Proletarians of all countries, unite!
There is one goal, the conquest of power!
ON THE REFOUNDATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU
Communist Party of Peru
|Red Flag Publications||Reproduced by|
The Red Flag
ON THE REFOUNDATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU
|Extracted from the Preparatory Session of the 2nd Plenum of the Central Committee.|
THE PROCESS THAT HAS TAKEN PLACE IN THE PARTY
From the beginnings of the Red Faction in the ‘60s, the documents are very expressive. If we look at Red Flag no. 1, even on the cover, there is the hammer and sickle, it is for May 1st, very clear positions are put forward. We can see this in the basic Party documents of the Faction. On page 2 there is an article on social classes and we start from a quotation from Marx to develop the question of social classes. The quote refers to the fact that there is a true revolution which is the Communist revolution. This is in Red Flag no. 1, Ayacucho 1963. This is how the fraction begins to define our political ideological conception. On page 4, article „Peasants“, it has a quote from Lenin: To the poor of the countryside, perfect for the peasants of today. In 1963, when the peasant movement was the order of the day and the highest simultaneous peasant movement in this century was registered, different from the current situation, when the situation was that everyone was wondering how an agrarian law would be given, the Faction states in that article that the revolution will be from the countryside to the city, it is very important. Clear position on the road, peasantry, worker-peasant alliance, against Belaúnde‘s plan of picks and bullets. It speaks to us on page 5 of revolution, of Marx‘s thesis of the clash between productive forces and relations of production, quote that is in „Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy“. Also on the revolutionary situation starting from Lenin. Our Party since the ‘60s has been clear about what is a revolutionary situation. We have always based ourselves on the world experience in what Marxism-Leninism teaches as it was said then. Enter the problem of which is the way in Peru, because in the Party the so-called roads were debated. Our position was very clear: the only way is revolutionary violence and the revolution from the countryside to the city. There is a very important quotation from Marx on insurrection, that we should not play with it and carry it to term. We did not yet know texts of Chairman Mao, Marx‘s quotations are entirely valid. We stated our obligation to serve the World Revolution by defending Marxism and supporting the great struggles that were taking place at that time. We also said that we could not dream of a quick triumph of the revolution and that the dictatorship of the proletariat is the necessary path of the proletarian revolution.
These are very expressive things. Without political ideological foundations it is not possible to open the road. It is decisive. That Chairman Mao has raised it to a very high level we come to understand later.
April ‘64 Red Flag no. 4. It raises greetings to the proletariat for May 1st and that it leads based on Marxism-Leninism, based on its ideology. It also says unions of all types, class conscious, strong union of the proletariat and peasants around the worker-peasant alliance, uniting all the masses, that is how the revolution is made. Where do they get that we are sectarian, that we are against the unions? The problem is that we want authentic unions. We cannot leave them in the hands of traitors, we cannot leave them in the hands of scabs. Refoundation of a true national, class conscious and proletarian central, without traitors or sell-outs. That is what we want. Authentic unions are being forged, time to time, decades and centuries are condensed in days and many things fly in the air and what remains is the class conscious, the proletarian. That which we are proposing to undermine them from below is for it to take place in the great condensation and it is not that we are going to wait long years for it to take place. We fight against this worker-peasant-student alliance, it is not possible to change things. It calls upon us to become aware of the historical role of the class.
There is also an article on the class character of the Belaúnde government in Red Flag no. 6. We unmasked its class character, we said that it could not represent the exploited classes, that a year into his government, it does not say that it is of the national bourgeoisie. The problem was the struggle between the Ayacucho Departmental and the National Leadership, which maintained that Belaúnde was of the national bourgeoisie. It was a hard struggle over the article „Peasants“ and over Belaúnde because he proposed land invasion and unmasked. This is August ‘64, but the document of the 4th National Conference says that Belaúnde‘s government is of the national bourgeoisie and with him to practice unity and struggle, the same revisionist position continued in the Party.
Editorial. Page 12. It talks about the Party, the task it has to fulfill to conquer power and lead the people to the socialist revolution, that is what „For the revolution to socialism“ wanted to say, because there were proposals that said that it was possible to evolve, we did not think like that.
These documents are very important, they show us how the Faction begins to develop its work. On that basis we swept away revisionism in Ayacucho, they were not even left for remedy, that is clear and concrete, we disappeared them. The famous Chinese Letter of June 14th, 1963 was a weapon of combat, a happy coincidence with the anniversary of Mariátegui‘s birth.
It shows us that we have advanced on the base of ideological-political principles, in a two-line struggle against revisionism, class struggle and the main basis on which it is built. He also shows us that to form a Party, to develop it, is not a simple thing, that a handful is enough to assume the construction of a Party for it to develop and grow and the problem is not how long one is going to last. Mariátegui taught us to fulfill his day, nothing more.
Year ‘65. Page 14: „On the Party, its Principles and Objectives“. It is the first article of the new statutes that was made after we broke with revisionism and held the 5th National Conference. September 1965. It was entrusted to the one who speaks of drafting the statutes. There it is stated that the Communist Party of Peru (CPP) is the Party of the working class, its organized vanguard. Marxism-leninism as ideological base. Violent revolution and dictatorship of the proletariat. War to the death against contemporary revisionism in defense of Marxism and the national and international revolution. On pages 16 to 20 a very important article because we say that Mariátegui‘s line should never have been abandoned and that it had to be developed.
In Red Flag no. 2 there is an article: „Túpac Amaru, Revolutionary Hero of the People“. Much has been trafficked with him, they accuse us that we do not start from history, the proof is here, we analyzed it and we drew lessons from the greatest social movement in America until today as we say there. We have reanalyzed Túpac Amaru in the 8th Plenum and we have drawn military lessons. What lessons do the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA) draw?
