Proletarians of all countries, unite!
There is one goal, the conquest of power!





Red SunTranslated and reproduced by
The Red Flag



Directorship. We are fully conscious that no class in history has ever achieved the installation of its rule unless it has promoted its political directors, its vanguard representatives, capable of organizing the movement and leading it. The Peruvian proletariat in the midst of the class struggle has generated the directorship of the revolution and its highest expression: The leadership of Chairman Gonzalo who handles revolutionary theory and has a knowledge of history and a profound understanding of the practical movement; who through hard two-line struggle has defeated revisionism, Right and ‚Left‘-liquidationism, the Right-opportunist line and Rightism. He has refounded the Party, directs it in the people‘s war and has become the greatest living marxist-leninist-maoist, a great political and military strategist, a philosopher, a teacher of communists, and the center of Party unity. Reaction has two principles to destroy the revolution: Annihilate its directorship and isolate the guerrilla from the masses; but in synthesis its problem is to annihilate the directorship, because that is what enables us to maintain our course and realize it. Our Party has defined that directorship is key and it is the duty of all militants to constantly work to defend and preserve the directorship of the Party and very especially the directorship of Chairman Gonzalo, our leadership, against any attack inside or outside the Party and to subject ourselves to his personal directorship and command by raising the slogans of ‚Learn From Chairman Gonzalo!‘ and ‚Embody Gonzalo Thought!‘.

We base ourselves on the collective directorship and individual directorship and we are mindful of the role of directors and how through the people‘s war, through the renewal of directorship, the directorship of the revolution is coalescing and being tempered. We maintain the principle that the directorship never dies.

We who follow marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought, subject ourselves to Chairman Gonzalo and embody Gonzalo thought.“

1st Congress
Communist Party of Peru

Chairman Gonzalo has been in absolute isolation since his arrest (September 12th, 1992) up to now, for more than 17 years. Using this situation politically, the CIA and the Peruvian reaction began to execute their plan to annihilate the Chairman and take away Gonzalo thought, in order to stifle the people‘s war in Peru and, abroad, to deny the contribution to the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement.

Since the genocidal Fujimori announced to the world the hoax of the „peace letters“, a series of mamotretos followed, where he „bases“ himself against Gonzalo thought, against his own leadership, to later say that they have been written or dictated by him. While the reactionary press, entirely paid and controlled by the SIN-CIA, was spreading that Chairman Gonzalo „broke down“, that is to say the same thing that today is being spread through the Right-opportunist line‘s books („De puño y letra“) and Montesinos‘ („Sin Sendero, Alerta Temprana“).

Reaction, the revisionists and, within it, their servants of the revisionist and capitulationist Right-opportunist line, managed by the CIA, are convinced that we will never again have the opportunity to see and hear Chairman Gonzalo directly. So that he cannot denounce all these criminals — CIA, Peruvian authorities, journalists, Right-opportunist line traitors and their „lawyers“ — they make sure that this isolation is perpetual and absolute. They have even had the nerve to set up a pantomime of a „new trial“, „oral and public“ with the collaboration of his „co-defendants“ of the Right-opportunist line and „his lawyers“ of the Right-opportunist line, where he has not been allowed to speak. After the hoax of the „peace letters“ that they pretended to attribute to the Chairman (elaborated by CIA agent No. 2 in Peru, Merino Bartel, according to his own confession in the trial against Fujimori), there have followed videos, audios, declarations by heads of the revisionist and capitulationist Right-opportunist line, judicial proceedings against the President and books, but he is not presented publicly, nor is he allowed visits by independent lawyers, family and friends who are not with the Right-opportunist line. All the heads of the Right-opportunist line rats can talk to whoever they want, they even give interviews with open audio, but he cannot even be seen.

