subversion from the ground“ come to mind? First they entered Huaycán, then Horacio Zevallos, later Raucana and the University of Education of La Cantuta; they carried out civic action, which they coordinated with the Ministries of Transportation, Agriculture, Energy and Mines, Health, Education and also with organizations such as the PAD and they have an agreement signed with the National Food Support Organization (ONA). They also coordinate with local authorities, mayors, councilors, neighborhood representatives, people in charge of the people‘s kitchens, „Glass of Milk“ organizations, etc. They have occupied some neighborhoods entering with the appearance of „respectful of human rights“ but as always imprisoning and using their informers and lackeys, repressing and completely altering the daily life of the masses; but in addition, this occupation implies dispersion of forces and cantonment of a good number of easily beatable men. Another problem they encounter is the generalized rejection by the masses of those who cannot and will not be able to buy them for a few foodstuffs in spite of the hunger they suffer because the masses with their wisdom know how to clearly differentiate the interests of the different classes.

In the Southern Cone, San Juan de Miraflores, Villa María del Triunfo and Villa El Salvador it is not the Raucana-type Special Forces but the regular forces, which apply another plan that is not of occupation or counter-subversive bases in the cities but aims to control by moving the hunger of the people, for that reason they dynamited the Villa El Salvador and Agustino Collection Centers, spreading these sabotages as if they were of the Party in order to discredit us before the masses and counterpose them with us. They use opportunists, revisionists and above all agents paid by imperialism and unconditional supporters of the armed forces, as is the case of the promoted „mother of the year“ who has a record of self-benefiting from the food of the masses. For the rest, these organizations are almost abandoned by reaction and badly managed by their administrators.

In synthesis; their plan to control population and resources is a military action of occupation and installation of counter-subversive bases in the slums of Lima to reestablish the old State and „pacify“. And if they are going to retain forces in the capital, how are they going to act in the smaller cities, and will they be able to control all the shantytowns of Lima which have 3 million inhabitants? Thus, these plans contain serious military errors apart from the fact that they marginalize the political parties, the so-called civilian organizations, and the army is the one that imposes the authority of the State even in the capital itself, showing that they are focusing on the military and not on the political.

But what have been the results of these plans to control the population and resources? Because of the weakness of the old State, of Fujimori‘s government and of the armed forces and police; because of the strength of the Party and the People‘s War, because of the advance of the strategic stalemate, and because of the rejection of the masses, these plans are trapped and are unable to reach the agreement they need. We must persist in unmasking them, in educating the masses in their essence and blowing them up from within and from outside, applying the circling around to hit them as if it were a kind of occupation of support bases in the countryside.


Anti-Drug Treaty and Associates.

Let us begin by defining the class character of the treaty, it is a treaty of Yankee intervention in the counter-subversive war in Peru, it is reactionary, pro-imperialist and anti-people, and its essence lies in the fact that it aims against the People‘s War and seeks to annihilate it. It has been conceived and implemented by Hernando de Soto, a direct agent of Yankee imperialism and one of its most conspicuous bureaucrats, creator of the already unmasked „Fujimori doctrine“, chief advisor to the President and head of the ILD, a Yankee organization based in Lima, Behind the cover that it was not a treaty but an agreement, Fujimori ignored the criticism, questioning and opposition, once again mocked the first power of the bourgeois-democratic State and signed it, as always, behind the backs of the people, on May 14th, 1991. Having consummated the fact, the following day he „complied“ with informing the Parliament without allowing any debate, presenting himself personally for a speech; and as a cynical answer to the sharp accusations of authoritarianism and to give the appearance of democracy. Consequently, by the way the treaty was signed, it is yet another violation by Fujimori of the Constitution, which he is obliged to respect. In Congress he covered himself with lies:

The fight against drugs is an authentic national crusade“, „above a repressive approach that would lead us to Vietnamization, we are oriented towards the implementation of alternative development schemes with equal opportunities“, „the failed repressive strategy has only caused the pauperization of the Peruvian peasantry, a violent depreciation of the ecosystem and an escalation of violence at a national level“, „the Agreement implies the acceptance of assuming firm commitments and new strategies that should be reflected in concrete realities in the next six months“; „both parties have recognized, for the first time, that the coca growers are different from drug traffickers and therefore are not criminals but actors in a project that seeks peace“, „eminently political and integral management […] clear subordination of the military and police forces to civilian power […] scrupulous respect for human rights […] so that maximum legitimacy is granted.“

These are some of the words with which he extols the Yankee participation in the fight against the People‘s War in Peru under the cover of the fight against drugs by signing the treaty whose results, which we are experiencing today, show the opposite of what he said in his own parliament and is at zero sheets of paper.

The content of the agreement reflects the character and essence of the same, from beginning to end, and the loincloth of the fight against drugs „great national crusade against drug trafficking“ is more transparent than a tulle with large holes. Let’s look at some issues. First, they start from the failure of all the plans to eradicate coca leaf cultivation, recognize that the area of these crops has increased and conclude that „there is evidence that organized elements from abroad and Peruvian armed gangs have begun to participate in the commercialization and expansion of the crop within the country“. Let us emphasize, „Peruvian armed gangs“ is nothing more than a way to cover up the existence of the People‘s War; and the failures that they reaped yesterday are also being reaped today because for nobody is a secret that we are in November and there is no alternative development, nor substitute crops, plus the repression is worsening, the genocide continues, the coca cultivation lands are expanding to almost all the department of San Martin, the department of Madre de Dios and even the Amazonian trapeze, there are more than 220.000 hectares of illegal coca crops; and they have entered a new area: poppy cultivation, the peasants have again felt the deceptions of those who manage this old State and they rise up with more ardor to destroy it, increasing the ranks of the People‘s War; our unmasking word has been proven in reality once again, imperialism and the Peruvian reaction cannot continue maneuvering the masses any longer.

Secondly, the document states that:

They will create a bilateral partnership to develop a strategy and implement it by providing the necessary instruments to achieve in the shortest time possible a substantial reduction or the total elimination of cultivation and commercialization.“

And it speaks of representatives at the highest level. In the Peruvian case, it is the president of Peru who should appoint him, but the truth is that until today he has not appointed anyone and in Washington it was De Soto who appeared as the representative of Peru; and on the Yankee side there is no representative at the highest level either, so it is another demagogic phrase for the tribunes, because Bush‘s reelection is at stake and the fight against drugs is part of his electoral banners; for the Peruvian President it is part of his three tasks, especially the main one: to annihilate the People‘s War.

Then, both imperialist and reactionary interests cover them with words of supposed humanitarian consideration when they are, with differences of magnitude, atrocious genocidal and ignorant of the rights of the oppressed and exploited; he says:

Of vital importance to reach the global objectives of humanity against drugs since it involves simultaneously the biggest consumer of the derivatives of the coca leaf and the biggest producer of the coca leaf.“

Here it is clearly demonstrated how they seek „just cause“ to justify the Yankee imperialist intervention in the People‘s War in Peru. We can also see how they are concerned about keeping up appearances of „legitimacy“ in their dealings, that is why they refer to the:

Consensus of both peoples embodied in the ‚Fujimori Initiative‘ and the ‚Autonomous Authority for Alternative Development‘ under the Peruvian President, which gives this agreement a legitimacy that will turn it into an effective instrument.“

We know that such a doctrine is flawed since it does not correspond to the interests of the coca-growing peasantry but to those of Yankee imperialism and the Peruvian big bourgeoisie and landowners, via the ILD; the AADA was so harshly criticized as unconstitutional that today they have changed it for the IDEA, an organization of the same reactionary anti-demobourgeois character as the previous one, but protected by a legal device.

Third, it states that it is a „new form of cooperation“, which is false because the same great imperialist and genocidal world gendarme, Bush, starts by putting repression before the alternative development of the zone. It is also part of the Yankee policy that the armies of their allied countries intervene in the fight against drugs as they do in Bolivia and what is happening is that they are seeking the endorsement of the Peruvian government to impose their conditions, taking into account that the Peruvian Armed Forces were reluctant to enter into the fight against drug trafficking, at least the former Minister of Defense until recently, General EP Torres Aciego. The agreement stipulates that the Peruvian government should include policies for coordination between the PN, the Army, the Navy and the FAP and imposes the condition of „quick results in everything related to security, controls, interceptions and required captures“: that of equality of conditions is a fairytale because the one imposing conditions is Yankee imperialism and it is evident that they are looking for quick results.

About the fact that the coca growers are peasants who plant coca leaves and not the first link of drug trafficking, they have known it for a long time; the question is that their eradication strategy has failed due to the resounding rejection of the coca growers, their resistance and the People‘s War; that is why they want to apply crop substitution by proposing the deception of the talisman of land ownership; But just as yesterday eradication contributed to greater peasant incorporation into the people’s war, today, however much they seek to separate the peasantry, and in particular the coca growers, from the guerrillas, subjecting them to great dispossession to facilitate the agro-industry of imperialism and the Peruvian big bourgeoisie and their cronies the landowners, will again motivate greater peasant incorporation into the People‘s War, mainly of the poorest who will logically be the most marginalized from these benefits and the most exploited. That:

All this is accomplished with democratic instruments that allow the direct involvement of the citizens in the decision making process […] universal and rapid access of the peasants to formal property to its usufruct and use to guarantee the obtaining of credits and access to business, foreign trade and participation in the formation of prices.“

Or that they are considered interlocutors of „dialogue“; as they say, is nothing but part of the control of the population and resources of the low intensity war that pretends to mobilize the masses for their pacification plans. However, with this they will seek the support of the rich peasants and of some lackeys like Walter Cocas, a false poor peasant who lacks representation among the masses; or the manager of the Agrarian Cooperative of Upper Huallaga whose institution finances the „Front for the Defense of Coca Eradication“, whose opinions are favorable to the imperialist plan and states:

The problem of coca crops is not political or military but agro-industrial; it is necessary to guarantee the industrialization of products like palm oil […] We are afraid that the agreement will be stopped, that is why we ask Fujimori for a U.N. guarantee.“

Others, such as those from the Apurimac valley, asked for „substitution but with development“. For his part, the president of FEDISAM, Lucas Cachay, simply asked that the coca growers participate and be consulted, at no time did he condemn the Agreement and he has held conversations with H. de Soto. These are the cocaleros who agreed to become the valid interlocutors. What are they revealing? a condemnable hope in Imperialism, mainly Yankee and the endorsement of its institutions such as the imperialist and counter-revolutionary U.N.

Fifth, they impose as a main condition, that Peru submit to the Yankee plans to develop the market economy, their neo-liberalism so much in vogue today, and impose that Peru carry out a program of solid „structural adjustment“ and structural reforms“ within those criteria, which constitutes an open violation of Peruvian sovereignty. The document states:

The signatories recognize the need for the intervention of persons or entities on both sides that make it possible to activate the major political instruments to achieve the objectives referred to in this agreement. Some examples are President Bush‘s Initiative for the Americas, the Brady Plan of the U.S. Secretary of the Treasury, the Cartagena Declaration. Two other examples are President Fujimori’s initiative and President Bush’s HOPE project, which coincide in framing the fight against drugs within a perspective whose purpose is to bring the benefits of private property, structural reform, alternative opportunities and the market economy to the poorest sectors of the country.“

The Yankee interference in Peruvian economic policy could not be more blatant, besides, what does a supposed anti-drug agreement have to do with the type of economy that an independent country should apply, and why should a structural adjustment program be demanded; no treaty, much less as they call it an agreement, should determine the economic policies of another country. On the other hand, with the drastic reduction of credits from the Agrarian Bank, they are promoting the dragging of peasants from legal crops to coca cultivation, therefore the result is totally contrary to what they proclaim. It would also mean that in the hypothetical case that the Peruvian government suspends the market economy, the Agreement would be rescinded. Therein lies Peru’s total submission to Yankee imperialism.

But economic matters are not the only ones in which Yankee imperialism intervenes, they impose conditions on „efficient judicial and administrative systems“. Thus we see the direct participation of imperialism in the making of Peruvian laws, so who determines Peruvian economic policy? The counter-subversive strategy? The legislative system? That is why we say that Fujimori‘s government is genocidal and a sellout and the most obsequious pro-Yankee imperialist government in the history of Peru.

Sixth, a second important issue as the one mentioned on economic policy is the aspect of security in which the agreement is framed, here the loincloth of the fight against drugs falls shamefully, it says:

“To achieve the objectives of this Agreement it will be necessary to establish a framework of justice, respect for human rights, order, security and peace in all areas linked to drug trafficking and related activities […]“

It does not say in areas where drug trafficking proliferates if not linked and, also, what are the related activities. Before, in another item, they insist on the respect for human rights as a primordial condition for their „aid“, as well as respect for the U.N. declaration, the Geneva Conventions and the unrestricted access of the International Red Cross to those zones, which ones? Of subversive action or of drug trafficking? It says:

In order to establish this framework it will be necessary to provide security to the areas where the substitution process is carried out and to protect the interdiction activities, all this with the purpose of guaranteeing alternative development and structural adjustment measures […]“

In synthesis, repression if there is no economic „aid“; but repression respecting human rights.

It continues:

Strategy that considers the need to feed, equip, train, uniform and adequately support the armed and police forces that will fight drug trafficking and those who support and encourage it; „that military resources can also be dedicated to support actions of a social, economic and civic nature that benefit the people affected by drug trafficking and violence“; „the convenience that the equipment of the armed and police forces be made as far as possible, using the same supplies, labor and raw materials produced locally“.

Civic action again and on top of that they want the country itself to bear the greatest possible expense in repressive activities.

All these paragraphs illustrate the character and essence of the Convention; and if we compare them with the texts studied in the Preparatory Session of the 2nd Plenum of the Central Committee on low-intensity warfare, it is proved that they are unfolding within it. The U.S. Department of Defense „Field Manual on Low-Intensity Warfare“, Washington D.C., 1981, synthesizes the elements of this war in: the primary role of the allied army in counter-subversive action; the political character of the effort and its combination with economic and social reforms; the need to combine military operations with intelligence, psychological, civil affairs and control of the population and resources; and the legitimization of the allied regime through the reduction of the violation of human rights. It further states that:

U.S. involvement is considered internal defense abroad through a series of development programs, humanitarian aid and security assistance, this doctrine of IDD (Internal Defense and Development) is the strategy for the prevention or destruction of subversion and is composed of three components: balanced development, mobilization (organizing the people in activities in support of the government), and neutralization of the armed group as the decisive issue. Aiming at a future direct intervention as a last resort starting with advising and supporting with military training.“

The criteria set out in the Convention could not be more similar and it is also in this context that the two annexes have been signed, one military and the other economic, although some say there are four.

Both annexes are framed within the framework of the so-called cooperation in alternative development and security policies for the functioning of the market economy in coca-growing areas. In the military annex, contrary to what was agreed in the Agreement, they go further in defining the participation of the Armed Forces in anti-drug activities:

Anti-drug activities are threatened by subversive groups and are intimately intertwined, which in such circumstances makes antiterrorist actions a justifiable component of anti-drug actions.“

And states that it is up to the president to decide the manner and timing of their participation. He specifies that they should act in civic action: improvement of roads, drilling of wells, irrigation, construction and repair of civilian facilities, humanitarian, medical, and dental assistance and anti-drug campaigns, that this applies to the police and the armed forces. It again demands respect for human rights, prohibition of extrajudicial executions, disappearances, torture, arbitrary arrest and detention as well as appropriate care for the sick and wounded. However, how do they treat the prisoners of war in the barracks and prisons in Peru? if they do not kill them first, they overcrowd them and apply their plan of systematic annihilation to the point of genocide.

And after the supposed training, the Yankee intervention begins:

Peru commits itself to expand the capacity of the Armed Forces and that these provide protection to the police forces in the anti-drug activities in which they are confronted with the terrorists.“ „The U.S. government commits to provide training and equipment in order to expand the capacity and effectiveness of Peruvian police and military units by land, air and river.“ „Having the Upper Huallaga Valley as the main area.“

It does not say exclusive, therefore they can act anywhere. The amount for this effect is:

Up to $34.900.000 to finance the purchase of implements and services of U.S. origin […] funds that will be evaluated annually and that will require a reduction in drug production and trafficking, sustained conduct of economic policies and respect for human rights.“

It is the biggest sale of Peru to Yankee imperialism for a crust to buy logistics. It concludes that the parties can agree on the „legal actions necessary to achieve the proposed goals“; once again the Yankees can impose whatever laws they want to justify its intervention.

The economic annex is nothing more than the stipulation of the amounts for the blatant Yankee intervention in the Peruvian government’s economic policy: 1) In support of the Peruvian government’s economic stabilization and structural reform program, the Yankee government will provide the balance of payments under the counter-narcotics economic assistance program, $52.700.000. 2) Investment and export promotion activities to assist the private sector in generating foreign exchange savings and creating employment opportunities, $4.500.000. 3) To promote economically viable alternatives such as agricultural production, processing and commercialization activities for specific crops, non-agricultural enterprises, temporary employment, maintenance of secondary roads, road rehabilitation („deserves special and prompt attention“, that is for counter-subversive actions), stimulate legitimate and democratic peasant organizations to participate and receive support in property registry mechanisms; in total for all this $1.900.000, in the framework of the „Upper Huallaga Regional Development“ project. 4) The Yankee government will also cooperate to improve the efficiency of the Peruvian judicial system with 900.000 dollars; this is a blatant sale of Peruvian justice to their Yankee imperialist masters. Total $94.900.000.000 in fiscal year ‘91-‘92. Funds, moreover, subject to constant evaluations of progress in all the items contemplated in addition to the availability of the same in the Yankee Congress.

The position agreed upon in the 2nd Plenum, after having unmasked the so-called Fujimori doctrine, led us with great foresight to conceive of the 3rd Campaign against the most blatantly pro-imperialist Yankee government to date and against imperialist aggression, mainly Yankee. Therefore, we were forewarned against the Agreement and the growing Yankee intervention in the counter-subversive war in Peru under the endorsement of the country-selling Fujimori, and we were consistent applicators of sowing anti-imperialism in the masses.

In the reactionary and revisionist camp, there have been divergent positions regarding the Agreement. They have described it as capitulationist; of being a mistake, an illusion of the Yankees to eradicate coca, of not being a program but a simple salute to the flag; while Express celebrated „coherent and outlines an integral and democratic strategy“. But as always all the reactionaries and revisionists, in their defense of the old order, were incapable of condemning the new Yankee intervention in Peruvian politics; in Bolivia there was no such blatant acceptance. And if we remember that in the government of the demagogue and genocidal Garcia Perez, General (FAP) Enrico Praelli opposed the Yankee intervention, which cost him his sanction; today the unconditional Fujimorist military and police chiefs accept this betrayal of the homeland they claim to defend. Some members of the Liberty Movement, like E. Ghersi, founded open opposition; but they did not go beyond words. The bourgeois opportunists, like Diez Canseco of the PUM, only recently realized that it was a Yankee imperialist intervention against Peru, but since they are against the People‘s War, they did not go beyond declarations either. The revisionism of the crusty Del Prado remained mute, and the revisionists of „Red Fatherland“ are so absorbed in their adored parliamentarism and having abandoned even anti-imperialism, they consider that if it „develops“ then the Agreement is good: a similar position is that of their first cousins, the armed revisionists of the MRTA. The refloated Belaúnde Terry spoke of „ridiculous amounts“ and of „unfavorable conditions for Peru“, as always he wants „equal conditions“ and „more Yankee investments“. Jurist García Sayán defended him to the hilt and was in full agreement with the supposed U.N. guarantee. Ulloa and his arch-reactionary pasquin, nowadays pro-Fujimori, praised him to sidereal space. And the Peruvian „intellectuals“, fearful of losing their perks or being branded as „terrorists“, with their complicit silence pronounced themselves in favor of Yankee intervention in the People‘s War in Peru. To sum up, in this problem polarization is being clearly expressed: on the one hand, the Communist Party leading the people repudiates, condemns and fights against the Agreement and the Imperialist aggression and, on the other hand, the defenders of the old, pro-imperialist, landlord-bureaucratic State support them.

In synthesis, the Agreement has a counter-revolutionary character, in essence it intends to annihilate the People‘s War; for imperialism, mainly Yankee, the „fight against drug trafficking“ is the pretext that gives it „just cause“ to intervene in the counter-revolutionary war in Peru and contribute to the three tasks; the country-selling Fujimori has promoted the greatest Yankee imperialist participation with the signing of the Yankee Intervention Agreement and its annexes. Our position is to unmask him, condemn him and crush him by further developing the People‘s War, whatever the circumstances of his intervention and to sow anti-imperialism, mainly anti-Yankee, sentiment in the people‘s masses.

Human Rights and „Aid“.

The Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought world outlook makes us understand the reactionary, counter-revolutionary bourgeois character of the so-called Human Rights that are so much manipulated today in the world, and how to understand the rights of the people.

Marx tells us in Volume 1 of „Capital“:

This sphere that we are deserting, within whose boundaries the sale and purchase of labour-power goes on, is in fact a very Eden of the innate rights of man. There alone rule Freedom, Equality, Property and Bentham. Freedom, because both buyer and seller of a commodity, say of labour-power, are constrained only by their own free will. They contract as free agents, and the agreement they come to, is but the form in which they give legal expression to their common will. Equality, because each enters into relation with the other, as with a simple owner of commodities, and they exchange equivalent for equivalent. Property, because each disposes only of what is his own. And Bentham, because each looks only to himself. The only force that brings them together and puts them in relation with each other, is the selfishness, the gain and the private interests of each. Each looks to himself only, and no one troubles himself about the rest, and just because they do so, do they all, in accordance with the pre-established harmony of things, or under the auspices of an all-shrewd providence, work together to their mutual advantage, for the common weal and in the interest of all.

On leaving this sphere of simple circulation or of exchange of commodities, which furnishes the ‚Free-trader Vulgaris‘ with his views and ideas, and with the standard by which he judges a society based on capital and wages, we think we can perceive a change in the physiognomy of our dramatis personae. He, who before was the money-owner, now strides in front as capitalist; the possessor of labour-power follows as his labourer. The one with an air of importance, smirking, intent on business; the other, timid and holding back, like one who is bringing his own hide to market and has nothing to expect but — a hiding.“11 (J. Bentham. 1748-1832. English economist. His theory is utilitarianism, the forerunner of pragmatism.)