On page 24: „July 28th, Last Day of Despotism and First of the Same“, Red Flag July ‘66. It says that nothing changed, the same exploiting class continued. There is also democratic revolution led by the Communist Party and People‘s War. P. 29: „Chairman Mao, Man of Thought and Action“. P. 29 Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) and concrete lessons are drawn. P. 31 The Communist Party and secret work.
There is no Communist Party without secret work. That is very clear in Red Flag no. 28, January ‘67, I wrote it, I was Secretary of Education and Organization of the Central Committee. That has a foundation. The Party is secret because we have to conquer power and overthrow it, the CPP attracts the implacable hatred of the oppressors who seek to destroy it by all possible means, mainly by mobilizing the repressive bureaucratic apparatus of the State, even though the reactionaries use the tactic of the soft hand in one period and the hard hand in another. These changes are nothing more than different methods for the same end, to frustrate the revolution by annihilating the Party of the proletariat, the only Party capable of carrying the revolution to the end. That is the reason why the Party has to be secret. When we have seen the problem of the falls we said that it is forgotten, the political ideological root of what the Party is for is not seen; it is developed by carrying out secret and open work, these are not problems that are not new. 23 years later we continue raising the same thing but there are comrades who do not understand this way. Then, how to construct the conquest of power, is it not going to be in a more fierce struggle?
Page 35: „Let us put an end to counter-revolutionary sanctification“. It refers to which day we should celebrate, the birth or death of Mariátegui. The revisionists make pilgrimages every year on the day of his death. According to marxism the day of the birth of the leaders is celebrated.
Page 31: „Develop the Marxist-Leninist Thought of Our Founder and Shining Guide.“ It vindicates Mariátegui.
We have a long process of how we have initiated and developed, how that first struggle fighting revisionism, defending marxism and organizing the Regional Committee of Ayacucho shows the ideological-political and organizational linkage.
All this will lead to a situation. In September ‘67, in September, measures were proposed to develop construction. This is in the offprint of the documents of the Faction. It was presented in a session of the Enlarged Political Commission and was approved because nothing else was presented. Fundamental measures that required to sweep away the remnants of revisionism, we proposed how to carry out open work, union work, United Front, because it is open and armed force, that in the final analysis the Army is a form of Front with weapons in hand. In the case of the Party. Organizational forms and forms of struggle. Without a good method of leadership it is not possible to work well, without democratic centralism, without strategic centralization and decentralization of functions. What is centralized are the policies and the functions are decentralized. Style of work.
It says „to develop struggle at all levels to adjust the organizational to the political“. The Party has to be prepared when the moment arrives, because when it comes it is too late to prepare, it is underlined „taking up arms in the next revolutionary upsurge of the masses“. Also underlined are „leading the struggle against revisionism the struggle, which is the opportunism that threatens to corrode our ranks“. „Put the center of Party work in the countryside to deepen the peasant struggles.“ „To develop the armed force, the main task of the Party.“ How to carry this forward is raised.
The National Leadership should move to the countryside. Partial displacement is possible for the moment. Regional leaders should go to the countryside. Energetically apply new system of organization with the highland committees as the main ones. Systematic education campaign. The formation of the cadres is decisive. The ideological basis of the campaign is the Thought of Chairman Mao Tse-tung. Redistribution of Party cadres. Central Committee dedicated to work 24 hours a day. Expansion of the Political Commission. Military Commission, Comrades dedicated fundamentally to the military problem. Regional leadership on the base of members of the National Leadership, selected by the National Leadership. Open work, secret work, politically and militarily. Purge the militancy through work. Political Commissariat. Zones of military work. The press, agitation and propaganda have capital importance, the main thing is the writing and control because there is the line, it is not a problem of printing as the main thing, printing is necessary. Filling Front and union gaps. Peasant work, balance and center of our attention. Norms on the Communist Youth, the Party directs it. All of the above demands a bold and firm promotion of cadres.
Economically, rely on their own efforts. Keep in mind that the Party will bolshevize itself and create the powerful organizations of the revolution only through armed struggle. „Political power comes from the barrel of the gun.“ Internal struggle to be deepened by the Enlarged Political Commission. Security Commission.
What is interesting to see is how all this political ideological debate, the political ideological bases, leads to organizational issues, to organizational construction. This generated that some members of the Central Committee were going to cease to be members because they were not full time, the problem of distributing cadres, putting an end to personal disputes, aims to put the armed force at the center, it is a function of preparing for war. This generated a strong internal struggle, in the same separate page 2 there is „Develop in depth the internal struggle in the revolutionary practice.“ An entire ideological process leads to an organizational question and this raises internal struggle for it to develop.
At another time „Mariátegui established the General Political Line of the Peruvian Revolution“. So there was a political line. To arrive at this demanded internal struggle, one of the most dirty struggles carried out by the liquidationism of Paredes. It has to do with the question of Red Fatherland, he did not know how to handle it well. It led to the division of the Party because Paredes set up a plan to blow up the Party by artfully managing a police coup. It generated a revolt in the Party because the political line was not clearly defined, the ideological unity because there was Castroism, Maoism was questioned, Mariátegui was denied, Paredes believed he had created the line, that is why to speak of Mariátegui was to oppose the Secretary.
It was shown that there was a strong Committee, the Regional Committee of Ayacucho that stood up to him. The Party was blown up and we were reduced to one Committee and in the country dozens.
Declaration of the 2nd Plenum. Year ‘70.