The Right-opportunist line rats follow the following course: 1. „Peace agreement“; 2. Try to stop the war; 3. Amnesty and enlistment; 4. „Chairman Gonzalo has already gone“ (letter of the traitor „Miriam“ read at the presentation of the book of the hoax „De puño y letra“); and 5. When the use of the situation of isolation does not serve their interests, it becomes their annihilation.

The letter of the rat „Miriam“ read at the presentation of the book, on September 12th, 2009, contains a key passage which, referring to alleged words of the Chairman, says: […] which reveals to me his decision that his role is over because the historical process from which he became: ‚Chairman Gonzalo, leader of the Party and the revolution‘ has ended. For me, Gonzalo will always be Gonzalo, long live Chairman Gonzalo!“ And this will be repeated in all his later mammoth works. That is to say „he has already gone“, „new directorship“, amnesty and enlistment. We condemn, reject and crush these traitorous rats of the revisionist and capitulationist Right-opportunist line at the service of the Yankee CIA.

This is being fulfilled, as denounced by the Central Committee of the Party. That is why we must denounce the miserable traitors of the revisionist Right-opportunist line and capitulations and the reaction that has the plan to physically annihilate Chairman Gonzalo, after having tried to muddy him and his thought. They will work this decade on amnesty and enlistment as it was from 2000-09 on „political solution“.

From 2010 onwards, the Right-opportunist line will follow the path of amnesty and enlistment, saying „the Chairman has already fulfilled his role“. For that they seek to raise „Miriam“; to head that „Communist Party of Peru“ integrated into the old State; practicing parliamentary cretinism and where they have some regional or municipal representative to participate in the repression of the masses.


The alleged „legal strategy“ that the book of the hoax deals with, does nothing more than repeat what the SIN-CIA-Fujimori-Montesinos has been sustaining since the „peace letters“ of 1992 to date. It is also the useless search „a posteriori“ to try to justify that the Chairman was not allowed to speak as „accused“ so that he could defend himself and be able to pronounce himself. This book is „the twin“ of another book, we refer to Montesinos‘ book, presented in November by his lawyer Esthela Valdivia: „Sin Sendero, Alerta Temprana“, where the same thing is propagated. Thus, reaction works to reinforce the idea that what the Right-opportunist line says is true; then to reinforce this idea even more, they bring out an attack by a „Metropolitan Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Peru, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist“ — a phantom organization behind which the intelligence service of the navy, that is the CIA, hides — against Chairman Gonzalo; where they accuse Chairman Gonzalo of being a traitor based on what the Right-opportunist line says and what Montesinos says and call for the communists to „study“ Montesinos‘ book. What they are going to bounce abroad through Luis Arce Borja, a whistleblower in the service of reaction. Then, converging with the plan of reaction, some who call themselves maoists are going to propagate it as authentic and speak of division of the Party.

None of what they pretend to present as Chairman Gonzalo‘s, reaction, the Right-opportunist line or whoever, can have any authenticity. They are only hoaxes to serve his annihilation. Only the direct expression of him, without any intermediation, before our eyes and ears as in his masterful speech of September 24th, 1992 will have similar value. And we are sure it will shake the world and will be a great impulse to the people‘s war and the world revolution. For this reason, they never present Chairman Gonzalo. The CIA trembles, reaction shivers, the fascist, genocidal and country-selling government of García-Gampietri and his ministers turn from yellow to green with fear at the mere thought that Chairman Gonzalo could really express himself and be heard. That is why our demand and that of all the revolutionaries of the world is: We demand the live and direct public presentation of Chairman Gonzalo and that he be allowed to speak out!

Madrid, 29.05.2010


Document of the Movement to Support the People‘s War in Peru, Spain. Due to the size and importance of the document, we publish it in its entirety as a supplement to Red Sun No. 34. Here we publish the title and contents of the document.

To the International Conference
29th of May, 2010


For an Expanded International Conference of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement to Evaluate the Application of Maoism and the Experience of the International Proletariat in the Struggle Against the New Revisionism. For enthroning, firmly embodying maoism, and with people‘s wars led by communist parties marching to the world people‘s war.