Here Marx establishes the relationship between the capitalist system of buying and selling labor power and the paradise of man’s rights; he specifies the class character of each of these rights: freedom of the buyer to buy labor-power and freedom of the worker to sell his labor-power; the equality of the possessors of commodities, of the capitalist who owns capital and of the worker for whom his only property is his labor-power; and the freedom to dispose of the property each has, if he has capital he has the right to dispose of it as he pleases: exploiting further, if he has only labor-power he has the right to sell his hide to be tanned. And, thirdly, it unmasks the bourgeois content of focusing on the individual, of being based on selfishness, on personal interest and the belief in a pre-established order or under a God of those rights.

In „The Poverty of Philosophy“ Marx discusses freedom:

Do not be deceived by the abstract word freedom. Whose freedom? It is not the freedom of each individual in relation to the other individual. It is the freedom of capital to crush the worker.“12

Chairman Gonzalo, commenting on this quotation at the Political Bureau meeting of July ‘90, said:

Marx alone makes himself understood; so much is said about freedom, of what, of whom, of what class, for whom? Freedom of the bourgeoisie to crush the worker, to crush not only the class, but all those who work with the sweat of their brow! Marx already told us, much is said about freedom and this system is spoken of as a derivative of freedom, without understanding that freedom is nothing but the ideological derivation of the current bourgeois system, that is what we understand today by freedom.

And in ‚The Holy Family‘, title ‚On the Jewish Question‘, Paragraph 1: ‚Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen‘, Article 2, Marx says:

These rights (the natural and imprescriptible rights), are: equality, security and property. In what does liberty consist? It is the right to do everything that does not harm another, the limit is determined by law, it is the freedom of man as an isolated monad, folded in on itself. But the human right of freedom is not based on the union of man with man but on the separation of man by man. It is the right to this dissociation, the right of the individual delimited, limited by himself.‘

Clear criticism of bourgeois freedom; conclusion:

The practical application of man, of freedom, is the human right of private property. The human right of private property is therefore the right to enjoy his patrimony and to dispose of it arbitrarily (as he pleases), without regard to other men, independent of society, it is the right of personal interest. That is the problem of the human right of freedom.‘

That individual freedom and this application of it, constitute the foundation of bourgeois society.‘

Therefore bourgeois freedom is in essence the human right of private property; and private property is the right to enjoy his patrimony and to dispose of it in his personal interest, which constitutes the foundation of bourgeois society.

Society which causes man to find in it not the realization but the limitation of his freedom and proclaims above all else the human right to enjoy and arbitrarily dispose of his property, his products, his fruits, his labor and his industry.‘13

That is what the human right of private property proclaims in essence. That is the freedom and foundation of bourgeois society. It is the freedom to private property in personal interest; one cannot separate them, when one speaks of freedom one speaks of private property, the right of personal interest. That is its foundation, it is the basis of liberalism and neoliberalism to the extreme. And this is what we have seen in the analysis of the Peruvian Constitution and international laws, it is nothing but the right of personal interest of the bourgeois class and submission to imperialism, therefore what Marx said is fully valid. Equality, says Marx is considered linked to private property and self-interest, and equality is nothing but that every man is considered equally a monad, you monad, all monads, but each with his personal interest. He recognizes that all have equal right or personal interest, that personal interest is to take property, enjoy it and exercise his right according to each.

Security, which also lists the article and transcribes it, he says is the supreme social concept of bourgeois society, the concept of the police. According to which the whole of society exists only to guarantee to each of its members the preservation of his person, his rights and his property.

From this we will understand that human rights are the rights of the bourgeoisie, based on the conception centered on the individual as possessor of natural rights, proper to their condition as individuals; rights that are imprescriptible insofar as they are linked to their freedom, which is freedom as a human right of private property; and understanding their human right of private property as disposing of their patrimony and enjoying it, attending to the right of personal interest that is the foundation of bourgeois society. From these criteria derives equality, the right of each individual to exercise the right of his own interest, of private property, of his right of personal interest. And security, the supreme concept of bourgeois society; to emphasize the concept of police, Marx says that a bourgeois society requires an apparatus that guarantees the rights of individuals, their right of private property.“ (All comments are from Chairman Gonzalo at the 2nd Plenum of the Central Committee, Oct.-Feb. ‘91-‘92.)

Lenin. Chairman Gonzalo in „Elections, No! People‘s War, Yes!“ reaffirms what Lenin writes on this same problem in his text „Economy and Politics in the Era of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat“, in its 5th part, when dealing with socialism, classes and dictatorship of the proletariat:

Under capitalism the proletariat was an oppressed class, a class bereft of all ownership in the means of production, the only class which stood directly and completely opposed to the bourgeoisie, and therefore the only one capable of being revolutionary to the very end.“

General talk about freedom, equality, and democracy is in fact but a stereotyped repetition of concepts which are only a cast from the relations of commodity production. To attempt to solve the concrete problems of the dictatorship of the proletariat by means of such general talk is to accept the theories and principles of the bourgeoisie all along the line. From the point of view of the proletariat, the question can be put only in the following way: freedom from the oppression of which class? Equality of which class with which? democracy based on private property, or on a struggle for the abolition of private property? Etc.“

The first makes us see the revolutionary role of the proletariat as opposed to the reactionary role of the bourgeoisie. In the second the class character of liberty, equality and democracy is so clear that it is enough to reproduce it.

Chairman Mao. Also in the same text Chairman Gonzalo transcribes:

And regarding freedom and democracy [Chairman Mao teaches us]:

In reality, in the world there are only concrete freedom and democracy, and there are no abstract freedom and democracy. In a society where there is class struggle, if there is freedom for the exploiting classes to exploit the working people, there is no freedom for the working people not to be exploited; if there is democracy for the bourgeoisie, there is no democracy for the proletariat and the rest of the working people. In some capitalist countries the legal existence of some Communist Parties is also permitted, but only to the extent that this does not endanger the fundamental interests of the bourgeoisie; it is not permitted beyond that limit. Those who call for freedom and democracy in the abstract believe that democracy is an end and not a means. Sometimes democracy looks like an end, but in reality it is only a means. Marxism teaches us that democracy is part of the superstructure and belongs to the category of politics. This means that, in the end, democracy serves the economic base. The same is true of freedom. Both democracy and freedom are relative and not absolute, they have arisen and developed in the course of history. Within the people, democracy is correlative with centralism, and freedom with discipline. They are two distinct aspects of a single whole, contradictory and at the same time united. We must not unilaterally emphasize one of them by denying the other. Within the people we cannot do without freedom, nor can we exclude discipline, nor can we do without democracy, nor can we exclude centralism. Such unity of democracy and centralism, of freedom and discipline, constitutes our democratic centralism. Under this system, the people enjoy broad democracy and freedom, but at the same time they must remain within the limits of socialist discipline. This truth is well understood by the great masses of the people.‘

Thus, Chairman Mao, raising the problem of rights and liberties founded and developed by Marx and Lenin, stresses their class character, their bourgeois ideological basis centered on the individual, on egoism; and, the relationship between rights and social system.“

So far we have seen the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist conception. Now, we outline something of the process followed in the world by the financial oligarchy in terms of human rights. The financial oligarchy, class of imperialism and specification of the big bourgeoisie, has always raised the old and tattered banners of human rights to expand its world domination; it was in the name of human rights that Yankee President Wilson participated in the 1st World War to establish the U.S. as an imperialist power and acted in the first great war of plunder to divide up the world. In 1941, under F. D. Roosevelt, the Yankees intervened in the 2nd World War to expand their dominions to more parts of the world. After the war and to guarantee its expansion, dominion and influence, it promoted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in the U.N., a pro-imperialist organization, guarantor of the superpowers and imperialist powers. On the other hand, the U.S. and other imperialist powers have always attacked the socialist systems of the USSR of Lenin or Stalin, and of China with Chairman Mao, as violators of human rights. And today, as imperialism continues its general collapse, it resorts to its old reactionary bourgeois banners, to its old refurbished principles, because it can no longer create anything new or progressive. It covers them with a „humanitarian“ varnish to hide its counter-revolutionary class character that pretends to contain in the world the main historical and political tendency which is the revolution; artfully hiding that human rights are one more instrument to impose its reactionary ideology (whose core is idealism and the crudest pragmatism, totally contrary to dialectical materialism) and its fallacious bourgeois-democratic policy of bloody reactionary dictatorship headed by the financial oligarchy in the imperialist States or by the big bureaucratic bourgeoisie in the oppressed nations (absolutely contrary to the people‘s democratic dictatorship and the dictatorship of the proletariat, both led by the proletariat and sustained by the worker-peasant alliance). And all for the defense of the outdated imperialist system, bloody parasitic barbarism that plagues the Earth, totally contrary and opposed to the socialist system, the great new of the 20th Century, the only system that will lead humanity to the kingdom of freedom, Communism.

Apparently imperialism, reaction and revisionism defend the rights of man regardless of classes, but deep down they only defend their right and freedom to subjugate peoples and nations; even more so today imperialism, mainly Yankee, use human rights to impose international norms to justify their intervention in any part of the world and subject everyone to their hegemony. Thus, at the U.N., a representative of Austria has just proposed to form „white helmets“ to defend human rights, he said: „Respect for human rights must be one of the pillars of the internal order“; their protection „cannot be considered as interference in the internal affairs of a State. On the contrary, expressing concern in this area constitutes an important and legitimate element of international dialogue“. They want to sweep away the rights of sovereignty, independence and self-determination or self-determination of peoples, nations and states. Another example of what we affirm is the recent Yankee aggression, among other imperialists, against Iraq and the embargo to which it has been subjected after its genocidal war against the Arab people. Another one more, the shameful subjugation of Kampuchea by the U.N., which imposes and manages the politics, economy, reduction of troops, elections, absolutely all the internal order of that country. Or the aggression against Panama in 1989. Consequently, it is above all Yankee imperialism, the great world gendarme, which seeks to establish itself as the sole hegemonic imperialist superpower, which raises these ragged banners of human rights the most.

Within human rights there is no room for the rights of the proletariat and the people; the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America have the right to life but they condemn them to die of hunger, plunge them into increasing misery or plunge them into profound ignorance; the people have the right to exercise political power but they do not consent to their joint dictatorship, much less the dictatorship of the proletariat; worse still, in their so-called democratic systems, which are not such but reactionary, bourgeois-democratic or fascist dictatorships, the people are never consulted, except to cover up appearances; and the rights that exist in the constitutions, laws or norms of the old States of the world are more and more formal.

For the application of this policy, imperialism creates human rights organizations, as part of its tactic of using both hands; thus, at the international level, the Human Rights Commissions of the U.N. or the OAS and in the country, the NGOs at its service in this field. Among these we have in Lima, for example, the Institute of Legal Defense (IDL), a pro-Yankee organization that praises the genocidal and fatherland-selling leader for his „advances“ in the policy of „reinsertion“ or market economy, salutes his „optimism“ of the pro-imperialist exploiter and criticizes the „daily violence that reminds them that they do not live in wonderland“; This means that, without the People‘s War, the policies of exploitation and total surrender to Yankee imperialism are welcomed by these defenders of human rights, direct servants of the Yankees who simply demand so-called pacification, that is, the counterrevolutionary strategy of low intensity warfare; promoters of venal and sinister counter-revolutionary journalists who have always hated the Peruvian people, like Zileri of the frivolous reactionary sewer that is Caretas.

In Latin America, this imperialist policy is also being pursued, but with the specificity of apparently combating drug trafficking. This region is a key part of Yankee imperialism and to consolidate its power it has to combat two fundamental problems: revolution and drug trafficking, the main one being revolution because it contains the main contradiction in the world between nation-superpowers and imperialist powers, from the solution of which derives the destiny of each party in contention. The Yankee strategy for Latin America consists in conjuring away revolutions through political, economic and military plans such as those of the so-called „Initiative of the Americas“ and the strategy of „low-intensity warfare“. But in addition, they have found that in Peru, Colombia and Bolivia the coca leaf is cultivated by historical tradition; moreover, as a narcotic drug, cocaine, from these lands imperialism and drug traffickers take it to the United States and other European countries to corrupt their peoples, obtaining great profits in its commercialization. Thus, taking the problem of drug trafficking as a pretext, they have devised a strategic plan to intervene „justifiably“ and to ward off revolutions; part of this black plan is the February 1990 meeting in Cartagena and also the Convention of Intervention in Peru already seen.

In Peru, both problems, the revolution and drug trafficking, take on greater importance because the People‘s War is becoming a serious danger to consolidate Yankee domination in America; and, due to the general crisis of bureaucratic capitalism and the pauperization of Peruvian society, coca cultivation has proliferated. That is why the relations between Peru and the U.S. are closely linked to both problems, mainly to annihilate the people’s war which, after all, is their main problem. Chairman Gonzalo in the document „Elections, No! People‘s War, Yes!“ teaches us:

The situation in the Huallaga Region raises an important concern of a possible direct intervention by Yankee imperialism. This matter revolves around the prospect that the contradiction nation versus imperialism might become main, which would represent a basic change in the strategic and development of the People’s War in Peru. A magazine of the United States army states:

Finally, and more seriously, the United States confronts one aspect of the insurgency in Latin America which offers a greater threat, but one which perhaps could still provide us with the weapon allowing us to recover the moral superiority, which we apparently have lost.

There is an alliance among some drug traffickers and some insurgents. Several countries in Latin America confront the corruption of their rulers and military officers. These countries make an effort to treat the problem with the uncertain support of the United States and with varying degrees of success. The dollars earned by the drug traffickers are delivered to the boxes of certain guerrillas or, possibly, in the form of weapons and material, to the hands of the guerrilla.

A solidification of this connection in the public perception and in Congress will carry us to the necessary support to counter these guerrilla terrorists/drug traffickers in this hemisphere. It would be relatively easy to generate such support once the connection is proven and a total war is declared by the National Command Authority. Congress would have difficulty preventing the support for our allies with the training, advising and security assistance necessary for them to fulfill their mission. The religious and academic groups who tirelessly have supported Latin American insurgents would see themselves in an indefensible moral position.

Above all, we would have an unblemished moral position from which to launch a coordinated offensive effort, for which we would count the resources of the Department of Defense and the rest of the sources. The recent operation in Bolivia is a first step. Instead of answering defensively to each insurgency according to the individual case, we could initiate actions in coordination with our allies. Instead of immersing ourselves in the legislative mesh and the financial constraints characteristic of our position of security assistance, we could answer the threat more swiftly. Instead of debating each separate threat, we can begin to perceive the hemisphere as a unity, and at last arrive at developing the vision that we so much need.‘ (Military Review, Spanish-American Edition, May 1987, pp. 49-51.)

Thus, ‚drug trafficking‘ is a ‚weapon to recover the moral superiority‘ of Yankee imperialism, providing it with a ‚moral position for a coordinated offensive‘ and with the ‚hemispheric vision‘, which it now lacks. These criteria, obviously more developed than before, guide Yankee politics. We see very clearly how sinister is the plan to slander the People‘s War as ‚narco-terrorism‘ and whose interests it serves, and what the aim of the Old State is, of reaction, of revisionism, of the opportunists and their lackeys of all kinds, whose arch-reactionary campaigns for many years have slandered and charged the People‘s War with ‚narco-terrorism‘. The objective of such slander is plainly and simply to promote the aggression and intervention by Yankee imperialism, serving and defending their interests, as well as those of Peruvian reaction. That is why we must expose even further the counterrevolutionary essence of presenting the People’s War as ‚terrorism‘ or ‚narco-terrorism‘; we must denounce the increasing Yankee intervention and its plans of aggression. Let’s develop and popularize our anti-imperialist campaign of ‚Yankee Go Home!‘. Let’s aim better and make an effort to unite the Peruvian people, the immense majority of them, on the basis of the peasant-worker alliance; to prepare ourselves ideologically, politically and organically to continue developing the People’s War under any circumstances, raising even higher Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought; to go on fighting each day persistently and relentlessly to conquer Power in all the country, as part of the Proletarian World Revolution, to which we are linked stronger than ever in the overflowing cause of Communism; and to hit our enemies accurately and stunningly, whoever they are, and even more so Yankee imperialism […]“14

Another issue intimately linked to human rights is „legitimization“, a key content of the Yankee strategy of low-intensity warfare, by which the allied regimes must be „democratically“ elected, satisfy basic needs and respect human rights. But neither the vote achieved by Fujimori, nor the growing dissatisfaction of the fundamental needs of the Peruvian people, nor the lack of moral authority of a cynical demagogue who applies all that he denied during his electoral campaign, nor his systematic genocidal policy legitimize him; on the contrary, Fujimori loses more „legitimacy“ every day in the eyes of the Peruvian people.

In conclusion, today that imperialism is in its final collapse, its human rights are ragged and outdated bourgeois banners, counter-revolutionary; a cover that „legitimizes“ imperialist intervention in any part of the world, a deceitful resource to impose its domination, a means to condition its „aid“ and an instrument to contain or overthrow revolutions. The one who most vehemently and hypocritically raises them is Yankee imperialism, which pretends to set itself up as the sole hegemonic superpower. For all that has been seen, our position is very clear, we reject and condemn human rights because they are bourgeois, reactionary, counter-revolutionary rights; today they are a weapon of revisionists and imperialists, mainly of Yankee imperialism. To raise human rights in Peru is to endorse the sinister interventionist policy of imperialism, mainly Yankee imperialism, to serve the crafty genocidal sell-out Fujimori, and to work for the three tasks of the Old State; It is to deny the hunger and genocide suffered by the masses, it is to oppose the rights of the people, it is to be pawn and cannon fodder of the „low-intensity war“ against the People‘s War; it is, in synthesis, to be for Imperialism, against the Peruvian nation, for the big bourgeoisie and the landowners against the people‘s masses, it is to sell out to the infamous past against the brilliant future.

As far as imperialist „aid“ is concerned, it is nothing but highly profitable investment in its semi-colonies, allies or friends from whom it demands guarantees for its capital and demands „legitimacy“ and respect for human rights to guarantee its class interests; private property, the market economy, freedom of action to suffocate revolutionary wars or provoke local and even world wars of plunder. That said, let us look at the shameful bargaining between the „biggest producer and the biggest consumer“, for the so-called „aid“. The risk of suspending the „aid“ stipulated in the Yankee Intervention Agreement in the face of the persistent violation of human rights in the counter-subversive war, not in any fight against drug trafficking. It led the genocidal and obsessive Yankee pro-imperialist Fujimori to hurriedly issue a series of legal provisions by order and direct advice of Yankee specialists; he was on the verge of not traveling because he would not bring any money to the country; and, magically, the reports of disappearances and extrajudicial executions were reduced. In an unofficial visit, servant and master met to plot against the Peruvian people; the main role of the lackey was also to offer the whole of Peru for sale, as well as to blindly accept all the conditions imposed by the boss.

The newspapers cried out:

Human Rights is a worrying denunciation […] the anti-subversive struggle without legal considerations only serves to feed subversion […] if Peruvian democracy is savaged, it will have already lost the war.“ „Only the bloodiest dictatorships can exhibit a record of human rights violations like Peru‘s.“ „Of the total number of cases of disappeared reported to the U.N. during the last year, 60% come from Peru.“ „The subversion seeks precisely that democracy disqualifies itself with acts of this type.“

A subjective appreciation that hides the reality, since by their own counterrevolutionary nature they have to violate their own principles, norms and bourgeois-democratic laws. A valuable statement points out:

It makes the Peruvian State lose legitimacy and the Peruvian State silently digs its own grave.“

At the international level, the Secretary General of Amnesty International highlighted:

The situation in Peru is one of the most worrying […] the military do not accept violations and attribute them to individual excesses […]in the emergency zones these violations are too frequent to be attributed to excesses.“

Therefore, they are systematic. In London, also Amnesty International:

In Peru 300 men, women and children disappeared after being arrested by security forces […] they still practice torture […]“


There are 150 cases of disappearances in Peru under the Fujimori government.“

The U.N. Human Rights Commission, through the Peruvian representative, denounced „Terrorism violates human rights“. And in Peru began campaigns and operations to „prove“ the links of the subversion with drug trafficking; General (FAP) Velarde, president of the CFA discovers (!) a contract of commercialization and protection of drug trafficking by the Shining Path. They even spread that the subversion sells drugs to agents of the DEA.

A group of senators of the U.S. Congress, headed by Senator Kennedy, in a letter to Bush for the atrocious violation of human rights in Peru and because no military or police officer has been sanctioned or condemned, oppose the „aid“ to Peru. They say:

Bush‘s attempts to disguise the deplorable human rights violations in Peru do not serve the cause of human rights or to eliminate drug trafficking […] this violation will violate U.S. law and is an affront to Congress, shameful and fraudulent, until there is real progress in Peru not a penny should be given.“

The U.S. Congress stopped the „aid“ of almost 100.000.000 dollars to Peru for military assistance and economic development, until September 15th, 1991, „after that date this problem linked to human rights in Peru will be dealt with“.

The Peruvian premier rejects the letter from the US senators.

In the U.S. they editorialize in favor of „aid“. In the New York Post:

The worst human rights record but limited military cooperation against drug traffickers makes sense […] in Peru no such campaign can succeed without also attacking the connection between the cocaine industry and the Shining Path.“

In the Washington Post:

Peru‘s military often acts against suspected leftists, peasants and indigenous people in a way that diverts attention from the country’s brutal Maoist guerrillas […] Peru is far from El Salvador and the Army can be expected to improve as an armed force and in its respect for human rights if the United States is attentively and actively involved.“

What is the problem the crusade against the scourge of humanity that is drug trafficking or the fight against the Maoist guerrillas?“ U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for International Narcotics Affairs Levitsky said to news agenciesReutersand Newsweek:

It is a matter of knowing that the problem involves both drug traffickers and the Shining Path […] if our assistance is used to confront the Shining Path so that the anti-drug activities can advance and be effective we will consider that as a legitimate use of our assistance.“

Here is his answer, it is more important to annihilate the People‘s War than to fight drug trafficking and his interference is considered a legitimate use, otherwise the person who says it is a representative of the Yankee State (something like a Minister of State). He continues:

They have made progress in Human Rights […] we hope that Congress will consider that it is better to act in Peru than to simply leave it aside […] If we leave Peru aside we will have left aside a good part of our strategy against narcotics. We need to participate and if we don’t they will strike a blow to counter-narcotics interests.“

Deep down he fears that we will defeat their strategy of low-intensity warfare.