When the Party exploded we were few, a handful, so the question is not how many there are but whether you want to or not. In February ‘70 the cadres assumed this declaration. The Declaration defines the character of the State and government that ruled as fascist and corporativist and then how we had to develop starting with unmasking the liquidationist line. „Refound the Party on the Base of Party Unity“ that comes from ‘67 as can be seen in those documents mentioned. Again a ideological-political foundation, page 55.
3rd Plenum of the Central Committee. Year ‘73. „On the Refoundation.“ The turning point came in the ‘70s, we focused on the defense of the existence of the Party, 73 was over. Then it was up to us to expand it, to develop it and that required political bases. Analytical scheme page 125. Just as today we propose political bases for the conquest of power throughout the country, for the Strategic Plan of Construction. Political bases for the refoundation, in the same way we propose ideological-political foundations, economic foundations.
This was also developed in internal struggle to establish those ideological-political bases, but we took a very important step, we defeated „Left“-liquidationism. And we entered ‘76 and there we saw that the Party had a General Political Line, that was when we published „Retake Mariátegui and Refound His Party“, Red Flag no. 45 with the same title, there is a compilation of very important documents, because they were not known, apart from the fact that there was the 5th Plenum of the Central Committee, „Impulse the refoundation“, that is what the documentation served to support this impulse and that developed the political situation of the Party. Pay attention to its editorial because it explains the path. Not only to retake Mariátegui but also to develop him, that was the criterion from the beginning. We have already fought, we have a ideological-political document, then we begin to promote the refoundation, again a parallel between ideological-political and organizational development.
Year ‘75. People‘s Voice no. 5 It is an important document on bureaucratic capitalism. In the year ‘76 Allpa May ‘69 report „Programme and Tasks“. Document of the Convention of peasants of Ayacucho is reprinted again. The peasant problem was key in the struggle against Paredes who proposed expropriation while ours is to confiscate, that is where it was raised. It was reprinted because „left“-liquidationism, Montañez, proposed doing peasant work with existing peasant organizations in Lima, vindication and criteria of the Inca Empire.
In May ‘69 the Party proposed that a new agrarian law was coming and that the road of bureaucratic capitalism was the only one that could be followed. The law was passed on 24.06.1969. But what happened between May and June ‘69? Some time before the Party had created the People‘s Defense Front of Ayacucho (PDFA), it was an agreement of the Secretariat of that time; the support of the Front was the neighborhoods, and the congress of neighborhoods and shantytowns in Ayacucho was carried out by the Party; it had its antecedents in the struggles for the defense of the university funds. In Ayacucho we had forces and we took advantage of that struggle for the University with the Federation of Neighborhoods. This Front led by the Party is going to develop the struggle against D.S. 06 on the problem of education; and the center of this struggle has been Ayacucho, from there the Revolutionary Front of Secondary School Students (RFSSS) has emerged, this movement has been growing and many young people have been commissioned to different provinces, they go to Huanta, Cangallo, Huancayo, Fajardo, Huancavelica, Apurímac, the struggle for education supported by the people and led by the Party achieved a great victory and dealt its first defeat to the fascist regime. Now they want to traffic, what the liquidationists sought was to abort the struggle and undermine the Party. The source of that traffic is Aracelio Castillo. Now where are the liquidationists? We are conquering power.
Research Plan. July 1977. Investigation of peasant labor. This is how we are advancing. There are already foundations of Mariátegui‘s line and the situation is developed, we have the base of the refoundation in ‘73, in ‘75 we promote the refoundation and in ‘76 a process of assembling, of developing the work in Lima begins (Lima was the base that served to assemble the Party at national level, each thing in its place). Because there was an ideological-political base, there was already Mariátegui‘s line, then came the development, we took the problem of the construction, it was extended to a national level, it can be seen in the 6th Plenum of the Central Committee.
6th Plenum of the Central Committee, Dec. ‘76 was one of the most violent sessions we have had, but we advanced quite a lot. In the central report in the third part of the outline of the session „Report on Construction“ was presented, which had six parts: Marxism and construction, construction in the country and the path of Mariátegui; the problem of construction; generated organizations; problems of the internal struggle and current tasks of construction. Co-report on guidelines for the Department of Organization, there are 9 points that it deals with: The Leadership is always key. Among the agreements is to convene the 7th Plenum to deal with the National Plan of Construction, since it was not possible to advance further due to the internal struggle.
After this process that begins with the 2nd Plenum, 3rd Plenum, documents of ‘75, we focus on the organizational construction but there are moments in which the construction becomes a basic substantive issue to raise to the level of political leadership.
7th PLENUM. April ‘77: „On the 7th Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPP“, previous document to prepare the event. Political Bureau. It deals with „The internal struggle and the construction“ in the 6th Plenum the internal struggle broke out, there was a Right deviation in the countryside and in the city. „Current problems of construction“ and „7th Plenum of the Central Committee. 7th Plenum should have as its guideline ‚To construct serving the armed struggle‘. Contents of the Plenum“. It has said what the guideline is, where the Plenum should aim at, construction becomes the substantive issue at certain moments.
7th PLENUM. May ‘77: „Develop the construction, mainly of the Party, serving the armed struggle!“ Plenum Document. Part 1. There in the preliminary report in point 3. „Road to follow: National Plan of Construction Serving the Armed Struggle“; in Part 3. „Develop the construction, mainly of the Party, serving the armed struggle“; it is the central part; in its point 5. „Work Plan.“
In this document we have transcribed annotations of the Permanent Committee in the debate and there various ideas are put forward. For example: „Construction work has to give struggle against revisionism?“ or „the problem of construction is little dealt with, why?“, are very useful questions to direct an event, it is a good habit, it would be good to think that the Political Bureau applies this system to the side to put annotations, questions, what points to highlight, to develop, it serves to contribute more. This summary is very good and should be summarized again, see page 5 of the document, there it is stated: two lines, opposite line in organization already begins to be outlined, it will be developed and then lines will be presented in other fronts, it is being designed in the background. So that another ‘68 does not happen: split, the line is antagonistic, it has to be dismantled. In the 6th Plenum an opposing line was presented in the peasant problem, an opposing line is already being developed in construction, as the fronts develop, opposing lines will be designated and in the background of all this there is an underlying opposing political line and a bourgeois and petty-bourgeois conception. We are liquidating liquidationism to develop a two-line struggle against revisionism as the main danger. What is the situation today? 4th Agreement: National Plan of Construction and Outline of the Plan of Construction.