1. A historical framing of the debate currently being waged within the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement.

2. The experience of maoism in France, 1968-72.

3. Class struggle and contradictions in imperialist Europe.

4. The uprisings in France, 2005.

5. In France on the „edge of civil war“, how is this limit to be crossed?

6. Class struggle and national struggle in France?

7. Mass work and people‘s war.



We bring the warm greetings of our Party and the Italian maoists to this conference.

We salute, through the Peru People‘s Movement, the glorious Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru.

We salute the heroic fighters of the People‘s Liberation Army. We salute the comrades and organizations present here.

The document of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru which is the basis of this conference is a very important fact that expresses the new strength of the Party, of its leadership which acts under the historical guidance of Chairman Gonzalo, persists in the people‘s war, upholding, defending, applying marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly maoism.

It is justified and correct that the document takes up again some quotations from the fundamental documents, which our Party shares and which are the basis of the unity that exists between the Communist Party of Peru and our Party even before its founding, substantially since the founding of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, and also after the founding of what unfortunately is still the only true maoist communist party that exists in the imperialist countries.

Chairman Gonzalo‘s contributions were important for the founding of our Party and are expressly mentioned in our theses. And, for that, our Party was closely associated with the Communist Party of Peru and the Peru People‘s Movement in the struggle in Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, through international conferences in Palermo and Paris and, most importantly, in the important enlarged meeting of the Committee of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement in 2000 sealed by the important declaration „For a Century of People‘s Wars!“.

This declaration constitutes the most advanced point reached by the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement. This is why it is important to start again from this declaration to carry out the struggle in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, in the international communist movement, for a second step forward towards the Communist International.

The themes that the document of the Communist Party of Peru proposes for a new enlarged meeting of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement are shared by us, although the interpretation and position of our party on them can differ and thus give life to a different application that corresponds to the ideological, political and organizational need to apply marxism-leninism-maoism to the concrete reality of our country, to the current political situation, to the stage opened by the new century.

We think that while the public proposal for an enlarged meeting of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement is launched, it is useful and necessary to develop the debate and struggle on the points indicated by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru, in order to reach a higher level of unity.

While carrying out this struggle, our party wants to fulfill fully its general tasks in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and international communist movement. It is to fulfill these general tasks that we are committed to building our Party serving the new initiation of the people‘s war in our country. It is to fulfill our general tasks that we are committed, since the revolt of the outskirts of 2006, through the meetings in Paris, to affirm the necessity and the practice of the construction of the maoist communist parties in the imperialist countries, the universal validity of the people‘s war, the development of the specific line on what should be the people‘s war in an imperialist country, its relation with the inurrection and the characteristics of a communist party of a new type necessary to lead it. It is to fulfill our general tasks that we realized with the comrades of France, Turkey, Canada, India, Naxalbari, a joint declaration on May 1st and the marxist-leninist-maoist magazine Maoist Road.

It is to fulfill these general tasks that our party analyzes, examines in detail the path of the people‘s wars and the thorny problem of the people‘s war in Nepal.

We think that the current positions of the directorship of the Party in Nepal are revisionist positions on the question of power, of the army, of the primacy of the parliamentary and institutional way, on the problem of the definition of „globalized imperialism“ and of the „democracy of the 21st century“. And on this we think that we have a broad convergence with the positions of the Communist Party of Peru. In the same way, however, we think that the 10 years of the people‘s war in Nepal, the treatment of the relation between people‘s war and mass political movement elaborated by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) contains indispensable positive lessons for the growth of the patrimony of political and practical experience of the strategy and tactics of the people‘s war, and this not only in Nepal but in general for the international communist movement.