WOLA questions „aid“ to Peru. The Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) at the forefront of Peru not receiving Yankee aid, in a letter to the New York Times Carlota Youngers criticizes it for wrongly assuming that Shining Path and drug trafficking can be fought with the same military means; she says that linking counter-insurgency and anti-drug objectives will do more harm than good because the Peruvian government cannot fight the guerrillas effectively if at the same time it carries out actions against drug trafficking. WOLA‘s recommendation is that the U.S. should not help Peru, because 1) its military has no interest in fighting drug trafficking and 2) it wants weapons and equipment to strengthen its counter-insurgency action, a process that has killed 5.000 Peruvians and many thousands more. WOLA‘s critics insist on predicting that if they continue with the current policy, the U.S. will be involved in the dirty war being waged in Peru, which is reminiscent of the Vietnam conflict.

Debates continue on the anti-drug strategy in the U.S.; Fujimori, through the mouth of his premier, announces that his trip to the U.S. is on hold. The Yankee opposition argues that it focuses too much on the military issue. Fujimori promulgates law authorizing prosecutors to enter prisons.

Yankee congressmen, 3 senators and 10 congressmen meet at the CFA. They were thoroughly informed of 10 years of internal war against the Shining Path and described it as „very bloody“, they concluded that there was a lack of preparation of the Peruvian armed forces in human rights at the operational levels which had caused „excesses“, but that in no way these were the doctrine of the forces of order, having taken recent measures to avoid them, such as the diffusion of human rights in the barracks. From those days on, the already known war reports began to proliferate in which, full of false victories, they denounced all our combat acts, assaults and ambushes or selective annihilations, as well as sabotage, as „human rights violations“. Which reveals a more direct advice from the Yankees.

The head of the CFA travels to Washington. They also said that the U.S. would review its anti-drug policy and that this was confidentially communicated by the U.S. Secretary of State to the Peruvian delegation in Washington. They said that the problem of the fight against drug trafficking has to do with the State Department, the Defense Department and the Justice Department. Obviously they could not even refer to the fight against drugs because of the phrases disseminated by Bush about Peru no longer being one of the countries involved, but the main one.

It was at that time that the sell-out traveled on an unofficial visit to the U.S. and pronounced the condemnable words at the OAS, which we saw in the first part of the balance sheet. What interests us is to see what statements the great genocidal Bush made in the face of the genuflection of his mercenary:

You are Peru’s hope for the future […] we have talked openly about the tough challenges Peru faces both in relation to economic hardship and the renegade insurgency of the drug war to the battle to preserve human rights […] we reaffirm the May agreements […] I urge Congress to help Peru and the Andean nations […] you have replaced police officers suspected of corruption, abuse […] you have opened detention centers to prosecutors […] and offered to strengthen your military code. Your reports have begun to improve the human rights performance of the security forces […]“

There you are recognizing him as one of the best lackeys who will guarantee the implementation of the market economy, and the „renegade insurgency“ is nothing but the way to cover the struggle against the People‘s War; the rest is nothing but demagogic words from the master to the faithful servant. That later in Peru, Fujimori has arranged for his propaganda advisors to broadcast his meeting and his words on radio and television has been a counterproductive measure because it will not occur to the Peruvian people to applaud the flattery of a great genocide to a lesser one; another ridiculous thing is the photos of the Fujimori family in full with the imperialist world gendarme, there you can see the mentality of the pimp before the supposedly powerful of the Earth.

But not even Fujimori‘s propaganda and begging trip got the money he requested and the opposition continued. Thus, U.S. Democratic Senator Alan Cranston expressed his fear that the militarization of the fight against drugs and guerrillas in Peru would turn into a dirty war and warned against directing aid to militarization but rather to technical assistance. America‘s Watch on October 12th said that human rights violations during Fujimori’s government were as numerous as when García Pérez was in power and that Fujimori had designed a policy with some positive elements but that these should only be applied in the future; and accused him of not having brought to justice any military or police officer for violating human rights. In Lima, a few days later, the Senate announced that a small group of military subordinates would be tried for the Santa Barbara genocide in Huancavelica.

And the anti-war popular content of the Treaty was clearly revealed by the interesting words of another Yankee government official: Aronson who declares the „need to provide aid to achieve progress in the insurgent struggle of the Maoist tendency Shining Path“; he also said that a „comprehensive plan to stop coca leaf production requires defeating the Shining Path […] and that it would be a step in a long structural change.“

Finally, they agreed to grant the money from the „Agreement“ but cut by 10.000.000 dollars to be disbursed in three stages depending on Peru’‘ progress in respect for human rights and anti-drug actions; funds that would not be allocated directly but would pass through a civilian sieve that would manage it. The suspended 10.000.000 was to be used to equip 3 battalions of the Peruvian army but as they have not yet demonstrated respect for human rights it will not be delivered. The total of conditional aid will be 83.000.000 dollars only, of which 24.000.000 are for military matters: to implement and maintain Army engineering units, civil works, roads and bridges, basically, 6.000.000; maintenance and repair of A-37 Tucano fighter-bombers and Bell 212 and 214 helicopters of the FAP, 12.000.000; logistics of some Navy equipment in jungle rivers, 6.000.000.

In addition, $60.000.000 for economic development, of which an agreement has already been signed for $52.000.000 ($50.000.000 for balance and the rest for planning). The „aid“ for ‘92-‘93 is estimated to be around 130.000.000 dollars, they say.

The conditions of the US legislators to the Executive are the creation of a national registry of detainees, and the appointment of prosecutors with a mandate to prosecute human rights violators and unrestricted access of the International Red Cross to barracks where there are detainees; also that the government exercises effective control of airports and civilians and that the police and military forces act jointly against drug trafficking. It is expected in Washington that the first two requirements will be fulfilled by January 1st, 1992, and when the third is fulfilled, the third disbursement will be made directly to Fujimori.

This agreement was signed on October 1st, 1991. Subsequently, the debate has continued and the fact is that as of December there is no representative of the highest level from either side; therefore, the appointment of Bob Martinez as the Yankee representative would be nothing more than an act of formal compliance. And there is not a single cent for „alternative development“ and it is vox populi the „failure of the Agreement“; while the peasants express their discomfort and are openly against the action of the DEA that spreads from helicopters the fungus plagues that devastate every plantation. But the coca fields spread to new areas in the Upper, Middle and Lower Huallaga and even in the Upper Mayo. At the same time, the Party extends its control to the Middle Huallaga. In addition, a fierce struggle between revolution and counterrevolution is expressed not only in the Huallaga region but in the entire jungle belt and the country as a whole, particularly in Ayacucho and Central Peru. In the U.S. the struggle continues, Bush defends his Andean strategy against drugs and criticizes the congressmen for having prevented the training of three battalions of the Peruvian army and that put in serious danger, he says, the plans of his administration in the Andean region. Levistky insists that an anti-drug program cannot be implemented „without taking into account the security threat posed by the insurgents“. And in Peru they are worried that the results of the agreement will be a greater incorporation of the peasants into the People‘s War and that coca growers will go from being growers to being producers of PBC; that is why Express headlines „Peasants of Upper Huallaga resume their ties with drug trafficking“, and organizations such as the ILD indicate that there is no sign that the U.S. will send the money to which it committed itself.

Yankee Military Participation. The Drug Enforcement Administration.

Let us start from the evidence that never before the 3rd Campaign to Impulse, has the People‘s War in Peru had so much repercussion in the center of Yankee political power; on the one hand it is seen that in the electoral struggle between Democrats and Republicans, they take our process to manage their contradictions but if this war did not mean a real risk for their hegemonic domination in Latin America they would not even take it into account. It is one of the great triumphs obtained in this Campaign to have shaken the entrails of the great world gendarme and the latter has had to see itself involved more than ever before in the counter-revolutionary war in Peru.

The Yankee imperialist participation in the counter-subversive war is a fact and is manifested in all fields of Peruvian politics, there is a Treaty of military intervention which, as we have shown, is a complete interference in matters of economic and military policy, totally violating the Peruvian Constitution.

Some time ago they built a counter-subversive base in Santa Lucia, under the deception of an anti-drug base, and they are planning to build another similar one in the Ene valley; There is a Yankee detachment there with 14 agents of the DEA that depends on the U.S. Department of Justice, nominated „Vietnamese killers“ by the local masses, who besides patrolling piloting UH I H. helicopters, act by contaminating the fields with cocaine, they act contaminating the fields with the internationally prohibited SPIKE or planting poisonous mushrooms as the Peruvian agronomists have proved and have destroyed all types of crops, to „eradicate“ coca, attacking the farmers and not the drug traffickers; We have already denounced the arrogance with which they act, to the point that they are described as „rambos“, because they are cowards who give the worst jobs to the Peruvians and enjoy a series of benefits such as only drinking their canned sodas. In addition to the DEA, the NAS, a financial organization that depends on the former, the CORAH, a North American eradication project, the National Police and since the end of February or the beginning of March, the FAP have been operating in this base.

There are Yankee advisors for counter-subversive warfare, confirmed by the same country-seller; There are planes of the AWACS type (warning and control system) that collaborated with the FAP on at least two occasions according to what the Lima magazine Oiga proclaimed, referring to the words of the president, it would be a Boeing E-3B sentry that proved its efficiency in the Gulf War, evidently it is not going to be for the eradication of coca cultivation, it has to do with the preparations that they are trying out in the Yankee intervention in the counter-subversive war.

Even in the letter of the North American associations addressed to their representatives in the North American Congress they state that since ‘89 when they got involved in the so-called war against drugs no positive results have been obtained and that rather in both Colombia and Peru, due to the presence of guerrilla movements „the U.S. military assistance has been explicitly described as counterinsurgency assistance […] but any involvement of the United States in the internal conflicts of the region should be widely debated and decided by the Congress and not conducted under the guise of war against drugs.“

A work published by the U.S. State Department in April 1989 by the Rand Corporation‘s National Defense Research Institute mentions that the U.S. assigns to the People‘s War in Peru „a role of growing relevance capable of provoking an eventual institutional collapse“, it says that „although the action of the Shining Path has grown substantially in the last 5 years, it will not succeed until it can capture the cities“. But, this same institute is preparing a recent report and some analysts comment that this institution currently conceives two possibilities, either that the present situation of the war continues indefinitely, an opinion qualified as optimistic, or that Shining Path wins the war within 10 years, this is the pessimistic opinion; they wonder why this change? Because they consider that the subversive organization would already be able to cut off access to Lima of 75% of their food needs transported by the central highway; they say that the economic crisis also favors and that a military coup has limited chances because it would favor polarization.

In the New York Times magazine it was published: „50 consultants are going to Peru“; before this news the Minister of Defense Torres Aciego said that it was up to the Ministry to decide if the Yankee instructors would come or not, but a few days later he announced the „arrival of North Americans with the purpose of confronting terrorism with greater efficiency“, „they come to train in anti-subversive struggle“. Levitsky said:

The U.S. decided to send military advisors to Peru because it believes that it is impossible to fight drug trafficking without also confronting the Marxist guerrillas of the Shining Path […] dozens, not hundreds.“

General Velarde, head of the CFA, had a round table with Levitsky and the director of the National Security Liaison Office for what? It was never reported, obviously not for the fight against drugs.

The Peruvian premier Torres y Torres Lara first informed that there were no Yankee troops in Peru to immediately add „only training assistance will be accepted“, he said that in June 1989 arrived personnel of U.S. Army instructors belonging to the first battalion 7th airborne group from North Carolina based in Panama for a course of operations in the jungle with the National Police. He reported the signing of two annexes to the Treaty in July ‘91 and said that on August 15th, members of the U.S. Army are in Mazamari for training. What a coincidence! Precisely when the counter-subversive war has intensified since the end of 1989 and the present year, when the plan in the center of the country has acquired genocidal characters known as those of Korea or Vietnam where the bodies were torn to pieces to punish. And who can be sure that there are only dozens of them?

Another very important fact to evaluate the growing participation of Yankee imperialism is the series of meetings of the Peruvian government with the Yankee rulers, for example the meeting between Yankee and Peruvian military in which they exchange experiences on military justice and human rights, a meeting presided over by a rear admiral of the Peruvian Navy. Others such as those of the head of the U.S. Army Southern Command, George Joulwan, who visited Fujimori, the president of the CFA, Quainton and advisors were present. On November 11th, another Yankee mission visited the Peruvian President with congressmen and the Undersecretary of State for Latin America, P. H. McLean, congressmen of foreign relations, human rights, budget and economic affairs, for what? evidently to legislate mainly in matters of pacification and we should ask ourselves if the Americans themselves have not intervened in the issuance of the last 126 Decree Laws.

That is why the chumbeque CIA agent and Yankee ambassador, a specialist in genocide, also accuses:

Both the members of the Shining Path and the MRTA and the forces of order that affect human rights are enemies of democracy, which must be preserved.“

And for traveling to the jungle, especially to the Center to check on the progress of the plans and meddles in Peruvian economic and military policy, he has even congratulated the genocidal country-seller for the „liberal revolution“ he is applying and in one of the many forums in which he participated he opponed that it was not about sending Yankee troops to Peru:

We raise the possibility of assistance to the Peruvian military and police forces through equipment and instructors to the extent that the Peruvian government requests it […] it is not about militarizing the fight against drugs but about contributing with elements for an integral strategy […] we can share our experience and to a certain extent our own resources but it is not about the U.S. pointing out what the solution is.“

Shortly after, he added that one could not differentiate between a drug trafficker and a terrorist if one was in combat. And for the first 15 days of December he had a long meeting with the Political-Military Command of the Mantaro Front, with General Perez Documet to coordinate civic action programs within the so-called Agreement, for the rehabilitation and repair of roads; he also delivered tools for a thousand dollars to the Salesian Youth Center San Juan Bosco Another coincidence! the convergence of the Yankees with the Catholics, especially the Salesians whose major representative has just come to Peru.

Then, a North American mission visits Jauja and Huancayo „to see the progress of the counter-subversive struggle“, that is to say that under the protection of the Treaty they want to implement pilot plans and check their results.

But what is the result of such intervention? They have just published in The New York Times of November 10th that drugs and subversion dominate Peru, therefore it is an evident failure recognized by themselves, they even report an attack by the Peruvian army against a police helicopter that was applying a herbicide with the participation of elements of the DEA; that the center of the Yankee actions continue to be repressive and they say that the efforts of the Shining Path to capitalize on these failures are achieving successes and that according to a survey carried out by them 34% think that we will be able to triumph. Also in Newsweek magazine in an article „Support for Justice“ Secret Agreement, they point out that Bush is losing the war on drugs in the Andean nations despite the military escalation in the region; based on Pentagon documents from the Southern Command, etc.; it underlines the alliance between the guerrilla and drug trafficking and the coca producing peasants, especially in Colombia and Peru. It also reveals the strong frictions between civilian and military agents while the US military escalation in Latin America is within the framework of „low-intensity warfare“; for the DEA and CIA the objective is to dismantle the cartels and prosecute their members. In this „Support for Justice“ operation, elite Latino military training groups such as the Green Berets, Delta Command and the New Seals participated.

Already in the Newsweek of last August they registered the failure of their plans in the Center by recognizing that in spite of the offensives perpetrated, the Shining Path still maintains a presence in many parts of the place, it says: „The Army has undertaken a counter-offensive this year, but the rebels are still the only law in many parts of the city“, referring to Huancayo. They also recognize that 5.000 combatants (they confuse with militants because the combatants are hundreds of thousands) have been able to challenge an army of 120.000 men. In international economic magazines such as The Economist they spread „Peru, invest and die“; in another Peruvian economic magazine Economic Actuality they published: „High cost and risky path“. And the Yankee Labor MP John McFall in a letter addressed to the newspaper The Independent denounces the persistence of human rights violations in Peru and indicates that various „barbaric acts“ have been committed to which „the government seems unable to put an end“, he adds that „in the 11 years of war no military was punished but rather promoted for their violations of human rights“; He said this in response to the letter that Ambassador Felipe Valdiviezo Belaúnde responded to allegations of missing persons in December. Then, Democrat Representative Robert Torriccelli, according to the New York Times said: „I saw planes take off from municipal airports bound for Colombia, supported by control towers, without any police inspection“, and he described the Peruvian police and military forces as „completely corrupt“ and criticized his government for supporting them. And according to the last report of WOLA in December, he says that the U.S. loses the war against drugs in the Andean countries because the production of coca leaf has increased by 28% in Bolivia, Colombia and Peru in 1990 and by 10% in 1991; he accused the Yankee government of „having changed the Cold War for the War against Drugs in the priority political objective of its policy towards Latin America“; he also said „the U.S. strategy for those countries does not work, because drug trafficking already has alternative zones of coca and drug production in Brazil, Ecuador and Venezuela“. In Peru, E. Treveri wrote „Peru‘s anti-drug proposal takes a back seat in the U.S.“. Then the Treaty fails and they will point it more to counter-revolutionary action; they reflect contradictions between the U.S. Department of State and the Department of Defense that seeks to deeply apply the „low-intensity war“ to intervene in a more hidden way and to avoid the conquest of Power, hence they take great pains to strengthen their so-called „aid“ in food, medicines, etc. and to propagandize them.

In view of the above, we can conclude that the direct participation of Yankee imperialism in the counter-subversive war being waged in Peru has already begun, with a signed Treaty, with the presence of military instructors, with operational groups and with the use of new weapons, even if only as a rehearsal. In addition to its actions in the elaboration, execution and evaluation of specific counter-subversive, political and economic action plans behind the story of the War on Drugs, further sharpening its internal contradictions regarding the management of the „low-intensity war“ in Peru.

On the occasion of the trips of the country-seller and coinciding with his offers to sell Peruvian territory, publications against investments in Peru due to the advance of subversion and the possibility that we will soon seize power began to be disseminated in Europe and the East. This expresses the inter-imperialist struggle in their areas of domination and struggle for a new distribution and how they use the real possibility of the seizure of power to fight among themselves. In France, the Herald Tribune of Paris published the article „Iron bands threaten Peru“ and the Peruvian embassy rejected it; on the same day that Fujimori visited Singapore, the newspaper The Straits Times published an extensive and commendable article on the People‘s War in Peru, dated in Lima although distributed by The New York Times Service, addressed to Eastern investors to whom it seems to say do not go to Peru, the Shining Path is going to take over the government.

There is also the idea that in the face of the supposed failures of socialism with the fall of the USSR „only the Maoists unfortunately have an active role“, which demonstrates the consequence of Maoism as the base of unity of the Marxists in the world today and the obligation to apply People‘s Wars specified to their conditions. We are not and have not been and will not be followers of the baton, so these so-called appraisals will not affect us, they are an expression of the bankruptcy of revisionism. And our principle is to rely on the masses, on our own efforts, we firmly apply self-decision, self-determination and self-support as our Programme subscribes.

The German, former Minister of the Interior of the former German Democratic Republic propagated that the STASI supported the Party and precisely when Fujimori declared that the CPP was very different from Chinese socialism. Chairman Gonzalo commented:

Very good! We have nothing in common with Chinese, Soviet or any other revisionism! Fujimori‘s efforts also serve to make this great truth shine once again; and, by the way, to repudiate all attempts to link us to Soviet revisionism as they pretend by infamously accusing us of having received aid from East Germany through the STASI, their secret police. (This is nothing more than a new Yankee fabrication that serves, moreover, the Peruvian reaction: the ‚declaration‘ of this former Minister of the Interior of that country is simply the invention of rotten revisionism and Yankee agents seeking to do meritorious service to their new master.)“

As for the coordination of the Peruvian reaction with Latin American countries, it is worth mentioning those carried out with Bolivia, where the Minister of the Interior himself began by spreading the word that the police were on high alert for attacks in La Paz, blaming the CPP and radical indigenous groups, but the following day he denied this and justified himself by saying that he had expressed himself badly and that he ruled out the presence of the CPP in his country. A few days later, Bolivia mobilized its armed forces „to prevent the entry of Peruvian terrorists“. Later the general commander of the EP in La Paz with the Bolivian army began to define a bilateral strategy to combat the guerrillas in the border strip they share, but no agreement was signed (Dicen). In Bolivia they unleash a campaign against Peruvians and proclaim that out of 20.000 Peruvians entered in the last years, 8.000 were criminals and terrorists. Until in June the General Commander EP Pedro Villanueva Valdivia asserted the exchange of information and intelligence on terrorism between both countries and that this has three parts: preventive, intervention and consolidation. In the commemorations of the battle of Ayacucho, Colonel Alberto Jara Almonte, Peruvian military attaché in La Paz said that Latin American armies and peoples „should fight together against the threat of armed subversion“.