In Part 2. Marxism and construction and the 26 problems of construction. The National Plan of Construction, in spite of being approved, was a problem because it had to be applied, so it can happen to us today.
Part 3. National Plan of Construction. It has 16 points ranging from the ideology to the organizational goal to be achieved. Part 4. Work Plan. General and specific tasks, guidelines. The 7th Plenum has several documents, they are materials that serve as a foundation, these construction problems demand this type of documentation.
Red Flag no. 46. Page 19: „On the construction of the Party“. It is a very important document, to take it into account, it will be useful for us. Red Flag no. 47-48: Declaration of the VI and VII Plenum of the Central Committee. „Develop the construction, mainly of the Party, serving the armed struggle.“ It is extremely important, it is key because it orients the struggle, defines situations, poses conditions on how to build, based on the masses, guided by politics, it ends in the great framework of how to see the ideology.
In ‘77 clear bases are laid down on how to develop the construction. We are going to enter the struggle, how to develop the construction. The 8th Plenum is very important. Let us remember that a series of works have been developed on the organizations generated and this work is closely linked to the work of the Metropolitan Committee, analyzing the documents of the National Committee we can find good experience. There is also an important event, the meeting of organizations generated at the national level, there are also documents on this, it can be very useful for the work of the masses and how to promote the construction plan linked to the masses. Remember the celebration of the National Cadre School in June ‘77, after the 7th Plenum that School served to prepare the contingent that had to move to the national level.
The 8th Plenum is of great importance and gives us good lessons. It is important to highlight the works that were developed in political meetings a year before the event, also here construction problems are dealt with; also see the works of the Propaganda and Front Departments in relation to construction; the work of Propaganda is indispensable, in this case it plays an important role in the documentation and also Front is an instrument that we should develop; it is important to see what we highlight about Front work linked to the masses.
Meeting of the Enlarged Political Bureau. September 1977. Here the 5th Congress was prepared. What we are interested in highlighting in terms of construction is what is in the agreements of that meeting. When presenting the draft plan of the 5th Congress, in point 2 it is stated: To complete the refoundation and lay the foundations to develop the armed struggle. To construct serving the armed struggle. The second is of greater importance „To lay the foundations to develop the armed struggle“, because the problem of culminating should be specified in laying the foundations to develop the armed struggle, because the Party is for the conquest of Power and being the Party refounded, the armed struggle should begin, thus the relation is established: to lay the foundations for a new period to develop the armed struggle. One period has ended, another must begin: the armed struggle. That is why it is so important.
To culminate and lay the foundations will tremendously sharpen the struggle because it implies making a qualitative leap of great importance. The Comrades who moved after that School were reunited in November ‘77 and a balance of the construction was carried out. Here the main point is in point 2: Application of the National Plan of Construction, it states that the National Plan of Construction must be followed, that construction is the problem of developing the Party, the United Front and the Armed Struggle. Guideline for Regional Committees: To build serving the INITIATION THE ARMED STRUGGLE and towards the Support Bases. In this sense the Regional Committees are conceived of.
In the meeting of the Political Bureau it is said to lay the foundations for the armed struggle but here it says Initiate and that requires setting time and this is going to sharpen the struggle even more. It is also important how the question of the zones is seen, to pay attention to the peculiarities of each zone, to see today also the differentiation of the zones. It says organized zones and then zones in organization and when proposing zones in organization differentiate zones for initiating work, zones with initial work with zones with previous work. To develop zones to support national construction means that the organized zones must be developed and this must be supported by the entire national system. In the zones in organization develop regional construction as a basis for national construction. It is a good specification to serve the National Plan of Construction. The guideline for cities is also raised: To construct serving to support the Initiation of the Armed Struggle and to develop the accumulation of forces. Obviously this is also a cause for struggle because some Comrades thought that the cities were left out. The rural-urban outline is not yet proposed, but it is important because it links the city; it proposes to support the accumulation of forces because it has a final course which is the insurrection. It proposes peasant work as the basis for construction. Countryside and city. The problem of the Outline is brewing.
The reference point: National Plan of Construction and 5-year period. What it does is to establish a relationship between the Plan of Construction and the 5-year period. This is November ‘77, ‘80 started within the established period.
Lesson: Construction-War-Period. A deep and foresighted analysis of the plan that has a period within which the beginning had to take place. Today we are entering another period, it also requires a deep and foresighted analysis plan for a period for the Conquest of Power with a lot of flexibility according to the intervention of imperialism, but that does not mean that there should not be a period. When a period is proposed, one is prepared for when the situation arises.
Something about the National Cadre School. It is an important lesson because you have to prepare cadres, contingent, mainly cadres. Now also forging cadres is part of three bases and three guides. Eight themes were developed. This school is for construction.
In „On the United Front and Construction“. The problem of tactics is key to the line, it has to do with which classes are grouped and the debate was about which tactic to apply, which claes to agglutinate. We concluded that the line of the Party, that of Mariátegui defined a Front line that implied uniting up to the middle bourgeoisie or national bourgeoisie but under the leadership of the proletariat and its Party. This line was abandoned, a grave error that was corrected in the 5th National Conference of 1965 where we reached the conclusion that the problem is to unite four classes based on the worker-peasant alliance, the petty bourgeoisie is united and that is the constant trunk of the United Front in the revolution, while the national bourgeoisie is fluctuating until at some point it joins the revolution.