If the struggle against revisionism remains the main one, to win this struggle we need to delimit ourselves from, and combat the dogmato-extremist positions that exist in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement as well as in international communist movement and emerge just with the evaluation of the revolution in Nepal, and which constitute a typical expression of small-bourgeois revolutionism that takes water to the mill of revisionism through the liquidationism of the experience of the Nepalese revolution and of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement as a whole.

The Communist Party of Peru has a great task also in this field and we are absolutely sure that our parties will march together in the new unity under maoism of the international communist movement.






May 2010


Dear colleagues,

Our party, the Communist Party of France, brings its support at this meeting in Madrid we are in full agreement of:

Impose maoism as a guide, as an ideology for the triumph of the proletarian world revolution.

To impose this ideology means also to crush revisionism and parliamentary cretinism.

For us, the bourgeoisie will never ever take away power by its good will. It will use all possible means. It is because it will need to conquer power by struggle, by protracted war, people‘s war.

Today in general in the imperialist countries, those of Europe, which concern us directly, a sweet form of fascism is developing, which we call modern fascism.

That is possible then in front of the bourgeoisie there is not a communist party, but revisionist, social-democratic, trotskyist and opportunist parties with the aim of reforming capitalism by the parliamentary way.

There are no socialist states now either. In this way the bourgeoisie can without real position destroy what has been won by the working class, restructure on the entire planet, plundering the wealth of all countries by means of modern colonialism, basing an alliance with the watchdogs who run the former colonies.

In spite of this situation, the peoples resist, revolt, with the leadership of the proletariat in the midst of people‘s wars, in Peru, in India, etc.

In France, modern fascism is advancing. Thus we are at the destruction of all social benefits, at the disintegration of public services, at the destruction of social security, at the delocalization of enterprises.

The world economy is in a total crisis, at the same time that the speculators are getting richer, but the working class resists, occupies the threatened factories, strikes multiply, in spite of the policy of class collaboration of the trade union leaderships. More and more the workers recognize themselves in the words of order of the Party which is still weak, numerically as in all imperialist countries, but the objective conditions have become more favorable to the preparation of the revolution, to the development of the people‘s war, adapted to the concrete conditions of the imperialist countries, and in general to the internationalization of the class struggle on a world scale.

Today different tasks are incumbent upon the communists of the whole world: to impose maoism as the ideology that must lead to the dictatorship of the proletariat in each country and on a world scale.

This implies a struggle in each country and at the international level against revisionism, opportunism of all kinds.

The strengthening, edification or creation in all countries of maoist communist parties. To sustain the ongoing people‘s wars. To unite the proletariat and the popular masses within the organizations generated by the party.

Also to get involved with the struggle of the proletariat and the people‘s masses.

Finally to strengthen the international link between maoists to rebuild the Communist International that we need.







We are in the technical impossibility to attend the Conference of Madrid, for family problems of two of our editors and for other commitments of other comrades.

We still believe that our contribution for building the Maoist Communist Party in Italy is confirmed by the facts of the ideological, political and class work of the maoists in Italy.

We believe that this competition for building the Maoist Communist Party in Italy is not something understood by them of the International Red Aid of Italy, and for this reason there does not exist at present unity with them except for the contribution of some of them in a supposed Committee of Support to the People‘s War in Italy. Repression and counterrevolution have prevented the Maoist Communist Collective in Veneto from being able to make an adequate contribution for the 30th anniversary of the initiation of the people‘s war. We do not know of practical and forceful actions in this direction in Italy on the 17th of May, 2010. This is serious and shows the situation of revisionism, that only maoists in Italy fight against every form of opportunism.

We are against revisionism, not only against the parliamentary cretinism, not only against the new revisionism, but also against the revisionism camouflaged by the revolutionaries in words and tactics and enemies of the self-organization of the workers and proletarians in practice.

We maintain that the construction is contemporary of the three instruments of the revolution, and that the construction of the revolutionary front of the masses cannot be a secondary and later process, that it is primary to affirm the importance of the self-organization of the workers of the world in each country, first the Party, first the Party of the proletariat but not the groups.