Another recent fact of support to the Peruvian reaction and to Yankee imperialism, mainly in the low-intensity war, is the participation of human rights organizations which, by agreement of their international meeting in Japan, are going to denounce the violations committed by the armed groups. Among them, Amnesty International and Americas Watch, who lukewarmly and hastily responded to the serious accusations of the genocide of acting with „timidity“ and „lukewarmness“ in the face of „the excecrable murders committed by terrorism“, of being „useful idiots“. And as was to be expected, given their character, they defined themselves on the side of the counter-revolution, stating that they had always denounced the „atrocities“, especially ours. However, Americas Watch, on October 30th sent us a letter asking us to investigate a case that occurred in Puno with Army prisoners of war; a document that was rejected by the Peruvian Foreign Ministry because it gives us the status of a belligerent force, which according to them we do not have. Amnesty International, for its part, published extensively its rejection of the „atrocities“ of the CPP, which was qualified as a positive disposition by the Peruvian Foreign Ministry for having rectified its position of calling us terrorist groups and no longer political opposition groups; He simultaneously criticized that he had said that the security forces had disappeared and executed thousands in the emergency zones; he also rejected that he had said that there is a generalized uprising or that we have control of territory and that he should point out precisely that terror is the main method of the terrorists. The response of the head of the Americas Region, regarding the data, responded that the Prosecutor confirmed them in July 1990 and that there was a translation error in the generalized uprising, replacing it with „there is a conflict that has been spreading throughout the country“; that the first time our actions were condemned was in 1983 and that now the difference is that the condemnation is „more explicit“; regarding Fujimori, he said:

It has been disappointing. The reality of the human rights situation in Peru is very far from the promises made more than a year ago […] the summary of the first 13 months can be considered negative. Fortunately, in the last two months, there has been a decrease in the number of reports of disappearances.“

Peruvian Ambassador R. Luna denounced the CPP in the sixth Legal Commission of the U.N. Assembly „they would like to replace the oldest nation in South America with a totalitarian community based on models that history has happily overcome“, he said; and that „his government has been especially careful to guarantee the fullest right to human rights in combating this scourge“.

The U.N. denounces the CPP for violation of children’s rights due to their recruitment methods and bloody actions with which they impose their presence in rural communities and metropolitan areas, as they violate the most fundamental rights of children and attempt against their own lives; the „experts of the Committee that monitors compliance with the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child“ expressed their concern for the network of clandestine schools in which Shining Path ideologues train children between 5 and 10 years of age.

All these children are forced by the method of fear or blackmail to participate in the indoctrination campaigns with which it intends to assure the future, either by nourishing its ranks with new political cadres or with new cadres of annihilation.“

For the first time we are witnessing an immigration phenomenon based on the flight provoked by violence, but the saddest thing is that it attacks the social institutions that try to help them.“

News from the EFE agency. Here we see the support to the Peruvian government of organizations that we do not even know who they are because they speak of „experts“, what is clear and concrete is that the U.N. continues to fulfill its counter-revolutionary imperialist role and cannot accuse us of any crime against children and resorts to recruitment, which it knows very well is not forced, and to indoctrination because it is afraid of ideology. But they can incorporate or form „scouts“ or indoctrinate the same as the churches, the Communists cannot because we violate rights and where is the freedom of expression of ideas? There is only freedom to spread their ideas. This is another proof of the class character of their human rights.

Another situation that caused a stir and was quite agitated and distorted in Lima was the arrival in Peru of the Inter-American Human Rights Commission of the OAS, around which an alleged riot and „provocative action“ of the prisoners of war of Canto Grande in Lima was spread, nothing of this happened and the organization spoke with priests, with military authorities such as General Araico or General Perez Documet and with the genocidal traitor who presented the Peruvian government’s denunciation of the three alleged cases impossible to be proven because we did not commit them, that of the child who flew in a mined tower under the direction, planning and execution of the intelligence service created by Fujimori, that of a neighborhood leader annihilated by a scab; And that of the APRA and false leader of the masses in the Callao slum, justly executed for being a traitor to the people and working with the reactionary army; but of the genocide perpetrated by his crony García Pérez he said absolutely nothing. They also spoke with political leaders of the CPP and the MRTA who are incarcerated in Lima in the Canto Grande prison, where they refused to enter; with the Association of Democratic Lawyers; with the Committee of relatives of political prisoners and disappeared, among others. At the end of his visit, Vice President Marco T. Bruni declared in a press conference that:

The State has a firm intention to watch over human rights“, „neither the struggle to overcome poverty nor the defense of democracy or the rule of law can justify selective assassinations, destruction of infrastructure, torture, forced disappearances or the use of terror as a social condition to impose certain ideas“, „violations have decreased but serious problems persist in the use of guarantee actions such as habeas corpus and amparo; guarantees for entities that watch over human rights; so far no member of the forces of law and order has been sentenced for human rights violations and they should be judged by common law“; and „that the rondas have increased as an effective method of self-defense of the people against subversive organizations.“

Here we see the position of ambiguity that leans more against the CPP since at no time does it speak of genocide, nor does it recognize Fujimori‘s militaristic strategy and recognize advances when the evidence of the manipulation of human rights violations figures is scandalous. Then they said they were going to see the case of the El Frontón „massacre“. This does not contradict our denunciation because it is against the genocide in three Shining Trenches of Combat of Lima.

The news also spread through EFE from Madrid that the Committees of Solidarity with Peru and Latin America (eight Spanish, one Portuguese and one Irish) issued a communiqué on the economic and social situation in Peru, they affirm that the situation „has provoked an aggravation of the spiral of violence“ and that „the response of the Peruvian State continues to be exclusively military, increasing the dirty war that for the fourth consecutive year places Peru as the country with the first number of detainees and disappeared. Here we see how an international organization criticizes the government and the CPP.

Already in December it was published that the 4th Meeting of Human Rights Organizations concluded that there is a risk that the impunity of violations and the lack of control will turn Peru into a chaotic country where the „law of the jungle“ must be applied to preserve life and condemned terrorism in all its forms.

As we said before, the human rights organizations must see them as part of the two-handed policy of imperialism in general and of Yankee imperialism in particular; unmask them, differentiate their positions, not consider them as a bloc and take advantage of their contradictions, our policy is to use everything that can be useful to the revolution and that allows us to clarify the genocidal policy of the counterrevolution.

In synthesis, the support of other powers and international organizations to the Peruvian reaction is taking shape with agreements between imperialist powers such as Spain or with backward neighboring countries such as Bolivia; and as for human rights organizations, mainly those of Yankee imperialism and of the churches, particularly the Catholic churches of Europe. The particular human rights organizations such as Amnesty International or Americas Watch reveal contradictions but within the same reactionary and imperialist camp.


a. The Catholic Church

Action of the Church. Ideology.

In the 2nd Plenum we reaffirmed the role of ideological shield that the Catholic Church plays and that makes it politically and organically concrete. Subsequent events corroborate our agreements. Let us refer to the official position of the Papacy and the official positions of the Church in Peru in order to better understand the character and the reactionary, counterrevolutionary essence of the Church in general.

On May 10th, 1991, Pope John Paul II‘s 3rd Social Encyclical was published: Centesimus Annus (100 years after Pope Leo XIII‘s encyclical Rerum Novarum). Regarding the „new evangelization“ that they invoke so much, he says:

The ‚new evangelization‘ of which the modern world is in urgent need, and which I have insisted on more than one occasion, must include among its essential elements the proclamation of the Church’s social doctrine which, as in the time of Leo XIII, continues to be suitable for indicating the right path in responding to the great challenges of the contemporary age, while the discredit of ideologies is growing. As then, it must be said that there is no true solution to the ‚social question‘ outside the Gospel and that, on the other hand, the ‚new things‘ can find in it their own space of truth and the proper moral approach.“

Just as imperialism spreads the supposed expiration of ideologies to sell its stale, outdated, false, old idealistic obscurantism and always opposed to the new, the words of Chairman Gonzalo in the „Interview“ are justified and correct to combat it:

Marx taught us that ‚religion is the opiate of the people‘. This is a Marxist thesis which is completely valid today, and in the future. Marx also held that religion is a social phenomenon that is the product of exploitation and it will be eliminated as exploitation is swept away and a new society emerges. These are principles that we can’t ignore, and that we must always keep in mind. Related to the previous point, it must be remembered that the people are religious, something which never has and never will prevent them from struggling for their basic class interests, and in this way serving the revolution, and in particular the People‘s War. I want to make it absolutely clear that we respect this religiousness as a question of freedom of religious beliefs, as recognized by the Programme which was approved by our Congress.

So the question you asked really has to do, in our view, with the ecclesiastic hierarchy, with the Papacy, that old theocracy that had succeeded in developing as a powerful instrument in Roman times. Later, adapting itself to the conditions of feudalism, it gained a vast power, even greater than before. But it always tried to rein in the struggle of the people, and defended the interests of the oppressors and exploiters, acting as an ideological shield for the reactionaries, changing and adapting itself as new situations emerged.

We can see this clearly if we think about the relation between the Church and the bourgeois revolution, the old bourgeois revolution, I’m referring to the French Revolution, for example. The Church fiercely defended feudalism, and later, through a lot of struggle and after the defeat of feudalism — let me repeat, through great struggle it adapted itself to the bourgeois order and became once again an instrument at the service of the new exploiters and oppressors. In the present situation, what we see is a historical process which is unstoppable. The era of the Proletarian World Revolution, the new era begun in 1917, presents the problem for the proletariat of how to lead revolutions to change the old decadent order and create a genuinely new society, communism. In the face of this, how has the Church responded? As in previous times, it seeks to survive, and this is the basis of the 2nd Vatican Council, where the Church sought to develop conditions that would permit it, first, to defend the old order as it has always done, and then, adjust and adapt itself in order to serve new exploiters, to continue to survive. This is what it seeks, this is the essence of the 2nd Vatican Council.

The question of the ‚new evangelism‘ refers explicitly to how ecclesiastical authority, the Pope in particular, sees the role of Latin America, where, as they themselves say and the current Pope said in 1984, half the world‘s Catholics live. They are, consequently, trying to use the 500th anniversary of the discovery of America to push forward a so-called movement of ‚new evangelism‘. In sum, this is what they hope for: since evangelism officially began in 1494 following the discovery of America, with this new centennial they want to develop a ‚new evangelism‘ in defense of their bastion, this half of the ‚parish‘, half of the bastion that sustains them in power. This is their goal. In this way, the hierarchy and the Papacy aim to defend their position in America and serve Yankee imperialism, the dominant imperialist power in Latin America.

But we have to understand this plan in the context of a campaign and a worldwide plan, linked to its relations with the Soviet Union on the occasion of the millennium of its Christianization, the ties with Chinese revisionism, the actions of the Church in Poland, the Ukraine, etc. It is a worldwide plan and the ‚new evangelism‘ operates within it. As always they are attempting to defend the existing social order, to be its ideological shield, because the ideology of reaction, of imperialism, has become decrepit. In the future they will again seek to adapt in order to survive. But the prospects will be different, not like things were before. Marx‘s law will assert itself: religion will wither away as exploitation and oppression are destroyed and eliminated. And since the Papacy serves the exploiting classes and what will follow is not an exploiting class, the Papacy will not be able to survive, and religion itself will wither away. In the meantime the freedom of religious belief has to be recognized until mankind advancing through new objective conditions, comes to possess a clear, scientific and world-transforming consciousness. We must therefore, analyze the ‚new evangelism‘ in the context of this plan of the Church to survive under new conditions, a transformation that they know must come.“15

Continuing with the encyclical, it is textually against revolutionary violence, against class struggle, against justified and revolutionary wars:

Extremist groups, who try to resolve such controversies by means of arms easily find political and military support, are armed and trained for war, while those who strive to find peaceful and humane solutions, respectful of the legitimate interests of all parties, remain isolated and often fall victim to their adversaries. Even the militarization of so many 3rd World countries and the fratricidal struggles that have tormented them, the spread of terrorism and increasingly cruel political-military means have one of their main causes in the precariousness of the peace that followed the 2nd World War. In short, the whole world is threatened by an atomic war, capable of wiping out humanity. Science used for military purposes provides the decisive instrument for the hatred fomented by ideologies. But war can end, without victors or vanquished, in a suicide of humanity, which is why it is necessary to repudiate the logic that leads to it, the idea that the struggle for the destruction of the adversary, contradiction and war itself are factors of progress and advancement of history. When the necessity of this rejection is understood, both the logic of ‚total war‘ and that of class struggle must necessarily enter into crisis.“

He speaks of the „fall of Marxism“ and invokes dialogue:

While Marxism considered that, only by taking social contradictions to the extreme, it was possible to solve them by means of violent clash, on the other hand, the struggles that have led to the fall of Marxism insist tenaciously on trying all the ways of negotiation, of dialogue, of the testimony of the truth, appealing to the conscience of the adversary and trying to awaken in him the sense of common human dignity.“

But if he refers to the USSR or Eastern Europe, in both cases there has been either a State coup or national uprisings or even a war like the one in Yugoslavia; besides, in none of those places has there been Marxism but revisionism since 1956 with Khrushchev and precisely what has been produced is the logical consequence of capitalist restoration. He continues his idea:

That attitude has disarmed the adversary, since violence always needs to justify itself with lies and to assume, even if falsely, the aspect of the defense of a right or of a response to an alien threat […] Would that men would learn to fight for justice without violence, renouncing the class struggle in internal controversies, as well as war in international ones!“

In the history of mankind the whole process of transformation of modes of production has been through wars, to pass from the primitive community to slavery there were great wars of domination, without which there would not have been the powerful slave societies such as Egypt or Rome: to pass from slavery to feudalism, the slaves rebelled in innumerable wars against the slaveowners until they managed to stop being sold like animals and entered feudalism, but the new system imposed did not end the oppression, the oppressed became peasant serfs of the feudal lords against whom they rose again in immense and tenacious peasant struggles to wrest the land they worked and belonged to them and to destroy feudalism; among the feudals themselves a multitude of feuds broke out between pairs to define who was king and between the kings of a place and the kings of another intense wars for power were lived until defining powerful European kingdoms for example the Spanish Kingdom or the Tsarist Russia or the Manchu Empire in the East. Also during this period of feudalism, as well as wars between feudal lords, there were fierce wars for political and economic power between the hierarchs of the Catholic Church, between Popes, between Bishops, as in the case of the well-known Borgia Pope and his family. It is also part of the history of the Catholic Church the wars of the Crusades to impose their religion in other parts of the world or the atrocious extermination of the Peruvian and Latin American natives when they conquered America with their swords and divine crosses, with the savage reductions of the Jesuits. Then, when feudalism collapsed, capitalism developed and generated the proletariat, the last exploited class of the earth that has to destroy that ominous system also with wars, but revolutionary wars that finally put an end to all systems of exploitation, in the definitive course of humanity towards its true freedom: and the violence that we proletarians proclaim, the Communists as vanguard of the class, we do not need to justify it nor do we lie about its necessity: before an iniquitous system that provokes wars of plunder like the two imperialist world wars that cost about 60.000.000 dead, what is it that by historical materialism corresponds? To destroy capitalism that has become imperialism in its final phase and to build socialism and the brilliant future Communism: we are capable of proclaiming before the world: „It is right to rebel!“ So those stinking words of incense smell cover up realities to attack the just, correct and necessary revolutionary violence and defend the counter-revolutionary, unjust, erroneous violence, defender of exploitation and oppression.

He spreads his idealistic theocratic conception of „Christian revelation“ as a means to understand reality:

On the other hand, man, created for freedom, carries within him the wound of original sin that continually pushes him towards evil and makes him in need of redemption. This doctrine is not only an integral part of Christian revelation, but also has a great hermeneutical value insofar as it helps to understand human reality […]“

It is up to God alone to separate the followers of the Kingdom and the followers of the Evil One, […] this judgment will take place at the end of time. Pretending to anticipate the judgment already now, man tries to supplant God and opposes his patience […] Thanks to the sacrifice of Christ on the Cross, the victory of the Kingdom of God has been conquered once and for all, […] the Lord will return in his glory for the final judgment, establishing the new Heavens and the new Earth.“

First, behind the absurd and anti-scientific idea of original sin they cover up the existence of exploitation and exploiters; second, man does not need any cruxification or any redemption if not to emancipate himself from exploitation and oppression and his emancipation is the work of his own action; and third, if they believe in an imaginary final divine judgment, if that is their conception, then why do they set themselves above their god and judge us as followers of their supposed evil one by qualifying us as terrorists? Why so much condemnation of those of us who fight for the demolition of exploitation here on Earth?

Referring extensively to the events of Eastern Europe in 1989, which mark a milestone in the bankruptcy of revisionism and which is the object of imperialist refutation, neither condemns one nor repudiates the other, but rather qualifies as a crisis of Marxism and draws conclusions beneficial to their class interests:

The first consequence has been in some countries the encounter between the Church and the workers‘ movement born as a reaction of the ethical and concretely Christian order to a vast situation of injustice. For almost a century this movement had largely fallen under the hegemony of Marxism, not without the conviction that the proletarians, in order to fight effectively against oppression, had to adopt materialistic and economistic theories […] In the crisis of Marxism, spontaneous forms of workers‘ conscience sprouted up again, revealing a demand for justice and recognition of the dignity of labor, in conformity with the social doctrine of the Church. The workers‘ movement is leading to a more general movement of workers and people of good will, oriented towards the liberation of the human person and the consolidation of his rights; today it is present in many countries and, far from opposing the Catholic Church, it looks upon it with interest […] The crisis of Marxism does not eliminate in the world the existing situations of injustice and oppression, on which Marxism itself fed by instrumentalizing them […] To those who today seek a new and authentic theory and praxis of liberation, the Church offers not only social doctrine and, in general, her teachings on the person redeemed by Christ, but also her concrete commitment to help combat marginalization and suffering.“

Here he recognizes the influence of Marxism in the workers’ movement and as he thinks that there is a crisis of Marxism then he applies „All fishermen profit from a troubled river“, the old dream of the Catholic Church to lead the proletariat; and as the causes have not disappeared she comes out as the solution with her social doctrine. A very clear comment of Chairman Gonzalo to judge these ideas is the following:

If the problems and situations of injustice and human suffering that caused its appearance subsist, as it really is, only that today they are more and more aggravated, extended and totally unbearable because they do not correspond at all to the social development achieved, even more so having lived socialism with its conquests and grandiose perspectives under the dictatorship of the proletariat (the only State form under which it can be built and developed); Communism exists and fights every day sustained in the class interests of the proletariat and in the defense of the popular masses of the world, today and in the immediate future in the midst of a complex and intricate class struggle and facing a convergent and sinister offensive of imperialism, revisionism and world reaction developed in collusion and struggle to which the Catholic Church joins not only ideologically but politically and organizationally: Communism today as yesterday and tomorrow fought, fights and will always fight, unshakable certain of the final victory, under the red and unfading banners of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the all-powerful theory of the international proletariat. The decisive weapon of Marx, Lenin and Mao.“ (02.05.1991.)

On the development of the productive forces, he reduces them to the personal exercise of seeking God:

Finally, development should not be understood in an exclusively economic way, but in an integral human dimension. It is not only a matter of raising all peoples to the level enjoyed today by the very rich countries, but of founding a more dignified life on work in solidarity, of making the dignity and creativity of every person grow effectively, his capacity to respond to his own vocation and, therefore, to God’s call. The culminating point of development leads to the exercise of the right-duty to seek God, to know him and to live according to that knowledge.“

He persists in his closed defense of private property because it is a natural right of man to enjoy the goods created by God and acquired with the sweat of his brow, with his work that does not exploit but dignifies, and he embellishes his defense with the supposed universal destination of those goods, that is, not to impede the right of other men to appropriate a part of God’s creation with their own work. He says that Leo XIII already affirmed and argued:

[…] the natural character of the right to private property […] this right is fundamental in every person for his autonomy and development, and has always been defended by the Church up to the present day. Likewise, the Church teaches that the ownership of goods is not an absolute right […] While strongly proclaiming the right to private property, the Pontiff affirmed with equal clarity that the ‚use‘ of goods, entrusted to one‘s own freedom, is subordinated to: the primordial and common destiny of created goods and also to the will of Jesus Christ.“

And John Paul II, drawing on these words, reaffirms the same ideas:

The primordial origin of everything that is a good is the very act of God who created the world and man, and who gave man the earth, so that he might dominate it by his work and enjoy its fruits […] Now, the Earth does not bear its fruits without a particular response of man to God‘s gift, that is, without work. It is through work that man, using his intelligence and his freedom, succeeds in mastering it and making it his worthy dwelling place. In this way he appropriates a part of the Earth, which he has conquered through his work: this is the origin of individual property. Obviously it is also his responsibility not to prevent other men from obtaining their share of God‘s gift, indeed, he must cooperate with them in order to dominate the whole Earth together.“

Thus he conceals capitalist economic basis, surplus value and exploitative relations.

He defends the family as the center:

The first fundamental structure in favor of ‚human ecology‘ is the family […] The family must be considered once again as the sanctuary of life […] it is sacred […] it is the place where life, the gift of God, can be welcomed and protected in an adequate manner against the multiple attacks to which it is exposed […] Against the so-called culture of death, the family constitutes the seat of the culture of life.“

In capitalism, more in imperialism, the family is to protect the inheritance of the goods acquired through exploitation; it is a concept opposed to the Communist society in which the whole will look after everyone; today only the families of the exploiters can protect the rights of their children; but the iniquitous system does not even allow the development of social relations between the members of the supposed family that, as things go, does not even exist anymore because individualism is so exacerbated in the bourgeoisie that there is no greater interest than the particular above the general. And in the proletariat and in the people‘s masses there is not even the right to decide how many children they can have and they impose on them birth control programs that the Church itself facilitates covertly, officially prohibits abortion but underneath it works behind the stupid and mendacious slogan of „responsible parenthood“.