The opportunist practice has supported the big bourgeoisie or a faction of it, claiming that it was supporting the middle or national bourgeoisie, that is the question of the deviation in the problem of the front, a Right deviation that has been going on since the 1930s. If one looks at the 4th National Conference of 1962, there was support for the faction of the big bourgeoisie which promoted industrialization. This is the most important debate we had in terms of the Front. Tactical key question of the line. It is the problem of the application of the line in a period of the revolution within the strategy of the revolution, within the character of the revolution, but any tactical variation there may be cannot go against the character of the revolution, to support the enemies of the revolution. Taking into account strategy, period there can be variations in strategy and tactics if the character of the revolution changes within the democratic revolution, there the problem is to manage the contradictions within the big bourgeoisie insofar as in the big bourgeoisie there are factions linked to imperialism that fight for hegemony. It is a problem that we would have to analyze in the event of direct or indirect intervention of imperialism, of the United States. It is a key problem.
They raised many questions such as „would imperialism intervene?“. In the background is the question of not seeing the role of imperialism, of aggressor, that in the world there are oppressed nations and aggressor States that seek to divide up the world as booty, the problem of Cuba is exceptional. We state that imperialism always intervenes directly or indirectly, the facts are showing that if it cannot intervene directly or indirectly because the situation does not favor them, they resort to all means to crush the government that does not suit them. Thus we see that there are questions of substance when the question of United Front is raised. „Fluctuating national bourgeoisie?“ „Does it mean that it puts itself on the margin or in the middle?“ It is not like that, it does not put itself on the margin or in the middle, it means that it puts itself on the tail of the reaction or it puts itself on the side of the revolution. These things have to do with a long Right frontist tradition in the country.
From the debates we arrive at what line is key for construction.
Another question „Is Mariátegui developed or not?“ We were talking about construction and there arises […] political world outlook, it is to strike politically against the development of the line. From there comes this conclusion: It was not only to remain in refoundation, to wait for it to be completed, but also to oppose the refoundation itself because it has been developed on the basis of the developed line.
In organizational matters, open work and secret work; the main opposition to the culmination of the refoundation is to focus on the masses, on the generated organizations. The secret work is the main one, it is to oppose the construction of the Party. It is aimed at denying the Party. Denial of the Party is to aim at destroying it, in service to whom? do you want another type of Party? if you do not want the Communist Party, it would have to be of another type.
The problem is ideological line, when dealing with problems of construction and deepening, the line jumps because it is the base. The theory of the great leaders is also debated. Do they question everyone?
To replace them with bureaucratism, revisionism. That is Right-opportunist line in organization after opportunist political line. Problems of vindictiveness, problems arise linked to everyday politics „is State monopoly better than non-State monopoly?“ The problem is that they are monopolies.
All this shows us that at the bottom of organizational problems there is a question of ideological-political line. It leads us to two questions to be solved: characteristics of the opposing line in construction, opportunist line in organization and how to develop the construction.
Meeting with the Propaganda Department.
Do not pay attention to the construction. It jumps in propaganda because it has to spread the conception, the line, the policy. Is it necessary for every militant to comply with the 6th and 7th Plenums? Indispensable and peremptory, especially if some begin to crash against these Plenums. Stalin‘s quote on the dangerous turn for those who are not firmly adhered to the Party‘s bandwagon. As the whole Party, propaganda also has to move in function of the political line, to culminate the refoundation, also in propaganda to apply the National Plan of Construction, the period is very important because it is to construct to initiate the armed struggle.
The National Plan of Construction will be developed in struggle with the old plan which is known, including with the transition plan which we are making as a pilot plan and this pilot plan, while it is new, is fought against while it is old, it is accepted. This transition plan is successful, although the new predominates, it drags part of the old, some want to stay in the transitory. The old will be strengthened in its tendency to survive by the weight of the tradition of the consecrated forms of organization and struggle, not forgetting the colossal pile of garbage. The new plan will impose itself, the new always imposes itself in struggle.
The Propaganda Department itself agreed on a new national plan for the construction of the Propaganda Department. All the apparatuses have to be adjusted. Lesson: a Department or any apparatus has to adjust and have its own National Plan of Construction. It shows us how the apparatus must serve the National Plan of Construction, otherwise it cannot fulfill its task.
Summary of construction.
Why in the 6th Plenum did the contrary line in the peasant movement emerge as a basic question? The 6th Plenum pointed to the National Plan of Construction, because the base of our construction work is the peasant work, important, the peasantry is the main force, the revolution depends on its location? The struggle would be based on the peasant question? Yes, and this is a basic question of the refoundation of the Party, of the culmination and laying of bases. What has been the basis of the most important struggles within the Party? All of them had, have and will continue to have as a base the peasant question. Rich. Today with the problem of the war, the war is based on the peasantry, it is the same.
Construction. Unequal development is a law. Generalize and differentiate. Generalize for the whole country and differentiate for the regions, within each region also equal, in a zonal, in a Department equal. Not to grasp firmly has a root: to have a contrary line, consequently one neither wants nor can grasp firmly. The problem is the greater or lesser degree. There is a circumstance because it arises that there is a contrary line.
Organization. Open work and secret work. How is the United Front, the armed struggle and the Party concretized today? What is the relationship between them? Refoundation of the Party from the countryside, to lay the base of the construction work in the countryside to follow the road to encircle the cities from the countryside to apply the line. The Party, the Army, the United Front, power, the Party is concretized according to the way it is applied. Party. Two aspects: one, Right (revisionism); two, Left (Line of Mariátegui and its development). Whether one aspect or the other predominates is decisive. The Left predominates.