For this reason we believe it is not our duty to add anything to our intervention to your Hamburg conference.

A red embrace.






May 2010




Please accept our communist greetings and our class commitment to the new great wave of the proletarian world revolution.

We cannot accompany you, for the moment, in the concrete international tasks, such as the Madrid Conference. However we favorably set our position with respect to the raised agenda and some more things.


We agree that it is necessary to take stock of the application of maoism and differentiate it in the midst of line struggle from those revisionist, opportunist and even troskyist currents that try to use mlm to justify their anti-marxist positions and want to confuse the masses.

The people‘s war is the touchstone in the definition of marxism-leninism-maoism. We communists must take concrete steps so that the preparation is not transformed into a parsimonious accumulation of force and instead opens the way to the initiation of the people‘s war. This is decisive in the conquest of power and the advance towards communism.

The defense of Chairman Gonzalo and his thought is a task that anyone who considers themself a communist must carry out. For us this means taking his contributions, defending them and applying them. Some call this tailism and what we see in these accusations is confusion, fear, lack of confidence in the masses and it is expressed as a Right-opportunist line or as a „Left“-opportunist line. At one extreme they deny the people‘s war and at the other they confuse the people‘s war with armed struggle. Both lines, however, start from a bourgeois and petty bourgeois conception of the world, deny the role of the masses as makers of history and do not understand the inevitability of a classless society. Another common denominator is that they fail to distinguish the role of the counterrevolution in their permanent work of discrediting our leaders and the tasks of the revolutionaries in defense of the authentic communists. Every communist is such until proven otherwise. But the proofs must follow a rigorous process of class investigation and not prostrate before certain „facts“ that the enemies want to present us as „truth“.

That is why we also believe that an important (if not decisive) point to resolve within the international communist movement is the defense of Chairman Gonzalo, we must fight to demand his public presentation with more people‘s wars (initiating and developing them). We must demand that he be allowed to speak freely before the press and that a commission of democratic personalities and jurists be allowed to visit him.

Colleagues, the Union is a small detachment that has been constantly applying criticism and self-criticism, autonomy and self-sustainability. This has led us to assume an ever deeper commitment to the proletariat and the people, both in our country and also internationally. That is why we understand the need to refound the Communist Party of Chile as part of the refounding of the Communist International. We are for practicing unity and not splitting, and we call this important meeting to maintain the struggle to solve the problems surrounding the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement. We are not for a „clean slate“. In this sense, the controversy and debate are not yet closed, this is our position.

Colleagues, we feel honored to be communists since we know of the resistance of our colleagues in the most difficult and infamous conditions that the enemy has imposed on us. We are proud to serve together with you the masses and the international proletariat, bearer of the historic mission to liberate itself and all the oppressed in all countries.

Colleagues, together with you we continue to shout:






Lately there have been repeated calls from various positions to build a new international center of revolutionary communists. This is not new, calls in the same sense have already been made in the past. Calls that coincide with various crises in the international communist movement since the eighties.

The formation of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement in March 1984, fruit of the work of the 2nd International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations, had above all a basic characteristic; the defense of the revolutionary legacy of Mao Tse-Tung, which at that time was strongly attacked both by the bourgeoisie and Soviet revisionism as well as by the Albanian dogmato-revisionists. Its creation made it possible to carry out a coordinated and victorious counter-offensive against the hoaxes launched by Enver Hoxha and his followers while at the same time clearly distancing itself from the Chinese revisionists and their poisonous theses.

Its Declaration was a decisive step for the construction of an international maoist center and although it still spoke of „Mao Tse-tung thought“ the presence in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement of parties that already defined themselves as maoist like the Communist Party of Peru opened the debate on the character of the third and higher stage of marxism-leninism: maoism.