With the hypocrisy that for thousands of years it exercises, it hides its pro-imperialist position of defender of the market economy although in no paragraph of the document is the phrase social market economy written; and its criticism of consumerism or the uncontrolled market does not mean that it does not defend the market; what it rather reveals is its pro-European position but imperialist in the end; what happens is that foreseeing that Yankee imperialism advances to be the only hegemonic superpower it cannot retaliate against it and it accommodates itself:

Returning now to the initial question, can it perhaps be said that, after the failure of Communism, the winning system is capitalism and that the efforts of the countries trying to rebuild their economy and society are directed towards it? Is this perhaps the model to be proposed to 3rd World countries seeking the path of true economic and civil progress? […] The answer is obviously complex. If by ‚capitalism‘ we mean an economic system that recognizes the fundamental and positive role of the enterprise, of the market, of private property and the consequent responsibility for the means of production, of free human creativity in the sector of the economy, the answer is certainly positive, although perhaps it would be more appropriate to speak of ‚enterprise economy‘, ‚market economy‘ or simply ‚free economy‘. But if by ‚capitalism‘ is meant a system in which freedom, in the economic sphere, is not framed in a solid juridical context that places it at the service of integral human freedom and considers it as a particular dimension of the same, whose center is ethical and religious, then the answer is absolutely negative […] The Marxist solution has failed, but phenomena of marginalization and exploitation remain in the world, especially in the 3rd World, as well as phenomena of human alienation, especially in the most advanced countries; against such phenomena the voice of the Church is raised.“

The Church has no models to propose […] For this objective the Church offers, as an ideal and indispensable orientation, her own social doctrine, which — as has been said — recognizes the positivity of the market and of enterprise, but at the same time indicates that these must be oriented towards the common good. This doctrine also recognizes the legitimacy of workers‘ efforts to achieve full respect for their dignity and broader spaces of participation in the life of the enterprise, so that, even when working together with others and under the direction of others, they can consider in a certain sense that they are ‚working on something of their own‘ by exercising their intelligence and freedom.“

The enterprise cannot be considered only as a ‚society of capitals‘: it is at the same time a society of persons, in which those who contribute the capital necessary for its activity and those who collaborate with their work enter in different ways and with specific responsibilities […]“ „In the light of the ‚new things‘ of today the relationship between individual or private property and the universal destination of goods has been considered anew.“ „The ownership of the means of production, whether in the industrial or agricultural field, is just and legitimate when it is used for useful work; but it is illegitimate when it is not valued or serves to impede the work of others.“ „The obligation to earn one‘s bread by the sweat of one‘s brow is, at the same time, a right. A society in which this right is systematically denied and economic policy measures do not allow workers to achieve satisfactory levels of employment, can neither achieve its ethical legitimacy nor just social peace […] property is justified when it creates, in due ways and circumstances, opportunities for work and human growth for all.“

He conceived of a balanced bourgeois-democratic State, with three powers:

Leo XIII was not unaware that a sound theory of the State was necessary to ensure the normal development of human activities […] that is why the Pope presents the organization of society structured in three powers: legislative, executive and judicial […] Such an ordering reflects a realistic view of the social nature of man which demands a liberty adequate to protect the freedom of all. In this respect it is preferable that one power be balanced by other powers and other spheres of competence, which keep it within its proper limits. This is the principle of the ‚State of law‘, in which the law is sovereign and not the arbitrary will of men.“

He defends the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie against the dictatorship of the proletariat:

The Church appreciates the system of democracy insofar as it ensures the participation of citizens in political choices and guarantees the governed the possibility of choosing and controlling their own rulers or else that of replacing them opportunely in a peaceful manner.“ „For this very reason, it cannot allow the formation of restricted ruling groups that, for particular interests or ideological motives, usurp the power of the State. An authentic democracy is possible only in a State governed by the rule of law and on the basis of a right conception of the human person.“ „Nor does the Church turn a blind eye to the danger of fanaticism, or fundamentalism, of those who, in the name of an ideology with scientific or religious pretensions, believe that they can impose their conception of truth and goodness on other men.“ „Not of this kind is Christian truth. Since it is not ideological, the Christian faith does not claim to frame in a rigid scheme the changing socio-political reality and recognizes that man’s life unfolds in history under diverse and not perfect conditions. The Church, therefore, by constantly ratifying the transcendent dignity of the person, uses respect for freedom as her own method.“

Finally, we believe it is necessary to know his conception of the much touted human rights:

After the fall of Communist totalitarianism and many other totalitarian and ‚national security‘ regimes, we are witnessing today the predominance, not without contrasts, of the democratic ideal together with a lively attention and concern for human rights. But precisely for this reason, it is necessary that the peoples who are reforming their legal systems give democracy an authentic and solid foundation, through the explicit recognition of these rights. Among the main ones we must remember: the right to life of which the child‘s right to grow under the mother‘s heart, after having been conceived, is an integral part; the right to live in a united family and in a moral environment, favorable to the development of one‘s own personality; the right to mature one‘s own intelligence and freedom through the search for and knowledge of truth; the right to participate in work in order to value the goods of the Earth and to obtain from it the sustenance for oneself and one’s loved ones; the right to freely found a family, to welcome and educate one‘s children, making responsible use of one‘s sexuality. The source and synthesis of these rights is, in a certain sense, religious freedom understood as the right to live in the truth of one’s faith and in conformity with the transcendent dignity of one‘s person.“

Therein lies the crux of their rights: to live in the truth of the Catholic faith, in the transcendence of human life.

By way of conclusion we transcribe Chairman Gonzalo’s comments on the Encyclical and which summarize the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought position of the CPP:

See the historical context and perspective in which both Encyclicals were written: 1891, Rerum Novarum and 1991 Centesimus Annus; the first 20 years after the defeat of the Commune, when the old revisionism was going on the offensive, Marxism had not yet found the way to conquer power by force of arms, and capitalism was developing in the so-called ‚Belle époque‘ completing the formation of imperialism. The second, the Centesimus Annus,35 years after the overthrow of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the restoration of capitalism in the USSR, and 15 years after the same in China, when a convergent offensive of imperialism, revisionism and world reaction against Marxism is unfolding in collusion and contention; when imperialism proclaims a ‚technological revolution‘, extends its domination over the remains of what was the socialist system and proclaims the definitive triumph of capitalism and bourgeois democracy; but when the proletariat guided by Communist Parties and with the light of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism learned to conquer power with the People‘s War, build socialism and with the cultural revolution continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, even though; it is still pending to create in the class struggle the laws of socialism, to discover, understand and apply them fully and completely, to establish and consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat taking the power more and more from below to guarantee its exercise by the masses under the leadership of the Party; and when the task of the international proletariat and the Communist Parties, as well as the deepest need of the masses, remains irrepressibly today more than yesterday and tomorrow more than today, to develop and lead the Proletarian World Revolution to its triumph by sweeping imperialism from the face of the globe, to build deeply and broadly socialism in all spheres of society and with successive proletarian cultural revolutions ‚to make the Earth a paradise‘. Communism, the beginning of the kingdom of freedom for all of humanity. In this context, drawing lessons, it is necessary to analyze the new Encyclical, conceiving it as part of the offensive of imperialism, revisionism and world reaction, although with its own specific interests, those of the Papacy, those of the Vatican and its theocratic dreams, today sinisterly revived.“ (03.05.1991.)

Within these criteria we can judge the systematic condemnation of the Archbishop of Peru Vargas Alzamora and other hierarchs. When the great blackout in April in Lima, he denounced that 12 people had died as a result of the action and declared that it was very important to reinsert them, where are they? And who were they? Chairman Gonzalo commented:

Very good! Here is a clear and resounding example of the role of the Church: The highest hierarch of the Catholic Church of Peru artfully attacks the People‘s War and at the same time puts his hopes in imperialism. An expressive negative example which, like others, must be explained to the masses.“

In May, while the bishop of Moyobamba was dealing with the MRTA for the release of the hostages, the archbishop manifested his willingness to participate and mediate in pacification: „Agreement in all sectors is necessary to pacify the nation“, furthermore „the Church is willing to mediate between the government and the rebels in arms, but not only so that the subversives speak but listen […] the Church cannot act for the hostages in Moyobamba […] it is another jurisdiction“. While the bishops with an appeal pointed out; „once and for all it must be clearly stated who are for life and peace in our homeland and who on the contrary exclude themselves and place themselves at the margin of this personal and social commitment. Peru can wait no longer!“. Within days of each other, the Peruvian Episcopal Conference asked to lay down their arms and once again called on „those who have chosen the path of violence […] to banish all forms of terrorism, participating in the construction of a more just and fraternal Peru […]“ and invited all political groups to sit at the „peace tables“ to seek an integral strategy of responses against political violence „seeking the progressive and profound pacification of the country“.

In June again the Archbishop asked „men of violent heart“ to abandon the wrong path because „death, terror and threats only bring more suffering and unrest to the affected families and hinder the development of the peoples“, but of the application of the brutal shock of August ‘90 and the criminal measures of Boloña in ‘91, under the mandate of the starver Fujimori that generated 13.000.000 Peruvians in poverty, there was not a single word of condemnation or summons, at least; instead he claimed for the importance of „reinsertion“, that is, the payment of the debt to imperialism which causes hunger, desperation, greater unemployment and plunges into ignorance more than a million children who stop studying, thus acting against what his own pope claims and denounces against the debt in his Encyclical. Thus we can see the counter-revolutionary black entrails of this raven of the Catholic Church, incapable of confronting a starving, genocidal and country-selling government. On the day of the peasants he returns to the charge of „sow that something remains“ and blames us for being the cause of the poverty of the peasantry as if the roots of semi-feudalism, submission to imperialism and bureaucratic capitalism had been generated by the People‘s War; but if he speaks of the peasants being the ones who suffer most from the violence, he should in any case specify that it is the violence of the genocidals.

In July is when the archbishop is going to go on to call his front. „Unity against the subversives“ he said „it is necessary to rise up in a single force to not allow subversion to take advantage of our weaknesses“, this is his desire to command a front of pacification and the Catholic Church feels it is the only social institution, with the capacity to put itself above the classes that can „save“ humanity and also wishes to subsist in communism and so it specifies today its role as ideological shield: to be an active ideological, political and organizational part of the general counter-revolutionary offensive.

And on July 28th, the priest Jorge Aguilar proclaimed his praise for the pro-imperialist position of the arch-reactionary Fujimori government defending the so-called people‘s capitalism, the micro-enterprises that are but a complementary part of the neoliberal economies and that De Soto described as the solution to the general crisis of bureaucratic capitalism:

As Church we are witnesses of the economic originality that the people have not only in their creative capacity but their audacity to invest in projects […] we see how small shops, wineries, small industries, community and communal works are multiplying, the Church supports them and asks the government to support these initiatives by easing the formalities so that people can work […]“

And since we are the Devil“ who is against these initiatives, he reminds us to „put down violence as an attitude of life and show us your faces to build the country“. Our attitude of life is not to subsist, the people do not want to live for the sake of living, they want to live to transform the world, to manage its laws and with these to build a just and equal world for all humanity, to build Communism; and that we show our faces is similar to what the military spreads, „they do not show their faces“, is that they seek to betray us and annihilate us; when we are the only ones who with our naked bodies and our souls filled with Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought revolutionary conviction, show ourselves without hypocrisy and proclaim our ideology in words and deeds because we are not afraid to die the death of a thousand cuts, that is why we are capable of destroying the old and build a world of lasting peace. Who among Catholics acts like this?

In August, following the pattern of mainly Yankee imperialism and the country-selling Fujimori, the archbishop demands that the diplomatic corps spread abroad the image that Peru is a country of faith, that seeks to conquer peace for its territory. In September, Bishop Dammert, another black raven hierarch, has the shamelessness to speak of a Peru of peace in a country bloody with hunger and in a mass for peace he speaks to Chairman Gonzalo and tells him that he will pardon his life and the lives of his followers. But we do not need his forgiveness because we have nothing to be forgiven except not doing more for the revolution and we live with our souls in peace immolating ourselves for the most beautiful thing a human being can do, to give himself to the fight for Communism on Earth. They have just distributed a booklet, „Peace on Earth“, at the Peruvian Episcopal Conference, reflections they say for these times of violence, despite not having studied it, it can be seen that in the point on judgment on the situation, of 9 points it contains, 5 are directed directly against the CPP and the People‘s War, part of which is that nothing justifies violence using the pretext of ideas:

The terrorists have no consideration for human life and subordinate it to the achievement of their objectives; that violence is the result of a negative mentality: that the terrorist groups that have taken up arms against the Peruvian state violate the minimal humanitarian norms that should be applied in an armed conflict, evidence? There is none, that is why they do not provide it; what does terrorist violence seek? To obtain power by imposing terror in order to achieve subjugation; contempt and hatred towards the poorest.“

The other points are the violence exercised by certain elements of the forces of order; it seems to be added to the previous ones a violence called „paramilitary“; another source of violence are drug trafficking and various types of crime; It ends by saying that „politics and national institutions such as the Judiciary, the National Congress, regional and municipal governments as well as all public administration are at the service of the human person and must have a special consideration for him“, this is so vague that it is not known if it is the policy of the State or of the government and it does not even mention the Executive, much less the genocidal and country-selling President Fujimori who is the one who establishes Peruvian policy, according to the Peruvian Constitution. In addition to politics, „the economy must also place the human person and the satisfaction of his basic needs at the center of its concerns“: We are therefore right when we describe the Catholic Church and its hierarchs as mendacious and hypocritical. But we do not only note their political actions. So the statement that „my episcopate is not of this world“ is superfluous.

In Mexico they have just spread in the weekly magazine Always that „the Church is first of all the oldest power, indeed, the oldest, most intolerant and intricate power that humanity has ever known“. And they are not Communists and they say this referring to „the locks that today the government is removing from the Mexican clergy and that later the government will put them on the clergy in the form of pressure or perhaps even as a gag“, regarding the modifications to the articles of the constitution favorable to the Catholic Church.

Red alert in Peru“. „The guerrilla group Shining Path is one step away from power in that country.“ This warning was originally published in the newspaper Avenire, an organ belonging to the Italian Episcopal Conference, published in El Mercurio of Santiago de Chile.

In short, the Catholic Church in the world and in Peru is acting within the general counter-revolutionary offensive ideologically, organically and politically, playing an increasingly active role.

Plans and Campaigns.

As ideas come from practice and return to it to transform it, the role of ideological shield that this reactionary institution is developing is taking shape through an intense political activity and proliferating a series of „pacification“ organizations of religious and seculars, we will mention some of its plans and campaigns carried out during this 3rd Campaign.

As we saw in the Preparatory Session of the 2nd Plenum, they will participate in the PES, Fujimori‘s social emergency plan, which was a complete failure and from which they withdrew in sharp contradiction with the government. They have continued with their own subsistence plans with donations mainly from the Yankee government and other European imperialists, especially in the countryside and in the slums of the cities, Caritas is an example; there they manipulate the needs of hunger to buy the masses for their stomachs and win followers to their anti-scientific ideology based on faith and charity which is nothing more than class conciliation. Another very active plan is that of the so-called pacification, it collaborates at last in the Council for Peace and we have already dealt at length with its twists and turns, but the main thing is the set of campaigns of its own within which are the Act for Peace in the Plaza Francia in Lima where the Peruvian Association of Studies for Peace with the priest McGregor gave his opinion on the Council for Peace and said that it was on the right track, that the October meeting would allow uniting all the forces of our country in a single dimension, which? against the People‘s War. In that same political act organized by the Institute for Life and Peace, the repentant of his Liberation Theology, the priest Gutiérrez described the Party as „bloodthirsty“, that „it does not respect the life of anyone“, that „no considerations should be made“, that „the killing of priests and neighborhood leaders shows that it acts against those who are not considered enemies“. Other marches such as those of the Young Peoples of Lima, where the Party acts with force, also in the northern cone such as the march for peace and human rights in the districts of Independencia, Comas, Los Olivos, called by the Commission „Peru, life and peace“ in which the „committed lady“ spoke. One of the most publicized was that of Canto Grande, even because of the place it was strategically important for them to get a good contingent and agitate against the People‘s War, but the truth is that not even with nuns, priests, parish libraries, catechists, parishes and other neighborhood organizations, mothers’ clubs, soup kitchens, Christian communities, non-governmental organizations, etc., were they able to gather not even 400 people. They could not even gather 400 people and they called it: „Great mobilization for peace and development.“ They did not go beyond carrying a few white banners with „We want peace!“ and „Children are not used, children are respected!“ fulfilling their active part in the distribution of counter-revolutionary tasks such as the black campaign of the alleged use of children to discredit us before the masses, knowing that the Church, because it is well informed, that this was a false accusation and a plan set up by reaction. Another slogan „No to hunger and terror!“, who causes the hunger? Who are the genocidals? Yes, but mothers are also divided into classes and being poor or proletarian they can become lackeys of reaction or servants of imperialism or agents of the genocidal Armed and Police Forces, even snitches and scabs of their own children, then the problem is to unmask and differentiate what kind of mother one is either of the people or against the people and what plans of the community one is serving consciously or unconsciously. It is very symptomatic, for example, the article of the government newspaper The Peruvian entitled Shining Path against the people“ and the article signed by Henry Pease of the IU with the same title appeared in The Republic, both disagree on questions of economic policy but coincide in pointing against the people’s war and converge in the psychological campaign of the army. Another banner pointed to the youth: „The youth of Canto Grande work for peace“ is that the Church with its old experience knows who to aim at, that is why we are two parties in conflict that must know each other well, we have the youth, not the Church, but we must increase more young people and children because they are the future. There they sang the national anthem which is a hymn of oppression and a supposed representative of the Broad Front for Peace and Development of San Juan of Lurigancho spoke. We have already dealt with these development and peace organizations in the mobilization of the population and resources in the Yankee strategy of so-called low-intensity warfare. He said that it was necessary to overcome the fear of those who assassinate leaders in the name of the people, he demanded support from the government for the development of the district, that the law that finances the Glass of Milk be complied with and requested an industrial park for the youth as well as the development of small and micro entrepreneurs; his rejection of us was limited to invoking the authority of the votes of the bourgeois-democrats because they can no longer accuse us, as they did before, that we are disconnected from the masses, now they appeal to how many votes the CPP has obtained? The IU mayors of San Juan of Lurigancho and Villa el Salvador also attended. It is correct that it was a failure, however we must learn to know the enemy well, strategically underestimate it and tactically take it very much into account because this is how they are going to use their contingent and move it against the People‘s War, that is why it is necessary to carry out counter-campaigns of political ideological unmasking so that the masses do not allow themselves to be cajoled by one of the most recalcitrant institutions of reaction and do not allow them to be used by taking advantage of their respectable popular religiosity or buy them because of their hunger. The response before, during and after with local anxiety was of great effect but we must strengthen it with leaflets, graffiti, incursions in assemblies and above all strengthen more the double policy and infiltrate all types of organizations and unmask them, undermine them until they are destroyed, they are yellow or gray apparatuses and there we must act in function of promoting the preparations for the insurrection.

In the department of San Martin the Church has formed another front in collusion with the IU and local authorities. In Puno they are claiming the main role in pacification. In the North we have already seen the „peace rounds“ and there are those sent by the Pope. In the middle North, the Church is the one distributing counter-revolutionary leaflets prepared by the Army. In Ayacucho they act with all the plans they have, from the subsistence programs to the jungle missions in the support bases. In the Center, the food subsistence programs are used as a way of trafficking the hunger of the people to serve the annihilation plans of the People‘s War. In Lima, in addition to their marches for peace in the PJ, they develop artistic-cultural presentations with what is left of the IU, above all with the MAS, to attract young people to their ranks because their beliefs do not convince the youth; as well as the carnival marches, false „pasacalles“ that they use to increase their contingents, organized by „Peru, Life and Peace“ in the center of Lima. Also at Flag Square they made vows for peace on the „Day of the tree“, we oppose this vile traffic of the customs of our people for counter-revolutionary purposes. Another way is the active participation in the flag hoisting on Sundays, organized by the Army and executed by the municipalities or the Cuaves in Villa El Salvador where the Church makes public appeals for Peace.

It has financed and directed very expensive television and radio campaigns against the People‘s „ar, among others „Compartir“ and „Cuida a tus hijos“ or a last one about children. „We want to live“. And it is calling for a minute of silence throughout the country for the World Day of Peace.

In June, the Episcopal Conference of Social Action (CEAS), through its executive secretary, informed the German press agency (DPA) of the soundings initiated in Sweden and Germany by the Peruvian Catholic Church to promote a peace dialogue between the government of President Fujimori and the subversive groups, saying:

The Church has information according to which the Túpac Amaru group is willing to sit at the table to dialogue on pacification and that many members of the CPP group that has absolutely no political will to dialogue, wish to leave that group.“

He also said that the government had been clear in affirming that it was not going to dialogue with people who are armed, „but we also know that there are some sectors that would be very interested in opening doors“? That within the MRTA there were two tendencies, one ready to begin negotiations for a surrender and a dialogue and another very strong one that still maintains the position of the armed struggle and the current conditions of their war. On the other hand, the CPP is trying to push the MRTA forces to isolate them in remote regions of the jungle towards the border with Ecuador or Colombia. He concluded that the Church has to be at the side of the people and that it will not withdraw from the zones that are suffering this situation of violence; he added that the Church insisted that there has to be another way out than military and that „this is the moment to open the conditions to open the dialogue in Peru, in spite of the fact that everything divides us“. These simple final sentences are another demonstration that we are in the strategic balance, the Church is also recovering positions to defend the system against the People‘s War and feels that this is the moment if it cannot move to unmanageable circumstances for them.

They invited the German government to receive reports on human rights in Lima and promoted the arrival of a European Catholic Human Rights Commission that coincided with the OAS Commission in an interesting political convergence. In November, the European Commission for Justice and Peace was formed by members of the Peace and Justice Commissions of Spain, Germany, Belgium, France, the Netherlands, England and Wales, (organizations created by the Episcopal Conferences following the call of the 2nd Vatican Council to raise organizations that study the issue of development, peace and human rights) came to Peru and urged the subversive groups to „renounce this wrong path and seek ways for dialogue and pacification“ and the government „not to answer terrorism with terrorism“; they said:

We have been able to verify that Peruvians suffer from the violence that reigns in the country. We condemn the terrorism with which armed groups try to impose their ideology. The ways in which these groups operate deeply violate the human dignity of the victims.“

They added that they had received many testimonies from victims of counter-subversive violence of the Peruvian government, which confirmed:

The almost total impunity of crimes of terrorism as well as the impunity of human rights violations by the State, which contribute to the high level of political violence in Peru.“


If we want to solve the problem of terrorism, we must solve the problem of drug trafficking that sustains or finances these groups.“ „We consider the murders, death threats, forced recruitment into the ranks of the Shining Path and any other violence of terrorist action to be totally reprehensible. In addition, violence causes serious material damage to the national economy.“

There one can verify the eagerness to place themselves above classes, groups or regimes in order to basically apply their own counter-revolutionary plan, apart from always leaning in favor of the counter-revolution.