Magnificent relationship. Thus it could be stated: contrary world outlook implies contrary line, implies contrary tactics, implies contrary organizational line, implies contrary plan of construction, implies contrary work plan. This in relation to the Party, the same in Front, in Armed Struggle, in Mass Work, etc, etc. In everything. In the case of the Right it is the opposite of this: Marxist world outlook implies General Political Line, implies Marxist tactics, implies organizational line to conquer power, implies plan of construction, implies work plan, implies conquering power. The Left predominates, that is why we are advancing.
Reflection: What is the 5-year plan for? to concretize the National Plan of Construction, to construct in order to initiate the armed struggle. This is the period, if you are prepared, if the occasion presents itself you conquer power, if not you will continue dreaming.
Summary of the Front Department.
How the Front develops within the National Plan of Construction and how it has to reorganize itself.
United Front and General Political Line: National-Democratic Revolution. To develop and forge itself within the General Political Line. What is the tendency of the Front that has predominated in the country? If we do not take the United Front according to Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought and the Line of Mariátegui and its development, the opportunist line of the Front will continue to be imposed, consequently we will fall in line with the big bourgeoisie. Fully valid, today we are faced with this. Peasant process, tactics. The question is to capitulate before the big bourgeoisie or to ally with the poor peasantry mainly for the worker-peasant alliance to guarantee the hegemony of the proletariat and develop the road. Struggle for daily demands serving power, concretization of Marxist thesis, power is the central problem.
National Plan of Generated Organizations. Development of the generated organizations, course and role, ideological-political development, principles and programme, organizational construction, leaderships, national construction, mass work, conferences, events, propaganda. It concludes with how to develop the generated organizations. It was a very important meeting. Today we have power and these things to keep in mind, it is a good basis to work on. The different mass fronts are specified: five fronts and generated organizations and their avoidance is part of the avoidance of the mass work.
Circular March ‘78.
The problems began to become more acute. The Party distributed a circular to the rank and file in March ‘78, it states that all the work has to be developed in the concrete and daily class struggle, thus serving the initiation of the armed struggle, to initiate was the high point, that is where to aim.
Circular to the rank and file June ‘78, both signed by the Organization Department, this Department is in charge of seeing how the organization is doing, from politics to organizational problems. In this circular it warns that in spite of the agreement a tendency to deviation is developing to structure itself, it is an unstructured tendency, if it were to structure itself it would be a contrary line and calls to transform itself to serve the revolution and fight against revisionism.
This is the responsibility of the Department of Organization, the function of the circulars. What the Party has ordered, what problems there are and how to correct them.
In this way the Left was laying the foundations.
8TH PLENUM, July ‘78.
The Party was on the verge of a split in which 2/3 of the Central Committee hesitated. 1/3 maintained a firm position, in a shrewd and forceful struggle imposed conditions and set the course and overcame the difficult situation in which we were going through.
July 11th. Balance of four parts of the construction. Political ideological construction, organizational construction and on the construction of class struggle in the masses. On July 13th, intervention of the Leadership states that the 5th Congress cannot be held on the scheduled date. On 14.07.1978 the fourth part of the summary of the construction is seen: On the construction and the two-line struggle.
The Leadership synthesized the five problems that were presented: 1) In the ideological: armed struggle as concretion of violence; 2) In the political: General Political Line and its development; 3) In the organizational: To develop the construction serving the armed struggle taking as a base the peasant problem; 4) In the class struggle of the masses, to raise the peasantry under the leadership of the proletariat represented by the Party and 5) two-line struggle, to avoid the perspective of structuring, to correct deviation and sweep away revisionism. It is very good to establish differences: structuring, correct deviation and then sweep away revisionism, differentiate so that a clear position is taken.
The Leadership insists on the problem of the construction and concression of the National Plan of Construction and criticizes Anarchist and Anarcho-Socialist criteria. The meeting begins to enter into difficulties, begins to enter into pessimism.
On 22.07.1978 previous questions are raised, the need to rethink the content of the 8th Enlarged Plenum is raised and as content „to construct serving the armed struggle“ and „to develop the construction mainly of the Party in the class struggle of the masses“, these are two slogans sanctioned by the 6th and 7th Plenum; it was clearly stated that they are against the 6th and 7th Plenum. Agenda: 1) International situation; 2) Economic situation and period of 4 to 5 years, the problem is to initiate; 3) Political situation and period, the problem was to move in the period; 4) Summary of the Refoundation. Rich! A Leadership cannot abandon its goals, that is why they are leaders; point 5) Summary of the Plan of Construction and point 6) 5th Congress. Measures and tasks. Here it is defined; the game is very simple, they have been put in the situation of whether or not to go against the Plenums, then where would they go back to? each one starts to think.
On July 23rd, the Leadership presented a report on Construction, based on the principles of construction established by Chairman Mao, Lenin, Stalin, an important point is about the construction plan and contradictions, the balance of the refoundation was raised. In point 3 of the Plan of Construction for the armed struggle. OUTLINE FOR THE ARMED STRUGGLE: countryside-city is developed. Main countryside, complementary city. How it is defined and 5 questions.
On July 25th, the Leadership states that the majority are Leftists and want revolution. It is very good to be seen and reflect the reality. Debate. Intervention of the Leadership and states that in the background of the prolongation of the preparatory school it is believed that the Right is advancing, background, questioning of the General Political Line and its development, questioning of the Party and gives an offensive based on what Chairman Mao states about the struggle in Volume 5. Lunge on the basis of principles.