The advance in the definition of maoism as the third and higher stage of marxism-leninism, did not happen without an important struggle, since there were organizations and comrades who did not consider it necessary to modify it and even affirmed that it was using a derogatory term used by the bourgeoisie or the revisionists to qualify the revolutionary communist organizations, when what it really hid was the incomprehension of the leap that maoism represented for the proletarian ideology.

The firm defense of maoism as the third and higher stage carried out by the Communist Party of Peru, under the leadership of Chairman Gonzalo, constituted as a red faction within the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, was seconded by the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA which as of 1988 assumed the definition of marxism-leninism-maoism.1

In 1992 the document „Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!“ enthroned it as a guide for all the member parties of the grouping.

Part of this struggle of lines, within the Movement, is the struggle against the opportunist and revisionist manifestations that denied the universal character of the people‘s war as the case of the Central Regional Committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) and the opportunist positions of K. Venu or those of the Communist Party of Nepal (Mashal). The criticism of the changes of line in the Communist Party of the Philippines that supposed a serious danger for the revolution or the crucial criticism of the capitulationist Right-opportunist line that arose in the Communist Party of Peru after the arrest of the Chairman of the Party and the majority of the Central Committee.

Many of these important debates were collected by theA World To Winmagazine, a publication promoted by the Movement, allowing thousands of communists to follow and participate in them.

We believe that it is necessary to take a public position in order to distinguish ourselves from those „Left“ or eclectic positions which, based on other existing groupings, seek a „great anti-imperialist alliance“ or a new revolutionary center.

Evidently there are great coincidences with those forces which, although they have not assumed the third stage of marxism, hold high the flags of revolution and armed struggle. However, to establish a new international center lowering the advances made by the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement in maoism is inadmissible and represents a clear attack of opportunism and revisionism, in collusion with reaction, to achieve the disappearance of the only clearly maoist international center.


There are comrades who consider that the serious problems posed by the appearance of an opportunist line within one of the currently central organizations of Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, we are referring, of course, to the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), implies the „bankruptcy“ of the Movement.

We do not agree with this vision, which we consider simplistic and ill-considered, which starts from anti-dialectical assumptions that deny that „one divides into two“. They see the conflicts in a unilateral way, they place them at the margin of the masses and of the development of the struggles at the international level.

It is true that the development of an opportunist line in the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) represents a serious setback for the revolution in Nepal and for the proletarian world revolution, but far from the dissolution of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement being a solution, what is needed, more than ever, is to strengthen it so that it assumes the leading role in the direction of the proletarian world revolution and in the criticism of opportunism in Nepal or in any other country.

It is necessary to point out that the Nepalese party has played an important role in the years of the people‘s war both in its country and in the development of maoist organizations in Asia and in the world. The serious directorship problems it faces today are not caused by a wrong line in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, as its critics claim, but by the abandonment of the revolutionary theses by a part of the Party directorship in Nepal.

We, after a broad debate with the comrades of the Union of Communist Workers (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) of Colombia2 and the analysis of the public documents of criticism of other organizations, took a position of open struggle against opportunism in Nepal. Criticisms that we understand should serve to recover the revolutionary directorship in Nepal and not to anathematize the Nepalese comrades who remain faithful to the Maoist revolutionary line.

For all these reasons we reject the positions that with „Left“ language speak from unilateralism when they call for dissolving the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement in order to build a new grouping. Criticisms that seem to deliberately ignore the (clandestine) conditions in which the movement is developing. As if it were a bourgeois NGO with headquarters, offices and permanent staff.

Most of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement organizations have individually criticized the „pacifist“ positions in the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) that aim at renouncing the revolution. Comrades in Iran, Afghanistan, India, Peru or the U.S. have expressed their positions in this crucial line struggle.

So have organizations outside this maoist grouping and in them we find the greatest, and in our view unjustified, attacks on the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement. We agree that this is a serious problem that affects everyone and not only the members of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, but we are talking about dissolving the only grouping whose organizations have launched revolutionary people‘s wars and have faced serious difficulties in the course of them.