Another of the counterrevolutionary political plans that they apply is the formation of training workshops for young people in micro-enterprise projects with money from the United States and the Basque Country of Spain. The adjunct bishop of Callao, Irízar, pronounced in an inauguration ceremony of one of these centers: „Let us not be afraid of those who want to put fear into us“, always instigating against the People‘s War and discrediting the Party, we Communists do not put fear into anyone, there are the imperialists, reactionaries, exploiters and revisionists who are afraid of the power of the class and its ideology. This „Craft Tools Center“ has been created with donations to Caritas Callao where, according to the director himself, they are carrying out a plan to create soft loans for the technicians trained in this Center, purchase and sale of supplies for training workshops and occupational centers sponsored by the Church. The president of the respective CEAS Commission informed that as of 1991, 9.000 people have been trained, 400 family productive units, 150 micro-enterprises and 27 pilot workshops. The North American institution „Hope and Solidarity“ contributed 80.000 dollars and the Basque donation was 40.000. Consequently, behind the fallacy that we are frightening them, they cover up the capitalist accumulation plan that neo-liberalism is promoting today to promote the market economy and under these modalities to suck the blood of the people, who are putting their hopes in the little that they have been able to get from years of exploitative work; these modes of family and artisan work do not bring any benefit to the masses, first, they do not receive any salary, second, they work piecework, in days longer than those stipulated by the Peruvian Constitution of 8 hours because they are between 12 or 14 hours of work invested, even more the whole family works including children and the elderly and if by chance a visitor arrives they also make them participate in the work to comply with the deliveries that are committed to make on certain dates, third, lacking social security and subject to pay the full cost of inputs, highly burdensome because they are purchased in small quantities; fourth, the masses themselves pay for the electricity, water and fuel used for the work, an expense that is added to the costs of production but which is not taken into account; fifth, the people are generally the unemployed workers that have arisen due to the anti-people measures of Fujimori and his master, Yankee imperialism. This is what the Church is fomenting the accumulation of capitalist surplus value for the benefit of the Peruvian bourgeoisie and imperialism and its political background is to dampen the explosiveness of the masses to serve the three tasks of reaction, in this case to re-impulse bureaucratic capitalism. This is what we need to make the masses understand and also penetrate these monsters to unmask them, undermine them and blow them up from within.

The superior of the Salesian Congregation also came to Peru from Rome and proclaimed that the Church responds to fear with the education of the youth: „In the world totalitarian and militarized violence has fallen because of its internal rottenness not because of international conflicts“, what is this internal rot? He does not say, maybe he is talking about Italian fascism that his pope Pius XII never condemned; he said that „teaching the youth and the people in human values was the answer of the Church to violence“, they want to put their ideology in the youth and get more into Education. He informed that they have 45 schools in Peru, 3 pedagogical institutes and homes for abandoned youth. The Church is allowed to have its own schools to poison the youth and create arch-reactionaries who will lead the old exploitative States in the future.

But their work does not stop there, in the specific field of their religious work they program masses for peace such as the one in which Bishop Dammert allowed political banners with counter-revolutionary slogans: Thou shalt not kill! No more violence! No to terrorism! They program days of prayer for peace such as the one on October 14th. They promote events such as the Debate on Evangelization in America in Ayacucho. Or the 1st Catholic Social Encounter: „The social doctrine of the Church and work. An option in the face of the crisis“, in which instead of focusing on their religious functions they undertake them against the popular war from the words of the inauguration to those of the closing as when the Apostolic Nuncio Luigi Dossena manifests:

Today we are violently threatened by terrorism that murders priests [first them], businessmen [the owners of capital], politicians [the reactionaries and revisionists], civilians [exploiters, gamonals, lackeys, informers] and military [the genocidals], and destroys every public and private initiative in favor of progress and development.“

The eternal defenders of the old now gibber against the builders of the new. There they also expose political and economic talks their secular cadres as the dean of the Faculty of Economics of the University of the Pacific Gonzalez Izquierdo who spoke on „The role of labor in the market“ or the economist who floats since Velasco in power, Silva Ruete „The options before the crisis“ in addition to German theologians paid especially by the Peruvian Church.

They develop the 4th Peruvian Social Week sponsored by the CEAS, „The Peruvian Church and the world of work“ around which the lectures deal with unemployment, underemployment, the role of the unions, the entrepreneurial management of the State, etc. They use, then, these tribunes to propagandize their market economy and the social doctrine of the Church as the solution to the crisis of socialism and the mercantilist consumerism of capitalism, they want a market economy of the German type with the participation of the State with social measures, etc., which is in their encyclical, but directing their attacks against the People‘s War and the CPP. An issue that we also verified in the words of Dammert in that September event is the decreasing acceptance of his ideology by the Peruvian people when referring to the social doctrine of the Church in Peru:

I detect a slow and painful advance of the same in our environment, which indicates that the DSI has not yet sufficiently penetrated the hearts of believers to be able to make the profound changes that the social situation demands.“

They have also held the 1st Encounter of Catholic Youth with the same counter-revolutionary content as the previous events, seeking to win over the youth because every day there are fewer and fewer who approach them, but how are they going to be defined by the Catholic Church, angry colts who seek the new and who in this country have lived 11 years of their lives the greatest process of revolutionary transformation? And while they see that the one preaches submission, the other applies rebellion, if they hear promises of a heaven that no one has ever seen and see new worlds built in very few historical times, their logical and consistent position is to tend towards the revolution and this is the revolutionary enthusiasm that we must continue to stimulate so that they join more to the People‘s War. The same is true of the women who make up half the world.

All these acts are eminently counter-revolutionary political acts that aim behind the scenes of pacification to annihilate the people’s war, that is why they also act as informers and informers or interpose themselves in the midst of combat. But it should be very clear that these plans and campaigns are programmed by the hierarchs of the Peruvian Church following the orders of the highest hierarchy of the Vatican and that very different is the attitude of some religious, grassroots elements that live in the countryside and that although they are very few, they also feel the need to participate in the revolution and with them we apply the policy of the United Front.

Recall of Sacrements and Monks. The Polish Curiae.

In the Preparatory Session of the 2nd Plenum, page 187, we rightly stated:

The Church also demands an anti-subversive strategy from the government; upon his return from Rome, Archbishop Vargas Alzamora strongly condemned the criminal attitude of the subversive groups and said ‚pacification is a task that cannot be postponed for all Peruvians‘. The Church has started a campaign, ‚Compartir 1990‘, under the banner of aid to the 50.000 displaced people in the emergency zones. In the month of October it has come to light how the Church develops its organizations to fight us and how years ago they had organized apparatuses to confront us. In his visit to Peru the Pope said: ‚Turn your gaze towards Ayacucho […] it is still time‘, and gave birth to the Commission of missions in emergency zones of the conference of religious of Peru; 40 congregations are part of it, it was created 5 years ago, in ‘85, as a result of the first papal visit, they work in the highlands, in emergency zones, they offer instruction, literacy, in the local and communal schools. They are an instrument of ideological penetration, of undermining the People‘s War, using their condition as nuns and women, a counter-revolutionary female battalion to better protect themselves and generate scandal in case they are attacked. The Church fulfills ideological, political and organizational role, this must be unmasked and known by the people so that it can be seen that the class struggle confronts that ‚putting oneself above dreaming of the kingdom of heaven‘ covers up ardent crusaders, frenzied counter-revolutionaries here on Earth.“

We differentiate the Church as a reactionary institution defender of the order of exploitation and the religiosity of the people which is nothing but the social creation in which it takes refuge to explain its situation of hunger or poverty; we also differentiate religious function of Church, that is the exercise of its worship, prayers, masses, from its counter.revolutionary action, we base ourselves on the Programme of the Party which conceives of the full freedom to believe and not to believe; and within the Church we differentiate its hierarchy from its grassroots elements. And as for the separation of Church and State, only when socialism develops will this be achieved, because today what they proclaim in this regard is a farce, since the Church is part of the institutions that sustain the old reactionary States, even though they apparently keep themselves apart from them.

During the present 3rd Campaign there have been the death of two Polish priests in Ancash, that of the nun McCormack in Junin and that of the Italian parish priest of Santa, Chimbote. All these cases deserve to be investigated and fairly analyzed. An immense propagandistic outcry was generated about the Poles and the Italian, but it was not the first time that similar events had occurred, as in the case of the two Peruvian Sisters of the Good Shepherd and the Australian Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart, in September 1990 and May 1991 in the jungle of Junin and in the highlands of Huasahuasi, when on those occasions they limited themselves to accusing us of their authorship and the causes were their active participation in subsistence plans and for actively opposing the execution of black heads, and they did not go beyond two journalistic pronouncements.

Who were these priests? Let‘s start from the fact that in Peru most of the religious missionaries are foreigners. The Italian and the Poles belonged to the parishes of the Northern Zone of Peru where the active counter-revolutionary role of the Catholic Church has been proven. Of the Poles it is clear that being Franciscans they depended directly on the Papacy and not on any of the two provinces of the territorial organization of Franciscans of Peru: that it was the bishop of Basque origin of Huaraz Gurruchaga, he of the peace rounds, who expressly requested their presence three years ago; that from Krakow, Poland they went to Chimbote from where Bishop Bambarén sent volunteers to a red zone from which the police had retreated; that they worked actively in the zone and bought a mobility with the money of the Italian parishioners, that they erected a Church; that they learned Quechua and came to direct the subsistence food program; That they received an invitation from the CPP to leave the zone and let the masses organize themselves in these distributions; that on August 9th, 1991, in the second incursion, the mayor and the deputy mayor were executed and that the two priests and Sister Bertha Hernández Guerra were taken away in the parish car and that later the woman returned alive, but not the men, whose corpses with a bullet in the back of the neck appeared with a sign: „Death to the faithful of imperialism!“; that, according to what the nun revealed, on the way they talked for 45 minutes about the political content of the so-called social emergency programs of the Church.

Before these events, as well as before the death of the parish priest, the repercussion reached the Vatican, the Pope celebrated a special mass, sent a telegram of condolences and the Poles, before the Peruvian chancellery, demanded security for their compatriots. Express urged the Church to lead a crusade to call for prayers, processions against terrorism, but received silence for an answer, we already know that the Church has its own plan and does not want to be used by anyone. Bishop Dammert advised the priests, especially foreigners, to withdraw from the emergency zones and in general recommended prudence and caution to all priests, which was harshly criticized and among the series of interviews he gave to the press he also said that the murder of religious by the Shining Path could mean a new strategy considering that the Catholic Church, due to its roots in the nation, is the entity that can stop their advance. These declarations clashed with the publication of the Pastoral Letter of the Peruvian Episcopal Conference signed by the same bishop, in which they state that God has entrusted them in those areas and that he has demanded their blood, it is necessary to say that there is no religious fervor. Later the same bishop declared that it was a war crime like others. Here one can see the divergences that the hierarchs of the Church have and how not even one has firm ideas but changes them like a weathercock according to the interests at stake.

Bambarén said that „there was a diabolical blackmail“, that „the CPP has set its sights on the Church“, at least in his diocese, he says that we see in them a great impediment because of the evangelical message they preach, what message is he talking about? It will be their counterrevolutionary action that we are going to unmask and defeat definitively. The bishop of Callao Durand replied to the previous one: „They are not going against the Church“ and said on radio at national level that he knew by eyewitness that they had been annihilated for lulling the people to sleep by speaking so much for peace and for paralyzing them with supplies from imperialism, he said „they have been accused of impeding the advance of the revolution“. Meanwhile, Archbishop Richter Prada asked that these crimes against foreign religious be clarified. The acolyte, lay administrator of the sacraments, H. Pease, said: It was for favoring peace, which is Christ‘s option.“ There were also those who said that the motives were the xenophobia of the CPP towards all foreigners. By way of conclusion on this concrete problem, we take a paragraph from the aforementioned Letter that expresses the profound upheaval that these events have caused in the institution:

The new situation of violence against the Church invites us to reflect and to review our works but above all to the evangelical authenticity in our missionary work.“

In synthesis, we have unmasked them and the repercussion has been worldwide reaching the very burrow of the papal ecclesiastical hierarchy and in the Peruvian Church they are reflecting on the role of their so-called welfare works which are nothing but counter-revolutionary political plans and campaigns.

Another situation of similar repercussion and which has been very much used by the Peruvian reaction as part of the psychological action of the low-intensity war they are applying is the propagandization of the action of the evangelical of the Cutivireni Mission, the Franciscan Magnon, in the Ene valley, with the Ashaninka natives. He had been working in the region since the 1970s but since ILA-80 he adopted a contrary position, particularly since ‘85 when the Party installed one of its support bases in the place and his parishioners were joining our ranks; he went so far as to request in writing the presence of the reactionary army until they installed a counter-subversive base. The policy of our Party was to invite him through many forms and requirements to submit to the New Power and limit himself to strictly religious work and abstain from counter-revolutionary actions; several incursions of sabotage and razing were carried out until we forced him to leave the place, the truth is that he never confronted the guerrillas; Today, in what yesterday was a „religious mission“ there is a counter-subversive military base from where the bloodiest campaigns of annihilation of combatants and the masses of Junín and Ayacucho are planned, directed and executed.

Here we have a difference, some were counter-revolutionary cadres trained by the present Pope to act as crusaders against the people’s war in Peru and others who in the course of their duties have adopted an active counterrevolutionary position.

That the Church should return to the catacombs and act clandestinely seems more like remorse of conscience for its daily mortal sins of systematically pronouncing itself for imperialism, revisionism and Peruvian reaction, against the proletariat and the Peruvian people against the powerful Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought and part of the ridiculous campaigns of psychological warfare.

Finally, we want to say something about the vile traffic that Fujimori made during this first year of government of the religiosity of the Peruvian people with the weeping virgins and the Brazilian saint:

It is clear what interests are behind the campaigns of the ‚Weeping Virgins‘ and ‚Joao de Dios‘, as well as the proterious role of Express. Here is a monstrous and sinister demagogic management of the people‘s backward funds; the dirtiest manipulation of popular religiosity trafficking with the misery and suffering of the people and with desperation; encouraging and exalting the most stultifying superstition that pretends to close the way to political awareness so that the masses do not assume their destiny in their own hands. This crude and artful handling shows fascist methods of the so-called mass psychology and also reveals the action of Yankee imperialism; they are plans and rehearsals on how to develop their psychological operations against the People‘s War and management and control of the population for their three tasks. Take a serious look at these issues.“ (Chairman Gonzalo‘s comments. 04.05.1991.)

The Church and the Pacification.

It synthesizes all that has been dealt with: it fulfills its own plan within the so-called pacification which is nothing but a plan of imperialism and Peruvian reaction to annihilate the People‘s War; it develops its role of political and organizational ideological shield and wants to lead because it believes itself to be above the classes; it is an active part of the general counter-revolutionary offensive.

b. Other Churches

Imperialism, mainly Yankee imperialism, continues to strengthen non-Catholic religious apparatuses with the aim of undermining the revolution in 3rd World countries in particular, hence the active participation of the Peruvian Evangelical Church in the general elections and the presence of active members of this in the current Executive as well as their trips to denounce the alleged killings of their activists by the CPP, joining the condemnations of other international organizations in the campaign against the People‘s War in Peru at the international level. It also follows the proliferation of religious sects in the jungle and in some parts of the Peruvian highlands, all of them fulfilling the same role as the Catholic Church, keeping a distance of dimension.

It was of great repercussion the blow to the World Vision Institution (WVI) causing its withdrawal from Peru starting this year.


Its Role in Peruvian Politics.

Acting within the division of tasks with reaction to annihilate the People‘s War, they have developed their capitulationist action of amnesty and enlistment through the following facts: greater and more active action in the annihilation of combatants for the People‘s War: rescue of the leader M. A. Cumpa: propaganda action in the northern part of the department of San Martín; dialogue and legal integration into the system; division and with bullets to resolve their internal struggles.

On the rescue of the Cumpa. Evidently, with the help of the police forces, a series of strange negligences were committed, from the lack of citation of the detainee by any judge or the type of car that was used or the changes of the escort personnel at the last minute to the chattering and laughing attitude with the miserable guards on the way and even the death of police elements present at the events; including the shooting and the scandalous farce that one of the accused had tried to escape, linking her to the CPP. All these facts showed that they did not want anything to be clarified about the role played by the APRA in the departure of Polay and company and the fall of this leader should have provided new data or elements for the trial, but since the conditions were not ripe to uncover the matter, then the „escape“ was fabricated. Chairman Gonzalo’s comment on the matter is very good: „Another ‚timely escape‘ is part of hindering the proceedings on the exit of Polay and his followers, as part of their struggle is on the table.“

About the „Big Action“ in the North of San Martín.

In their own communiqué they state that it was a „political-military campaign to call the attention of national and international public opinion to the situation of abandonment of the region, the corruption of many of its authorities and the abuse and arrogance of the Political-Military command“. The political objective defines the type of action and this is a simple propaganda action. And what are they calling attention for? There are no causes of the system of exploitation or of the character of the semi-feudal, semi-colonial or bureaucratic capitalist society; nor causes of political superstructure, that is, of the character of the old State through which a class government acts, which they do not see either, because for them the problem of Fujimori is „the inhuman policy of the government of Mr. Fujimori“ or „the swindling of electoral promises“ or „the submission to the international banks“ or „the surrender of our sovereignty through the anti-drug agreement“, for them it is not a big bourgeois landowner exploiter or imperialist, mainly Yankee. Therefore they make an armed struggle to change an inhuman president and solve the problems of the country. And as for the propaganda action itself, it has been but one of the thousands of actions that for more than 11 years we have long and highly overcome in the form of guerrilla combats such as attacks on police posts, simultaneously not in one but in all regions of the country and as part of a set of complementary armed actions such as sabotage, blockades, blackouts, seizures of weapons and capture of hostages or holding of forces in cities and strategic points including massive propaganda actions as the basis of people‘s assemblies of agitation and armed propaganda including people‘s trials. So it is only in small and deformed form a type of propaganda action that failed them. Their focus was to draw attention but to date they have not addressed the problems of the department and by the way they did not even denounce the genocide that continues today. The policy with prisoners for us is rather our routine and we apply it in all the political sense that corresponds because the prisoners of combat are asked if they want to return, if they want to desert or if they want to join, we never deliver them, on principle, to the enemy as spectacularly and with the Catholic Church they did, violating precisely one of the Geneva agreements that they so scrupulously claim to respect; their proposal that the International Red Cross should enter also failed; the game of the reaction to differentiate terrorism from subversion was also a failed rehearsal. The dialogue they also called for in their official communiqué was directed to „all forces without exception that are interested in change to achieve a peace based on justice and the sovereignty of our people“. Chairman Gonzalo justly and correctly teaches us that for MRTA the issue is: „All for dialogue, no revolution, no revolutionary war, no New Power, etc. and all in the name of ‚peace based on justice and the sovereignty of our people‘.“


The statements of the Cumpa leader and those of „Evaristo“ in Caretas are quite ridiculous, especially the first one, which shows a revolutionary woman who focuses on personal issues and the desire to appear, for what she said she did the interview expressly to explain that she had not paid thousands of dollars for her departure. The other was in favor of the Agreement and does not qualify it as imperialist, does not reject it either and like the previous one says that if it fulfills the conditions of developing the zone, favoring and involving the peasants then it would be good, he asked for a congestion in the eradication of coca, he said „we are not against the Agreement, but to oppose it does not mean support to the drug traffickers“ and attacking the CPP: „it has a very fluid relationship with the narcos in Upper Huallaga“.

About the division and resolving their internal struggle with bullets has been made evident by the consecutive interviews of their leaders to the reactionary magazine Caretas making apology for the MRTA. In July, the so-called „Germán“, referring to Polay, stated that „he had abandoned the struggle for socialism, replacing it with a neo-Aprista revolutionary nationalism of the 1920s“ and the „abandonment of the struggle for power“; that „in its 3rd Plenum they thought about the possibility of reinsertion into the system and he said that this should be more integral“; that the Shining Path strategy „is a strategy of defeat […] the minimum conditions to move on to a pacification process must necessarily include the defeat of the Shining Path. A surrender of weapons under the present conditions would develop more violence because it would provoke the growth of the Shining Path and the same will happen with the Armed Forces.“ „We are willing to dialogue with the Armed Forces, with the Church. We believe that this government has no moral strength but there are sectors with which it can at least begin a dialogue […] the Society of Industries itself should be willing to talk with us […] In this context we are willing to defeat the Shining Path politically and militarily as we have done in this zone where we have eliminated more than 60 Shining Path commanders, this would be our contribution to the pacification of the country. This would be our contribution to the pacification of the country. But we should facilitate the way to dialogue and not totally oppose it as the government and the Armed Forces do.“ Very clearly their contribution to pacification consists of annihilating us, there is the statement of fulfilling their role in the distribution of tasks that they apply especially in the Huallaga and the Center.

For Gálvez Olaechea, today detained in Lima, in Canto Grande, the problem of the divergences is that „there is no range of tendencies“ and that „Polay is my friend“; he says „We want a transformation and we believe that it is possible with democracy“; „We have nothing to do with the Shining Path, we do not work for them. We are not of the same line or doctrine“; „the surrender of weapons by the MRTA is not the only possibility to achieve the pacification of the country“; „In the eventuality of a dialogue, which we do not deny, the interlocutors would be the Church or the United Nations, we would have to look for the necessary mechanisms for this to take place, it is a variant, everything depends on the real political will of the MRTA and the dominant groups“: „it should be clear that we are not fighting for our benefit but for the people’s. We would be crazy if, knowing that this would improve the situation of the country, we did not agree, but do not think that we are exhausted or trapped if we do so“. It is seen that he is also for the surrender of arms and believes that with a dialogue the political situation could be changed in favor of the people. He expresses a shamefully capitulationist and ambiguous position, conciliatory in the internal struggle.