On July 26th, the Leadership raises the question „Is there a Leftist line?“, analyzes and summons 11 members of the Central Committee on semi-feudalism, plans, sector, methods, attitudes and clashes, divergences in the circular. Position of adherants, let two tigers fight and see what happens (they had intellectual provenance). First the fight against Anarchists, then against adherants. The Leadership warned that the 8th Plenum is in danger. Background, it is believed that we are ultra-leftists; a dam was produced, convergences. Bottom of the dam, „they are about to repeat another ‘68“. Solution: to apply the plan of the 6th Plenum, it said that the Party had an objective and that the Party fulfilled it with those who wanted and were able to do it, basically a split. The Leadership establishes a relationship between the Rightist line of the countryside and the city; they have to come together, the waters must collide and the two poles must be put together, otherwise the antagonistic struggle cannot develop. We have to make them see their connections so that they enter into polarization.
On July 27th the method of taking the course of their ideas and of the Party documents is applied, it is shown that they are throwing themselves against Party documents. Background? Rotten revisionism; therefore it is suggested that so and so is ultra-left and imposes his line, this is seen in the ideas presented in the national summary of construction of 77 „only Gonzalo“, „there is great difference between Gonzalo and us“; they go for wool and come out shorn, facing what they say they are told that the background is revisionism. What did this event lead to?
On July 29th, the Leadership intervenes and proposes that there has to be a purge and for this there must be a Control Commission; a close relationship is established between: Leadership and General Political Line and its development, therefore as they oppose the Leadership they oppose the General Political Line and its development they oppose the Leadership, so it is a problem of opposition to the line. Consequently, here we are debating the line, never allowing ourselves to be boxed in the problem of Leadership, errors of the leaders is another thing. All this will lead to purification and that there be a new Central Committee, to resolve in the facts a head to lead the Party, every revolution has it. Thus it is a problem of line, Leadership and of defining the head. Incident, duplicity is produced, acting in one way in the event and in another way outside of it. The bottom line of the incident is to group. Whoever believes in a line must strive to impose it.
The Leadership asks for an opinion, proposes the selection of a Leadership for the struggle to unfold, the event should decide whether or not to change the Leadership; it was ratified and it was shown that there is no desire to change the Leadership.
On July 30th and 31st, the Leadership states that the problem is to form public opinion against the alleged ultra-left line and it is charged that whoever leads should head it, that in the internal struggle it is nominated, it is personalized and cowardice is not allowed. In what situation is the struggle? It is defined in position in front of the outline of the armed struggle, they are because they enter or not to the armed struggle; without establishing the development of the General Political Line there is no head of the Party.
Regarding the alleged „Left“ line, it criticized the adherant members and summoned the Central Committee to criticize them and called for a separation with revisionism. In short, it is symptomatic that they target members of the Central Committee who carry out work, while those who do not work were not told anything, shameful. 1/3 of the Central Committee complies with the tasks and calls for the 2/3 colluding to expel the third. They did not know what to do; deep down they were afraid of what was to come.
On August 1st, the Leadership proposed:
1) Let us subject ourselves to Marxism; 2) See decisive moments of the Parties and 3) The Party begins to define its destiny. Thus the meeting begins to advance and develop.
August 2nd. Two lines and split plan; the Leadership synthesizes from the 5th Conference and asks: Who wants to split? For a Communist, it can have serious errors but to split? The Comrades came to their senses, we concluded that there is no split. It was the most complex moment that the Party had in this process of refoundation, on the verge of splitting but after an intense struggle we recovered unity, why? Because of the firm position of 1/3 of the Central Committee in a hard and demolishing struggle, no stone can be left unturned, only in this way we avoided a split: Chairman Mao tells us that we must let them cross the line, then the Communists begin to reconsider. We enter into cohesion:
1) International situation, 2) Political situation. Period. Our problem is how to specify in the 3rd Moment.
On August 5th, the Leadership raises: the political question is the problem of the OUTLINE FOR ARMED STRUGGLE, that is the center and axis on economic, political situation and period and there is nothing to discuss but to define itself. It has been approved unanimously. Our Party is a Party.
It is concluded that there is a structured counter-line, that this line is being developed. There is a contrary line that has been revealed, to see the bitter truth head on as Lenin said. Two syntheses: 1) How the struggle is developing and 2) Pay attention and be careful in selecting the Central Committee.
We go on to analyze the international experience of the armed struggle; the bases, the foundations of the Outline to unite us; experience of China, Albania, Algeria; the problem of the class struggle for power is the question of mass work. The road is to raise the peasantry. We analyzed the rebellion of Túpac Amaru and its magnificent lessons; guerrillas of ‘65 of the Revolutionary Left Movement (MIR). The problem was concentrated on these: how to raise the peasantry under the leadership of the Party of the proletariat. Process of the peasantry, warlordism, gamonalism, myths of the peasantry. Concern for the history of Peru.
On August 11th, a year of application of the National Plan of Construction was analyzed in contradiction. To apply the outline of the armed struggle was to initiate the armed struggle to destroy the old order and build the new order, the opposite line was to sustain the old order by evolving it.
Contradiction, international, flag of the world revolution, the other flag of the superpowers. Politically: Outline of armed struggle, power, raise the peasantry led by the Party, contradiction follow the big bourgeoisie. National Plan of Construction: against the 6th Plenum plan change line. Balance culminate refoundation, lay foundations, sanction the General Political Line and its development and sweep away revisionist line against opposing to culminate, they brand the line as „Left“ aiming to replace it with a revisionist line. It is good method of contradictions, so we know what to follow and what to fight. It is good experience of the Party.