It is like proposing the dissolution of the communist party because it has made mistakes or abandoning the communist ideal because serious deviations have appeared throughout its history!

This is simply and clearly called liquidationism, comrades!

We who for years have supported the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, have criticized what we consider its errors or its silences but we continue to qualify it as the proven center of the revolutionary forces at the international level.

It is true that there are other groupings such as the International League of the People‘s Struggles that have in their ranks glorious detachments such as the Communist Party of the Philippines, but in our understanding, they have not surpassed the ideological and political development and impulse that the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement has reached.

Its founding Declaration or the document „Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!“ have been and are a source of inspiration and instrument of struggle for millions of communists in the world.


Since the 1980s various criticisms of the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA have been voiced, criticisms that sound more like the whispering of nannies than of communists. The Revolutionary Communist Party, USA led by the good Bob Avakian is a revolutionary detachment that has worked in defense of maoism since the 1970s. Particularly important is its contribution to the denunciation of the Albanian dogmato-revisionists and when others were taking cover, the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA comrades stood up against those who wanted to liquidate the legacy of maoism and pushed for the creation of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement.3

Throughout these years the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA took a series of important initiatives that have created, sometimes in the midst of controversy, serious studies on the economy, science, religion or proletarian ideology.

His detractors, many of whom have disappeared over the years4, have accused him of manipulating the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and its Committee and of being responsible for the capitulationist lines that have emerged in the Movement. Of supporting the hoaxes of imperialism in Peru, of the cult of personality or of being accomplices of opportunism in Nepal.

It is not our intention to center the debate on the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement on the errors that the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA may have committed throughout these years (they could be the object, if so considered, of a session of the Expanded Conference of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement that we propose) We think that these should be described by its detractors and not in „gossip of the nannies“ or in simple accusations without more foundation than the words of the author.

We believe that it is necessary to put an end once and for all to the nefarious style of „all against all“ in our movement and to make serious political criticisms as taught by Chairman Mao and not to poison the environment with gossip or gossip that only benefits the enemy.

We think less criticism and more self-criticism is needed, comrades!


There are comrades who practice a kind of Byzantine zeal for debate that leads them to criticize and condemn any text or opinion that is not a carbon copy of the classics of marxism. They are unable to rid themselves of their scholastic dogmatism and their fear of error. He who does nothing is not mistaken should be their maxim.

Mao already warned us about this harmful style that impedes the right of expression in the Party and that has generated, in the past, disciplined communists but without the capacity to go against the current, to detect revisionism or opportunist deviations.

As among the masses, as pointed out by Chairman Mao, among communists there are different levels of understanding and commitment (advanced, middle and backward). Any criticism has to contemplate this question because the errors will have different character. To ignore this and act without taking it into account is a metaphysical error, not to apply dialectics, is to act in a unilateral way.

To formulate criticisms, and much more to hang labels (definitive balances), it is necessary to study the contradictions and to debate a lot the lines at stake, seeing all their aspects and conditions. We cannot act like coffee-table charlatans, we are communists, we are vanguard!

In the same way we must analyze our actions so that at all times they serve the interests of the revolution. If we are wrong, we must act quickly to correct our mistakes, following the directives of Chairman Mao on this crucial question, without fear of being wrong, for only revolutionary practice will transform our minds.


Allow us comrades a quotation from Comrade Stalin in his book „Questions of Leninism“ where he speaks of the position of the communists on the question of negotiations or agreements with the enemy:

Some believe that leninism is absolutely against reforms, compromises and agreements. This is completely false. The bolsheviks know as well as anyone else that, in a certain sense, the wolf is a hair‘s breadth; that is to say, that under certain conditions reforms in general and compromises or agreements in particular are necessary and useful […]

What is at issue is obviously not the reforms or agreements per se, but the use that is made of them.