In October they held an Enlarged Executive Committee meeting, part of whose agreements were published in the magazine Cambio. It says „Fujimori starvation! The people will win, once again they do not define the class character of the government. Yankee imperialism is now no longer a question of U.S. interests“. They speak of traditional pragmatic and neo-liberal right wing and put AP, PPC, Libertad etc. They speak of the legal left and where do they place the APRA? They forgot it. From the CPP they recognize, without wanting to say it, that we are advancing and it burns them that we are in strategic stalemate. They say textually: „The authoritarian character of Fujimori’s government […] his neo-liberal and surrenderist policies […] his alliance with the Armed Forces and the parties of the traditional right […] as well as the absence of the legal left […] have created a vacuum of alternatives for the popular movement and the people as a whole. The situation of profound economic marginalization […] is creating political conditions for a possible process of people‘s revolution with violent characteristics“. To dare to say that after 11 years of People‘s War in Peru political conditions have just been created for a possible process of revolution with violent characteristics is to gild the pill and close one’s eyes to a reality, since they are not Marxist-Leninist-Maoists they do not put forward objective conditions, nor subjective conditions, nor revolutionary situation and they get entangled in describing facts and lucubrate creations that are already analyzed and clearly established in Marxism; and what it is about is that they are revisionistically reflecting the conditions of maturation of the revolution for the conquest of power, in the end they are denying them because of their capitulationist position. Well, but he goes on to say that in these possibilities, „In one way or another the Shining Path wants to capitalize on these elements to widen its radius of political and military action; however, the tactic adopted confirms once again that the path chosen leads inevitably to its strategic defeat“. It is not that we want to widen the radius of action, what we want is to strengthen mobile warfare and promote the preparations for the insurrection and develop the strategic stalemate to conquer power throughout the country. They are hurt by the existence of the People‘s Republic of New Democracy, the strengthening of guerrilla combats such as ambushes and assaults, sabotage, selective annihilations and armed agitation and propaganda actions. They conclude that there is then a „Fujifascism versus a Senderofascism“, if this were so, its logical consequence would be what their advisor Tapia has been proclaiming, a broad anti-fascist front; but their petty bourgeois and mainly revisionist hepatic reaction clouds their understanding of what they are recognizing: the strategic balance, the polarization of forces between the big bourgeois, landlord bureaucratic and pro-imperialist regime of Fujimori and on the other hand the Communist Party which advances in being the unifying center of all the forces susceptible of being united by the People‘s War and the People’s Republic of New Democracy. The rest is about their action: „Civil disobedience, towards people‘s rebellion!“ or simply applying the struggle within an article of the Peruvian Constitution. That is why we affirm that they are marching more towards their amnesty and enlistment. And for Yankee imperialism, as one magazine said, it is nothing more than a „known demon“.

Polay‘s interview with Borges, the Nicaraguan revisionist, also in Caretas, is another declaration of capitulation and admiration for the APRA and confirms what „Germán“ declared. He does not speak as a Marxist but as a renegade of Marxism, he does not invoke Marxism at all and of the situation of revisionism in the USSR he says that Gorbachev could not foresee the disintegration. Of the anti-drug agreement he does not say a peep, he only says „the Americans prioritize a repressive elimination and that is what we oppose“, of course, not the agreement! Of the CPP he says „it is the brother enemy of the most reactionary sectors of our country, because one and the other are necessary, they feed each other“; that we have a „messianic vision“ or we are an „Islamic fundamentalism“ or that we „believe ourselves to be the only depositaries of the truth“ or „the Peruvian version of Pol Pot“, just like what Fujimori said in Bangkok, and he does not mention at all that we are a Communist Party with Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought ideology. He says that „the MRTA fights for justice and peace and that in Peru change is only possible by combining all forms of revolutionary struggle“ and he does not even defend the main form of struggle which is the armed struggle and in which his leaders are giving their lives.

Recently they have just published a communiqué from a new Front called „Free Fatherland“, this organization is one of the channels through which the MRTA could insert itself into Peruvian politics by running in future elections or by amnesty and enlisting in the old State. There they speak of a Plan of People‘s Salvation and that they are in favor of peace with social justice and the Great National Dialogue.

Its Situation and Perspective.

To sum up, the MRTA is advancing on its capitulationist path and will act more actively against the People‘s War in this division of tasks of Peruvian reaction and imperialism, it could even sell itself to Yankee imperialism now that Soviet social-imperialism is bankrupt and relations with Cuba are somewhat indefinite and in crisis, they who have always applied the command staff will have to opt to enlist in the amnesty and enlistment to annihilate us by selling themselves to the highest bidder, after all the APRA is not their only card.


a. Newspapers and Magazines

In May, the newspapers The Commercial, Express, The Republic, Eye and the magazines Caretas and Oiga presented a document on subversion to the Prime Minister. They state, among other issues:

Ten years have passed and subversion and terrorist violence have become more and more serious in the country. It is now more evident than ever that in order to face this unconventional war with the weapons of democracy, new approaches and the support of political and institutional decisions of singular transcendence are urgently required […]“.

It proposes:

Superior Council of Defense Ad Hoc presided by the president himself […] to create instances in which the Church, political parties, business, labor and other organizations participate […] to create a Unified Operational Command exclusively dedicated to fight subversion, an operative and stable vertical organism, with a chief endowed with ample powers, placing under his mandate all the forces of order, police, aviators, military, intelligence service, health, etc. […] budgetary priority […] continuity in command […] unify and strengthen the intelligence services […] national fund for internal defense“.

All of this in the Defense and Military System.

Also covering issues in the judicial field:

Greater security, incentives and training, modification of sentences (life imprisonment, more severity with minors), simplification of procedures, extension of terms for preventive prevention, reserving to the common justice system all cases of human rights violations, reorganization of the prison system, preventing it from continuing to be a school of subversion and placing it at the service of intelligence work.“

In the educational field:

Education campaign and a comprehensive strategy aimed at promoting in schools, universities and teacher training centers, the ethical and essentially progressive values of the democratic system.“

In the field of communication:

To create in the Unified Operational Command of the anti-subversive struggle a communications office that feeds the media in the following ways: reporting with precision about the warlike confrontations, about the positive facts victories, advances, reporting periodically how the subversion is going in order to create an awareness and psychology of the anti-subversive struggle, an office that not only reports the facts but that uses them and mobilizes an entire information strategy, take advantage of the advantages offered by the written media for the ideological struggle by resorting to the detailed study of all the doctrinal production of the Shining Path and the MRTA […] in order to refute in didactic terms the very theory of subversive violence…to permanently raise debates and interviews about the anti-subversive strategy in order to gather contributions and increasingly involve politicians and business and labor leaders, etc. in the conduct of the struggle that belongs to the whole of society.“

Chairman Gonzalo’s commentary is very clear for us to judge it, besides being fair, correct and accurate, even more so today after the issuing of the decrees on pacification:

This document is part of the central problem of the reaction: how to defend and maintain the old State? This is a reiterated question that today demands a peremptory answer but, from the beginning, the approaches to the military question reveal serious divergences with what was reported by the Prime Minister in the name of the government; thus the ‚agreement‘ on the so-called pacification is not as simple as they believe it to be, it will take place in the midst of intense and constant collusion and struggle. On the other hand, in the field of revolution, the peremptoriness they raise also shows that they reflect an evident reality: the People‘s War unfolds in strategic stalemate.“

AboutExpressand its campaigns we transcribe some comments by Chairman Gonzalo: Regarding the news that another car with an arsenal of explosives was found in Lima:

Within the same Express police plan as always, serving Yankee interests of fighting drug trafficking and targeting the People‘s War to advance economic interests; it is their concrete goal now.“

Two linked to the MRTA:

The MRTA is raised and the government’s ‚successes‘ and the Shining Path‘s ‚setbacks‘ are touted.“ And: „Yesterday it supported dialogue with the MRTA taking the police ‚hostages‘ as an instrument: today that the collusion and dialogue plan failed, ‚Express‘ criticizes it to distance itself, clean itself and plot new contubernios against the People‘s War. Yesterday in its editorial it exalted the MRTA as the great opponent of the Agreement; seeking once again to raise the MRTA whose San Martin action has failed in its objectives, and, the main thing, when the 3rdCampaign expresses great strength and success, even more so when an armed strike is underway in Lima with very good perspectives.“

Another one referring to the murder of Persiles was a „mafia vendetta“ after spreading that it had been a Party action, a usual attitude of this newspaper in recent times, says:

As always Expressis mudslinging.“

Another referring to the supposed defeat of the Party in the Huaycán elections:

Strange and magical calculations to fabricate another ‚resounding defeat of the Shining Path‘, the same old story and the same Express campaign; same reactionary plan, same puppeteers, only the puppets change: now Cambio 90 and Socialist Left“.

And about The Peruvian:

Part of the psychological operations of the counter-revolutionary war, on the one hand to discredit us before the people and, on the other, to raise and promote the MRTA. The Peruvian is the same as Express; in the same campaign of reaction in general and its media.“

Referring to The Commercial on the alleged news of „After confrontations, EP troops seized weapons from Shining Path“, Chairman Gonzalo commented:

The Commercial reported the same on 03.06, under the headline: ‚Military troops killed 30 Shining Path Members‘. The ‚dead‘ of the 3rd become today ‚presumed dead‘ and the ‚dean‘ goes on to focus on ‚a significant part of the armament used by the Shining Path in Upper Huallaga was recovered by the Army‘. This and other examples show how The Commercial, (the newspaper of ‚Independence and veracity‘ according to its slogan) joins more actively each time and with equal or greater artfulness and cynicism to the Express campaign against the Party and the People‘s War.“

And on the occasion of an article by H. Guerra in the editorial page of the same newspaper „The frustrated generation“ which points against the youth forged in 11 years of People‘s War, the commentary becomes even more forceful:

Here is a sample of the ideological campaign proposed by the editors of newspapers and magazines. They want to oppose the youth to the People‘s War. But, as can be seen, this ideological campaign is flawed in its bases and perspectives: let us insist on fighting it thoroughly and we will destroy it.“

In conclusion, the proposal of the newspapers was rejected in fact because it is convenient for the genocidal country-seller to apply his own plan, the promulgation of his pacification decrees express a fundamental divergence with the proposal of the journalists in that it does not take into account the political, civilian organizations, but rather empowers the military power. Therefore, the newspapers have been acting with their own plan and will sharpen their divergences.

b. Opinions

PUM, In Amauta No. 82 of 07.06 they report on the culmination of the 10th Session of the Central Committee, there in terms of National Situation they say:

It is characterized by a deepening of the neoliberal offensive of the government, defensism in the people‘s movement and its vanguard and the extension of the internal war.“

There what they define will be the political conjuncture and their pessimism is notorious, they see the reaction as so big that the popular movement separates it from its highest political expression. This is the People‘s War, and since their political group is in bad shape, divided and ideologically confused, then they attack the vanguard of the Peruvian proletariat which has been leading the People‘s War for more than 11 years and they consider themselves the vanguard in defense; if they were Marxists, because they are not, they are bourgeois, they would understand that war is the continuation of politics and the highest form of resolving the contradictions; it is enough to compare the response of the Argentine or Bolivian people with that of the Peruvian people to demonstrate the high quality of the people‘s response here; and it is responding with its blood and the possibility of conquering power with arms in the hand is opening up more, in the whole country led by the Communist Party, and if we go to proportional quantities of popular masses in struggle, well, there is no point of comparison; so, the popular response in Peru is much higher in quality, and quantity; not to see that reality is to start from a bourgeois pessimism. Hence its response to the conjuncture:

The Central Committee of the PUM has approved as an immediate and short term tactical line the development of a movement of active resistance to neo-liberalism and counter-insurgency; prevention and containment of the coups of the Shining Path; and recovery of the political initiative of the masses and their vanguard.“

Example of the counter-revolutionary march of Deputy Letts with a dozen people and their white flags of surrender and reactionary alliance on the central highway of Lima, recalling the execution of the PUMist scab, at the most opportune and favorable moment for the government for which they voted.

On the strategic stalemate they expressed the following opinion in their official document of the 10th National Conference:

For the analysis of the political situation […] seek to understand what the Shining Path announces when proclaiming the beginning of a new stage of the war, based on the conquest of a supposed ‚strategic balance‘ against the State and the Armed Forces. It is evident that in this declaration there is a high dose of voluntarism and bravado and a third refusal to recognize the failures and losses suffered during the last campaign linked to the electoral boycott. Be that as it may, what is certain is that the Shining Path is forcing the machine to produce a crucial leap in its accumulation of forces and its combat capacity.“

We have long refuted the supposed defeat of the boycott in „Elections, No! People‘s War, Yes“, and they do not even touch that document because it burns them. Faced with the strategic stalemate, they appeal to voluntarism, this in politics is called ultra-leftism and deep down it is rightism, how do they prove it? Ultra-leftism is defined in Marxism as the deviation that does not see the objective conditions and forces reality to act on it based on the will, it is not handling laws, but it could be said of our process that for so many years we have been forcing reality? Who has raised the semi-feudal, semi-colonial and bureaucratic capitalist character of Peruvian society? Us, and it is also we who are unveiling the reactionary character of the old, landlord-bureaucratic, pro-imperialist State, which political party has demonstrated it before the masses? Who has defined the character of the democratic revolution today on the uninterrupted road to socialism and through cultural revolutions to reach Communism? Chairman Gonzalo, the CPP. And we do it by applying in practice what we preached in words for years because we are Marxists since Mariátegui founded us as a Marxist-Leninist Communist Party, we believe that a Party is constituted to take political power and not to be a party in itself, but in this country since the 1960s the Party was reconstituted and the Marxist Base of Unity was taken up again, revisionism was defeated and swept away and the Party developed in the light of Maoism, generating its own specific Thought applied to the objective conditions of our society, Gonzalo Thought, becoming a Party of a new type, a reconstituted Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought Party. Then, handling the laws of the process of contemporary Peruvian society and applying the ideology, he developed the Maoist thesis of bureaucratic capitalism and thus showed the two roads that occur in Peru, and it was concluded that having reached the third moment of bureaucratic capitalism and having a Party of a new type, what corresponded to us as a dialectical and historical materialist response, what we had to respond to the objective conditions and the existing subjective conditions was for the Party to rise up in arms and lead the masses to develop this revolutionary situation with armed struggle and new power and to generate the revolutionary crisis to conquer and defend power. And what Party is there in Peru that has a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought Great Leadership? A complete orthodox Marxist, capable of defending Marxism with his own life, totally, absolutely and unselfishly given for Communism in the midst of a new general counter-revolutionary offensive? who has developed Marxism, raising it to levels that you cannot even imagine how much it contributes to the revolutions in the world today? Who has established all those laws of society, of the State, of the Party, of the revolution, of the People‘s War, of the army and of the New Power? everything has been done by Chairman Gonzalo, the greatest living Marxist-Leninist-Maoist on the face of the Earth today, can anyone prove otherwise? Then, having ideology, defeating contrary lines, a Party of a new type and the Great Leadership of Chairman Gonzalo, anybody could say that we do not have masses? Could a People‘s War be sustained without masses? Who, what Party today has raised the deep masses of the countryside, the poor masses of the cities, the proletariat has organized it in its vanguard in Peru? Even the Central American bourgeois-nationalist groups themselves do not recognize it, not even they all together have been able to do what we are just beginning to do. It makes no sense, then, that having a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought Party, having a Great Leadership and having a People‘s War in the second stage for so many years and so many masses can be forced and nobody can say to us that we traffic with the principles because we keep our word, we said to take up and develop Mariátegui and we achieved it, we said ILA-80 and we did it, today we say we will conquer power and we will do it until we pursue socialism, the cultural revolutions and Communism. What happens with the PUM is that as a party that represents the interests of the bourgeoisie it fears the leadership of the proletariat and takes refuge in parliamentary cretinism and in denying the objective and subjective conditions. And just as yesterday it opposed taking up and developing Mariátegui, today it also opposes Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, it is because of the class character of its ideas.

But as they usually do, they publicly slap each other and after accusing what they cannot prove, they go on to give their brainy reasons as to why we say that we are in the strategic stalemate and they recognize the existence of the same, what worries them is and where will they be? What will their bases tell them? They say:

The sense that can be found […] [that is to say that what we say makes sense] can be summarized in: a) maintain defensive potential to conserve their zones of strategic rearguard […] b) Guerrilla Army and that we must pass from acts of small groups to greater concentrations of combatants […] c) broaden the participation of the masses in the war […] to take them to a violent and frontal clash with the State […] d) insist on sabotage and terror in the big cities to place the Armed Forces and Police in a defensive position [we could never have said that because it is a military error]. e) confront the left and the mass leaderships that are out of their control, as obstacles to the war [another bourgeois lucubration, it would be better if they read our documents textually and debate on that, what happens is that they see it with bourgeois eyes] f) extend the scope to the whole national territory.“

Then they see that we are advancing and they are lagging behind:

It has zones of strategic control […] others in the process of consolidation […] in them it has announced the passage from Clandestine People‘s Committees to Open People‘s Committees and support bases aiming at real power structure [always denying what exists] […] It is true that it has managed to gather a numerous contingent of combatants.“

How can they not say that we are forcing the masses? just as yesterday they said that we did not have masses, now they say that we do have them but by force:

What they have not achieved is the passage to armament, modern and semi-heavy.“

This is not true either, because in this we are advancing in wresting it from reaction which is our main source.

And from whom have the ronderos learned in Ayacucho to make weapons?“

In terms of simultaneous and sustained deployment of forces and strategic support, it is the Shining Path that maintains clear supremacy.“

They refer to the MRTA to which they attribute better armament but they do not say that they buy it. Then:

[…] the Shining Path offensive seems to be centered on producing hard blows against the patrols […] and to maintain a state of anxiety and confrontation in the cities […] The armed strike in Lima on May 29th was a successful test in this direction that neutralized the government and the political parties as a whole.“

Another situation they raise and which reveals that they want something:

Nothing, in this new stage of the Shining Path war, indicates that there are modifications in the dogmatic and authoritarian conceptions that characterize their line of action towards the masses, the left and our party.“

Regarding Express‘s campaign on the development of the People‘s War in Puno, the article by PUM congressman Alberto Quintanilla was published in response. Chairman Gonzalo commented:

These statements by the PUM allow us to clarify once again their positions. Regarding their action for ‚land seizures‘ for ‚restructuring‘ which opens ‚a path of hope to close the door to the Shining Path‘: it implies: 1) any advance (if any) in recovering some land, in this case is a by-product of the People‘s War; 2) ‚Seizure‘ to oppose the People‘s War and the Party; 3) Who benefits? Not the poor (or minimally the poor); 4) furthermore, the land problem which they considered to be overcome, subsists and what the Party said about Velasco‘s agrarian law, today they repeat it, but yesterday, especially the PUM, condemned it as ‚ultra-leftism‘, ‚dogmatism‘, ‚infantilism‘ so, therefore, they have to swallow everything they vomited. As for their repeated phrases ‚between two fires‘, ‚they assassinate leaders‘ and that repression generates ‚discredit and mistrust of the State‘; the first two are old tales and closed defense of rotten leaders on whom people‘s justice fell; and the third inveterate defense of the Old State and proof of how what happens to their State hurts them, and they are not wrong: it is the udder that suckles them, like their cronies and congeners of the IU, among others. And as regards the solution, ‚the alternative‘ that they put forward, let us highlight: (a) ‚land tenure‘ is an old position of Christian democracy in the country (Cornejo Chavez); (b) ‚restructuring‘ is the PUM‘s version of the ‚redimension‘ of General Morales Bermudez; (c) ‚defend communal enterprise‘ is to maintain one of the associative forms and to sustain the goodness of those false ‚socialist‘ modalities) ‚to democratically choose the business model‘ is concordance with Fujimori’s decree; d) ‚regional agrarian agreement‘ is one more sample of their frontism (‚modern farmers‘, neither big bourgeoisie) trafficking in reactionary regionalism.“ (07.06.)

Regarding the IU, the only thing it has done is to support Fujimori‘s government, the revisionist Red Fatherland does not get over its astonishment at having representatives in Parliament and in its newspaper the secretary states that the task consists of organizing the Party, otherwise all the work of the masses (which they do not have) will collapse. On the strategic stalemate he did not go beyond qualifiers and as always adjectivizing they solve the struggle. The revisionism of Unity, which is no longer published, has defined itself against Gorbachev after having defended him. All there, also the IS and the MAS continue to insist on cleansing themselves of their votes. The strike called by their divided leaders for the 18.07.1991 „civic strike“ or „national people‘s strike“ to counterpose the „armed strikes“ that we were developing all over the country was a resounding failure.

„Sendero sets out for peace“. Oiga magazine interview with Carlos Tapia, former member of the Defense Committee of the Chamber of Deputies and currently advisor to CEPRODEP, an institute dedicated to migrants in emergency zones, June 24. The path of this individual has always been characterized by repeating what others sustained, taking a little from one and a little from the other, his incapacity to analyze is typical and the root is his counter-revolutionary class position, known trafficker of Mariátegui and arríbista parasite; if he now feeds on the People‘s War it is out of desperation to sell himself to the new government and many of the approaches he badly repeats are found in „Arms for Peace“ by S. Pedraglio. Deeply frightened he says that we have advanced:

It has advanced significantly […] it extends in almost all the national territory […] it controls 1% of the population of the country and a territory that is equivalent to 2%-3%.“

Then he recognizes that we have a new State:

They control it directly […] According to their Base Development Plan, it has caused a vacuum of power in 8-10% of the national territory where approximately 5% of the national population lives […] when I speak of 2% of the territory and 1% of the population there it does have a State, in the 5% there the State is in dispute […] in the old Mao style they are mobile support bases.“

They claim to have 24 support bases, of which 16 are in the central-southern highlands of the country. There they have built a New State where the People‘s Committees function […] This is the concrete expression of the dictatorship of the New State […] it imposes this functioning with authoritarianism and violence […] it is a military dictatorship that does not mean violence against the peasantry but a paternalistic attitude.“

The journalist Pedro Planas questions him, could it be said that it is punctiliously fulfilling the phases projected in 1980? He answers:

Yes. Definitely […] have planned an integral strategy divided into phases, plans and campaigns, with a rigorousness that is rare in this country.“

Thus he is recognizing, in spite of his class hatred, the role of political strategist, military and philosopher of Chairman Gonzalo. He adds:

Many times the Shining Path side is underestimated and it is not understood that Guzmán is such a philosopher that he did his thesis on Kant and that upon encountering a philosophy of war in the Maoist theory he has been able to establish certain philosophical principles to develop his strategy.“

He is surprised and terrified to see the role of the Central Committee and the strategically centralized and tactically decentralized plans:

The campaign is approved within a plan that corresponds to a great phase and the Central Committee takes the agreement. The operational actions are not defined in the Central Committee but correspond to a tactical decentralization on each front.“

Contrary to his wishes he records that we are the most important political party. The journalist:

We have seen that it would have direct control over 220.000 people, which is 1% of the national population, but how many members can it have?“

He answers:

If we were to give veracity to the figures that say that they have died, between 10.000 and 12.000, then it would be the largest party in Peru […] I believe that it is an absolutely exaggerated figure and that there are many more civilians dead. The number of dead Shining Path members must be between 1.500 and 2.200 […] With that number it would be the largest political party of the left.“

What he does not want to register here is the existence of the PGA, because he is afraid to register the strategic stalemate, it is that as prophets of the past the opportunists only register what has already been demonstrated in decades of years as in our case today, who would think of denying what he is recognizing that it exists? Only a fool, but as for the Army, he does not register it because it would lead him to affirm what he believes that still does not exist, we will see later when we pass to the third stage of the war, then he will recognize the Army and the strategic stalemate, it has always been like that.