August 12th. The Leadership proposes that to instruct the cadres on the base of errors is a good method. It is not a simple problem but a complex one, we had already solved a thorny problem because a problem of this type had led us to the split in 1968. Knowing how to treat the militancy, the cadres and the leaders, once the error is recognized, giving a hand to move forward.
On August 13th, conclusion: 1) Key to define and sanction the General Political Line and its development and 2) Let us define in practice the term of the refoundation and lay the foundations for the armed struggle without waiting for an event.
All this shows us that after establishing a whole political base, when we enter to concretize the National Plan of Construction it is done in intense struggle; the approval in struggle, the application continues in struggle: the old resists, after all, two-line struggle and ideological and political problem; it is necessary a firm and well directed struggle so that the Party advances and the Central Committee is key in that because it is the center of the Party. If one part stands firm it imposes.
Thus line, struggle, organizational problems, plan, competition to apply the plan, we have a scheme. The struggle does not end, it continues.
Work Session of the Central Committee. December ‘78. The Political Bureau puts forward its position on: 1) Construction of the Party at national level, destroy what was built with opportunist line and overcome what is obsolete, useless; 2) Course of the organizational line. a. Refoundation; b. To initiate the armed struggle; c. Laying the foundations. Achievements and problems; 3) The perspective of the organizational line and the decade of the ‘80s. Very important. To take into account when the Party has established the organizational line, it is proposed to see the perspective within the decade of the ‘80s, critical period, to handle the problem of the crisis that every second five-year period appears in a more acute form. Chairman Mao has taught us that when we build we must see the long years to come, every time we have not acted in this way we have made serious mistakes. Now think about the decade of the ‘90s and if it is possible to see the 3rd Millennium. 4) Five points for the application of the scheme; 5) Ideological-political construction, Programme, line, tactics, organizational construction, construction problems; 6) Statutes; 7) National Plan of Construction. On mass work two paths, two initiatives. Parliamentary cretinism, economic background, bureaucratic capitalism. Labor movement, its role. Peasantry. Period: elections, overflow. Decade of the ‘80s. Readjustment of the Party to the 8th Plenum.
Thus construction and mass work, long periods, how historical processes are conceived, period. Two decades, see long perspective. Plan for the conquest of power today and that has to do with how we make the State, with how to advance in socialism.
Debate. The meeting develops without seeing the other hill, not because we have united the struggle stops. Claiming the Party hill, the other is not, it belongs to reaction, it is a black hill, the struggle continues because classes exist. The leadership calls to assault the black hill and beat it, to demand the surrender of the black hill, to the two heads and destroy the hill.
Lesson: Assault and destroy the capitulationist hill. This was in the Right-opportunist line (ROL), it is not the current case, but the law is general, that is why we act in class struggle. The triumph is complete: One Party hill.
Page 409 of the „Faction Documents“ plan that we already had is going to conform to the 8th Plenum and the Outline, five issues are specified for the application of the Outline. Lesson: In the problem of the People‘s War, we should ask ourselves what our laws are and establish the Outline for the Conquest of Power, because we have peculiarities.
Page 411. The 9th Plenum is summoned, new phase of struggle and opposition to the reorganization, trapped because the majority of the Political Bureau chose the distribution of the Committees according to their personal interests. The objective was set: General reorganization of the Party. Page 412 General Report, part 2. The Central Committee goes on to apply the general reorganization of the Party, it was proposed how to reorganize the Party, specifications of the Political Bureau: 1) General reorganization; 2) Intense organizational period; 3) Clandestinity, 4) Displacement and distribution. Carry out reorganization immediately.
Meeting of the Political Bureau. Summarizes debate, specifies new phase of struggle and had to be linked to the general reorganization of the Party. Debate (p. 413) analyze political roots of new phase, reorganization and how everyone participates in the new phase. Two members of the Political Bureau generate problems trying to revoke the existence of the new phase, the problem is disagreement with line. Previous problem to solve the struggle, the problem was distribution. Need for Enlarged Central Committee, to enlarge the Central Committee. New phase of struggle was being denied, difficult prospect. (pg. 413) Ayacucho Local Committee has become ROL base to throw itself against the Leadership. Two members of the Central Committee want to advance and two heads come together. Plan of the 6th Plenum to commit not to split but also to split, if 10% remained it would go ahead. (p. 414) „two antagonistic lines are contending“.
Another Central Committee meeting. Although there has been a breakthrough in the situation but it is not defined. See new phase; see correlation of forces in the Central Committee and the whole Party organization. The situation is entering a split situation, things are getting worse. Quote from Marx: in moments of crisis, to lose one‘s head is a crime against the Party. (Page 415) course of the struggle against the ROL and the new phase. New phase in the whole Party, it is generalized: Two courses, two programmes, two lines, two plans, two leaderships and two contingents contend in the general reorganization. Generalization and differences, 24.01.1979. From there derives hills, fief of Ayacucho, fief of Cuzco, fief of Lima. Situation and distribution of forces. Strategic plan, situation and distribution of the two lines. It means that the Directorate has to see which positions are controlled or can be controlled. Strategic Plan of the Party line. Develop own forces, etc. Tactics: fight those who oppose the General Political Line and its development, mainly leaders in the new phase of struggle for the general reorganization of the Party. To advance 90% including cadres and leaders. Particularity, only through a process of struggle will the reorganization of the Party take place. „The line of the Party will win. The opposite line and its defeat.“ The split and its capitulation. Contradiction camouflage and accumulate forces, do not allow accumulation, so that they do not split unmask them. Purge (us) and evacuate (they leave little by little): split and camouflage, some split, the heads seek to split and others remain inside camouflaged. Measures to be taken. Implement a reorganization plan. It is a whole plan of how the two-line struggle has developed, to see that each meeting has its own law. It is a valuable lesson we have.