He speaks of the four forms of guerrilla combat and of which he considers that 20% are guerrilla combats but that we undertake them against the patrols; to the annihilations he puts 4% and says: They are not interested in these actions of annihilation now:

They are going to be interested in these actions when they pass to the phase of strategic stalemate and work the insurrectional project in the cities. This strategic stalemate has nothing to do with military force. It is foolish to believe that there can be a stalemate between the military forces of the State and the Shining Path. This strategic stalemate has to do with the global correlation of forces of society as a whole and aims at creating a degree of illegitimacy in the repressive action of the State […] They are going to compare the illegitimacy of the State with the degree of legitimacy that they have managed to achieve in certain areas of the country. That is the goal they want to achieve in order to reach the strategic stalemate.“

This confirms what we have said before.

He records that we have made progress in taking over cities such as Ayacucho and Huanta, but that in Lima we are advancing in some neighborhood zones and are not interested in taking them over for now, however he says that we lack union work.

He repeats the same as others about one of our supposed weaknesses, the construction of the Front and rejects the militarization of the Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People (RMDP):

As it is militarized it cannot include larger sectors of society. This is, in my opinion, the first element of vulnerability in the political field but not in the military field.“

And then he says that in order to advance in the Front we must correct the subjection to Gonzalo Thought. What happens is that, as we have said in public documents, we conceive the United Front for the People‘s War and not at the margin of it, we build it in the countryside as a State of joint dictatorship and in the cities as the RMDP, aiming today to develop the United Front of the Revolution for the conquest of Power. The other is an absurdity because the ideological basis that should lead the front is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, if not we would be abdicating the leadership of the proletariat in the Front and giving way to the bourgeoisie to lead it, this individual as others consider that the CPP should not lead the Front, they are supporters of the order and pretend a Front with the bourgeoisie, even big, for them, the bourgeoisie, to lead it: What we conceive is that this leadership is guaranteed through the basis of the worker-peasant alliance and that in the Maximal Programme we consider Communism as the goal and in the Minimal Programme we take into account the interests of the other classes that make up the Front, that the Front varies according to the stage of the revolution, that is according to the main contradiction of the moment. Basically, what they are now applying to criticize us is that since this mess of adjectivations does not fit to discredit us, they use the expedient of sectarianism when they are the ones who oppose the leadership of the proletariat and seek the leadership of the bourgeoisie: second, they play that socialism has failed, that Communism has expired and that it is not an ideology that should lead the masses, and third, as many are already proposing that we will conquer power but that the problem will be that we will not be able to sustain it, that it will not be a viable project, what will happen is that they will invade us, that the „powerful“ Yankee imperialist world gendarme will come to save them and they will overthrow us. It is within this that imperialists, reactionaries and revisionists are moving to fight us today.

He adds that since 1987 there has been a change in military strategy that had to do with the organization of the patrols and civil defense, expresses his full agreement and says that it should have been done before. He proposes a „political thesis to guide military action“ that would consist of a „change in economic relations and a new sense of democracy to build a new power structure where the peasantry is the protagonist“ and concludes that „it cannot be a proposal to reestablish the old State that was so easily defeated by the Shining Path“ and „a common political proposal to mobilize civil society and make it participate in this struggle“. An impossibility without a democratic revolution led by the Communist Party.

In October, Express interviewed him and there he came out with: „We must socially isolate the Shining Path“, the central issue of his proposals was his proposal of „District Committees of pacification and development“, we have already talked about this: on the action of the army in Raucana he considered it a good precedent but that it cannot be generalized because the forces would not reach them; and he proposed a „mini-war cabinet“, which is nothing but another absurdity. In the forum „Structural violence and insurrection“ he qualified us as fascists, saying: „There are only two positions here, the fascist position of the Shining Path and that of the rest of the democratic society.“ The desperation and impotence of opportunism leads to affirm without proof fascism in the ideological aspect? Why? Because the ideology that sustains us is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, it is Communism that hurts. In the political? In the organizational? In the leadership? In the mass work? In the military action? He is ignorant of the content of fascism since he was one of the worshippers of the fascism of Velasco whom he qualified as „reformist“ and advanced“. Precisely, an important development of Gonzalo Thought is about fascism.

Another article: „Total political mobilization of the country“, interview by Oiga with General S. Jarama on June 3rd. He says in synthesis that the armed strike called in Lima, as recognized by the magazineSIis another success of the Party. That:

The war we are waging is not military but political to conquer power; that power is conquered when you have a Party, social base or Front and PGA.“


They are trying to broaden their social base, their people‘s support using their generated organizations; they are trying to broaden the Front.“

We can apply the same criticisms as to Tapia with the atingence that it was the general, the first one, who began to spread that problem about the Front.

I don’t think they are beating us, I would say that we are losing because we are not doing what we should do.“ „[…] we are doing what they want us to do, that is, they are managing our strategy and theirs.“ „Do you think Abimael Guzmán improvises? He evaluates, measures, defines the objective, the modality of action and begins to push his forces. And then he observes the result.“ „We don’t because there is no one to do it.“ „The citizenship does not have much credibility, for example, in the authority of justice, it begins to lose credibility in its public force, it begins to question the validity of institutions such as the Parliament, in the official word. These are objective manifestations that the system is losing its basis, its consistency.“

It is a demonstration of the advance of our People‘s War and the expiration of their State.

Regarding the MRTA, he confirms positions that we have been denouncing, although of course, due to his class position, he aims to confuse when it comes to the use of the MRTA by the Armed Forces, he refers only to the use by the APRA:

I believe that the MRTA wishes to have a more decisive presence in the national political panorama with a view to a future in which it could be the force that reinserts itself in the peaceful political scheme of the country.“

Interviewer: „From the military point of view, there is no point of comparison between MRTA and the Shining Path?

Answer: „No, there is not. They are totally different terms, they respond to different strategies and conceptions, between the two there is a total abyss.“

The Shining Path does not care about the MRTA?“

No, because the MRTA has proven to be a force that in its time will be crushed: today the MRTA does not constitute any danger for the Shining Path. […] The MRTA has its origin in the APRA. Let us not forget that the APRA Rebelde is a faction that separated from the APRA and gave rise to the MIR, and from the MIR‘s ranks the MRTA was born.“

On the departure of Canto Grande:

I believe that this was an exchange of Delgado Parker for Polay“, „I believe that during Alan García‘s government the MRTA meant a paramilitary force that could have been used to play strategically in the face of the possibility of a military coup: it is also possible that Alan García had in mind to use the MRTA for a possible confrontation with the Shining Path.“

It is worth commenting on the article by Alejandro Miro Quesada Cisneros in The Commercial who proposes „A new strategy“. He starts from the premise that subversion is an eminently political phenomenon and that it has one objective, to change the system of government. It is not only that, we do not only want to change the system of government but the main and decisive thing is to change the dictatorship of the ruling classes, the class dictatorship of the State, the State system; overthrow, then, the reactionary classes of this old State and build a New State of joint dictatorship, of United Front of four classes in which the proletariat has hegemony through the worker-peasant alliance, the only State of a new type that can apply the new democracy, that is the dictatorship against those who exploit and democracy for the people; the new State cannot exist without democracy, just as the People‘s War cannot be managed without democracy, it is the opposite of an old State and of an unjust, counter-revolutionaty war. He says:

In the case of Peru, the subversives have opted for one way, terror, becoming more terrorists than subversives: thus understood, terrorism is the armed manifestation of subversion.“

This gentleman does not know the military problem, terrorism according to the theory of war is but one of the forms of struggle used in the revolutionary war and it is not the main one. He says that we conceive that „everything that signifies the presence and service of the State must be destroyed“, yes, that is what we want, to demolish the old State, in Marx‘s terms, and to build a new one, the People‘s Republic of Peru. He says:

By deepening the analysis, we will also explain why the State is having little success in combating subversion.“

Here he is recognizing that the old State is not succeeding in its counter-subversive combat; and then he shows us why and how the State is; he says:

The State has been disarticulating itself. Today it does not provide the citizens with many of the most elementary services to which it owes its raison d‘être.“

This is a very good statement, it confirms what we have been spreading, more, we must insist on demonstrating that this State is failing to comply with its most elementary functions of food, health, work, education, that if it fails to comply it no longer has a raison d‘être and what corresponds is a New State. The writer sees that the citizenry is largely unprotected, that the citizens themselves, whether in young towns or residential areas, organize their own security, he says:

In rural areas there are ‚tactical‘ retreats of the forces of order to the cities.“

As the People‘s War advances the enemy will retreat more and more to the cities, that is where they entrench themselves, leaving the small towns unprotected, where we become stronger, the Party, the Army and the New Power, the People‘s Committees. He says:

As a consequence of the lack of protection, the political authorities are withdrawing or in extreme cases are assassinated; entire zones are thus left as easy prey for subversion. The massive resignation of authorities in the Tarma area is still present. Likewise, in these days of complementary elections, we see that in many localities there are no candidates. But the exodus does not end here, along with the authorities, the representatives of the State in charge of providing basic services of health, education, etc., are leaving. Then, only the representatives of the State and the inhabitants who decide to live with the subversion will be left. Finally, first underhandedly and then openly, the subversion will take control of the town or area. They will then have achieved, in a small way, a final objective.“

This is reflecting the political conquest that we obtain: the construction of the new State, even Fujimori has said it in one of his speeches: My government will not coexist with another State“, what is happening is that they are recognizing that there are two States in opposite class contradiction and it does not fit them, this is another manifestation of the strategic stalemate that they all insist on denying but that is so evident that it hits them in the face like the wind; It is for this very reason that because the new State is developing in the countryside and because it is advancing to the People‘s Republic of Peru that they have to insist on recovering and consolidating positions; for an outdated State it is a shame that they make them State forms even a few meters from the government palace, in their own capital, we do not mean that we build State in the cities, we have specified that this is a sixth form of power and first in the city and it has its name: People‘s Struggle Committee. He continues:

In the city, the citizens’ weakness in the face of subversion can manifest itself in very personal ways. Every time a businessman stops investing in a project, every time we stop going to the movies or to the theater; in short, every time terrorism manages to frighten us and alter our rhythm of life, subversion obtains small micro successes […] just like the drop of water that pierces the stone.“

What he is expressing is our advance in the cities where we are acting in function of promoting the preparations for the insurrection, although this is still a complement to the countryside, it is not yet the main one, and it is not only about one city but about the cities. He continues: In the cities attacks on the productive apparatus are prioritized“, it hurts him, but then it is good, we must continue the sabotages against the big State and non-State monopoly capital, against imperialism. He says that the consequences of subversive action are not only economic but that public morale has been shaken. What happens is that an old State by its class character is immoral and what the People‘s War does is to show that character in a clearer way and explain it scientifically, the moralizations of the old States are nothing but children’s stories.

This stark analysis makes it clear that subversion has been succeeding in its main objective: to bring down the State. In contrast, the State‘s strategy, primarily military-anti-terrorist and, apparently not oriented with political criteria, has not reached the bottom of the problem.“

He does not agree with Fujimori‘s counter-subversive policy centered on the military and he recognizes our political success and if the political is successful, the military is also successful; he is a reactionary who understands the problem well, he is not ignorant and he is quite informed, it is true that we are hindering, undermining and even demolishing the old State. He continues:

What does it imply to face the anti-subversive problem from a political angle? Unfortunately, it implies following a much longer and more complex path than that of weapons. This does not mean deactivating the military front. On the contrary, the military front must be strengthened, but from a different point of view, integrated to a political strategy.“

What he conceives of is an integral strategy, in the four planes and that the military be subordinated to the political, to a political direction. He says:

The path begins with a real awareness of the ideology that sustains us.“

But the Peruvian people feel that their rights and liberties are being curtailed more and more every day, Fujimori is determined to circumvent the Parliament, to attack the judiciary, so what kind of democracy is he talking about if not freedom for those who oppress us with impunity from above; But the good thing is that he is challenging the new government, he is telling it that if it continues to trample on its democracy it is trampling on its starting point to fight us and thus they are going to fail; he says:

We have to oppose it to the ideology of subversion: Maoism.“

Very good, it is bourgeois ideology versus Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought.

Strengthened our ideological foundation and consequent step will have to initiate a general recomposition of the State.“

He goes from ideological strengthening to political strengthening which consists of a State restructuring.

Together with the other services, the new State should provide the conditions for those who are efficient and hardworking to develop.“

This is part of the search for the legitimization demanded by imperialism, that the States of its allies are capable of satisfying the basic needs of their citizens, he also thinks that a new State should emerge, which would emerge according to him under the banners of strengthened democracy, but that is impossible because a State of exploiting classes will generate in a society like ours a democracy for those at the top and the conditions to develop are nothing but asking for bureaucratic capitalism to develop, that is why he clarifies further on:

To offer the conditions so that it can face the first echelon: the capital.“

This is what we have commented on before which is concretized in reimpulsing bureaucratic capitalism.

The New State must also soon have reached sufficient economic order to face the anti-subversive struggle with adequate logistics.“

Then they need to solve the economic problem to buy more weapons to fight us, he says:

No more lack of bullets […] nor of food […] or uniforms.“

There it is, here he is reflecting on the lack of means of the armed forces; „no more lack of communications“, they need roads; „no more lack of fuel“, they even need gasoline for the helicopters; „no more demoralized troops“, the lack of morale of the troops and of the chiefs is proven.

The reader will complain about the complexity of the proposal. He may be right. But if we analyze the latest political events, we will see that we are beginning to walk in that direction. The State apparatus is being restructured little by little.“

What he wants is an evolutionary path and reflects the pessimism of the exploiting class.

In the anti-subversive struggle we can also see advances, although still embryonic, with the activation of the Council for Peace […] together, politicians and military, the whole nation, each one in his specialty, we must confront this scourge that has begun to corrode us. It will not be easy for the State […] possibly many institutions should be completely restructured.“

This is key, he is talking about the three tasks, he is reflecting the need for the old Peruvian State to restructure itself, but what is under debate is under what form, whether it should be a bourgeois-democratic form, more arch-reactionary or the other, which would be a corporative form, this is what has not yet been defined, moreover, the 2nd Plenum proposes that we think in new fascist forms or in bourgeois-democratic forms in which the Executive is increasingly strengthened.

For the State it will not be easy […] It will have to find honest and efficient representatives at all levels: prefects, governors, judges, prosecutors, ombudsmen, teachers, police officers, doctors, social workers, etc. Possibly many institutions will have to be completely restructured, perhaps even to the point of creating a new institution […] For the entire nation it will not be easy, it will require a profound restructuring of its values […] to recover mainly civic values: respect for the rights of others and the punishment of those who act against the rules […] Let us take advantage of the problem of subversion and let us face the restructuring of a State and of a society that long ago needed a good modernization.“

After „modernization“, what he wants is to restructure the State.

Synthesizing his proposals, he says that a new strategy must be managed starting from the ideological strengthening of bourgeois democracy, political strengthening, which implies State restructuring, social transformation, change of values, and simultaneously an economic impulse to manage the reimpulse of bureaucratic capitalism. Thus, he conceives of a politically centered strategy to annihilate the People‘s War and foresees a difficult perspective. Debate, vol. 13, No. 65, July set. In the Annual Survey of Power in Peru, Chairman Gonzalo is considered number four of the 10 most powerful Peruvians, after having been number five in 1990; and he is placed after the recently entered Fujimori, the country-seller; Boloña, the one fabricated by Yankee imperialism and De Soto, the bureaucrat of Yankee imperialism. If we remember, in previous governments the first three have always changed. The magazine says:

The persistent capacity of influence of subversion over the course of events in the country is clearly reflected in the survey results that place Abimael Guzmán in fourth place […] the leader appeared for the first time in the results of the Power Survey in 1982 in 28th place, but since ‘83, Guzmán has always been among the top ten.“

It is reflecting the advance of the People‘s War and the persistent leadership capacity of the Communist Party in Peruvian society, the polarization between Fujimori, mainly Yankee imperialism and the CPP.


Without decisively confronting this situation it will not be possible to attract national and foreign investment.“

This was said by Luis Vega Monteferri, president of the SNI. The businessmen felt threatened by the Party and in El Diamante the factory undertook a sinister campaign against the class accusing them of being terrorists and of putting the factory in a „state of war“ to fire the workers under that pretext and respond to the trial that sentenced him for three months against that defamation; He used all the economic resources at his disposal and on TV 4 of Lima he spread his insults until the 4th Correctional Court presided over by the vocal Hermoza Moya acquitted the businessman Gino Pinasco, stating that „what Pinasco did is a legitimate claim to develop the production activities with confidence“. In a press conference, the president of the SNI, Luis Vega Monteferri expressed that „the sentence honors the image of the Judiciary at a time when terrorists threaten and try to weaken the business sector, which is fundamental for the development of the country.“ The lawyer Lengua Balbi announced the definitive closure of the factory. Security expenses of businessmen, […] is equivalent to 150.000.000 dollars, almost 7% of their operating expenses, more than the budget assigned to the National Police“, affirmed Julio Favre, president of the organizing commission of the 5th National Congress of Private Enterprise. He added:

We have to pacify the country. It is a fundamental task of the State. But in some way we, the businessmen, have to show our face and help. […] We are going to propose channeling the efforts of the business community to help the PNP. It is a matter of getting organized. Instead of spending dollars on ‚guachimanes‘, we could allocate that money to the police in the area, so that they are well paid and protect the citizens of the surrounding area. […] There is no development if there is no security. The businessman not only has to be a leader in the development of the country, but also in the confrontation with subversion, because this is a phenomenon that is already overtaking and impeding development.“

Another opinion that worries the reactionaries and imperialists is that of the almost 20% of young Peruvians who believe that the Party will win the war and conquer power and they carry out a series of juggling tricks to divert them from the brilliant path going against, once again, history.

And as a culmination, at the end of the 3rd Campaign, the newspaper articles registered our overwhelming advance:

The bloodthirsty escalation of the Shining Path in search of the so-called strategic stalemate continued its course […] The strategy of the Shining Path is not random, it obeys the teachings of Chinese Maoism […] The belt is tightening around Lima and in this field the Fujimori government does not know where it stands.“ (D‘Ornellas, 06.09.)


Strategic stalemate? The Shining Path has intensified its actions in the last weeks in a desperate attempt to make the formula of strategic stalemate a real phenomenon and not a simple desiderative exercise […] It must be taken into account by the leadership (if it exists) of the counter-subversion. It is not difficult to foresee an escalation of actions of a different style than the one practiced so far […] The Shining Path is not a weak or superficial enemy […] to underestimate the enemy is the worst possible strategy, even more so when there are no reasons to do so. To be pleased as some government authorities are that the so-called ‚strategic stalemate‘ is little more than a phrase does not lead to anything.“ („Strategic balance or mental imbalance?“ The Peruvian. 30.09.)

The resignations are more and more numerous […] as part of his vast plan to move his war from the countryside to the city […] he rehearses his plan with mock insurrections with night demonstrations […] Guzmán‘s troops are advancing in those sectors where the presence of the State is weak […] his followers are the poorest neighborhoods of Lima […] in another field they seek to dominate the wholesale markets and other supply centers where they have imposed price lists […] not one but hundreds of marches would be necessary to counteract the escalation.“ („Red Harvest“, The Republic, 30.09.)

Gorriti said as early as July:

„Strategic stalemate […] it is a calculated exaggeration, they seek to put in tension their forces to set themselves that goal and achieve it […] however if they are marching towards that, they can achieve it within one or two years.“

The Commercial said in November:

Terrorist actions have not diminished, far from it, in recent times […] the happy efforts of the President, of our diplomats and businessmen, in offering the world an attractive face, are a dead letter in the face of an action that blurs all initiative […] the same lack of strategy is being suffered […] the lack of security will not allow an economic reactivation in which the assistance of foreign capital and technology is indispensable on a single basis: security.“


Abimael ‘95?“

Ricketts on the Barrios Altos genocide:

After eight days, the country knows nothing about it. […] it is embarrassing […] why they so lightly attributed this crime to the Shining Path […] the only thing that can not only defeat but is stopping the Shining Path so far is the superiority of the rule of law […] between two or more terrorist groups in conflict, the country has no possible choice.“

And Express editorialized against the decree laws on the so-called pacification:

An exclusionary strategy does not work.“

Synthesizing this part, the opinions of parties, senderologists, military, journalists, economic magazines, all reactionaries, are reflecting the great success of the 3rd Campaign, the strategic stalemate, the advance in the cities and the fulfillment of the strategies and objectives outlined.

Peru, 1991

Central Committee
Communist Party of Peru

1Mao Tse-tung: „On Protracted War“, May 1938.




5Chairman Gonzalo: „2nd Plenum: Considerations“, 1991.





10Mao Tse-tung: „Interview With the British Journalist James Bertram“, 25.10.1937.

11Karl Marx: „Capital“, Volume 1, 1867.

12Karl Marx: „The Poverty of Philosophy“, 1847.

13Karl Marx: „The Holy Family“, 1845.

14Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru: „Elections, No! People‘s War, Yes!“, May 1990.

15Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru: „Interview With Chairman Gonzalo“, July 1988.