For the reformist, the reforms are the whole; for him the revolutionary work only serves to talk in order to disorientate. Therefore, with the reformist tactic, under the conditions of existence of the bourgeois power, the reforms inevitably become an instrument of consolidation of this power, an instrument of decomposition of the revolution.

For the revolutionary, on the contrary, the main thing is the revolutionary work and not the reforms; for him the reforms are an accessory product of the revolution. Therefore, with the revolutionary tactic, under the conditions of existence of the bourgeois power, the reforms are naturally transformed into instruments of decomposition of this power, into instruments of strengthening the revolution, into a point of support for the further development of the revolutionary movement.“

Today there are comrades who dogmatically reject any compromise, thus considering themselves more revolutionary and what happens is that they try to fight revisionism with their weapons, the metaphysics of good/bad something similar to Hoxha and do not apply dialectics and the study of contradictions. „As the milk can be sour, I do not drink milk“ seems to be their slogan.

It is true that the peace agreements in some cases hide reformist and capitulationist lines, but as the good Stalin points out, if it is the revolutionaries, the bolsheviks, who lead the process, these compromises can serve to advance the revolution. Mao was always a faithful leninist and never claimed that negotiating was nonsense in general. We must reflect on this question.


In the face of the criticisms that speak of dissolving the Movement we propose, modestly, as our forces are modest, that a new Conference of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement be held to renew its permanent directorship and coordination bodies as well as to profoundly debate the tasks of the proletarian world revolution and the problems arising in Nepal and elsewhere, strengthening the maoist revolutionary detachments in the world and incorporating new organizations into the Movement. On the just basis of the unity of its Declaration and „Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!“ work for a „new leap forward“ of the revolutionary movement.

When the imperialist system is in full crisis, we have to achieve a greater and higher unity around maoism and the need for revolution to end centuries of exploitation.

We speak of unity and struggle, we speak therefore from the dialectic, but putting the emphasis on expanding our influence on the masses in need of revolution.

This glorious task cannot be undertaken without strengthening our Movement, without equipping it with the maximum of weapons for combat on all fronts and being aware, assuming in deeds, that the concrete application of the universal truth of marxism-leninism-maoism has to be embodied in very diverse conditions and acquire its own specific characteristics.

We have to work for an international organization in which all its militants are communist directors firmly united to the masses. Wherever they may be, the simplest of militants should be a communist cadre capable of serving the masses and the proletarian world revolution.


— We consider the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement to be the proven center of the maoists at the international level and we value that its successes are more important than its failures or mistakes at the present time.

— That in the present situation the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and its Committee should take a great leap forward and convene an (Expanded) Conference to discuss and study the various problems of the proletarian world revolution in the present century and strengthen its structures to meet the new challenges.

— That the calls for a new international center are mostly the result of eclecticism and the denial of maoism as the third and higher stage of the proletarian ideology and therefore must be rejected.

— That we must be attentive not only to combat revisionism or opportunism dressed in false „developments“ but also to the dogmatism that tends to make our ideology a dead letter.

— That we must work for a great unity of the revolutionary forces but under no circumstances should we compromise with the principles of marxism-leninism-maoism, always taking maoism as the main one.

Galicia, September 2009



Dear comrades,

From Herri Demokrazia we appreciate the invitation to the international conference that you are organizing but it is impossible for us to attend. We send fraternal greetings to the different organizations that are going to participate and we hope that the work they are going to carry out will be fruitful.

Herri Demokrazia is a maoist blog around which a small group of comrades are grouped. Currently, we are analyzing different possibilities on how to materialize ideologically, politically and organizationally the task that we carry in common.

We thank you again for the invitation, we will analyze in detail the conclusions that you elaborate and we hope that soon you will be able to count on us in the arduous struggle that lies ahead of us.

Revolutionary greetings,



Colleagues, receive cordial and fraternal revolutionary greetings to all those attending this International Conference on behalf of the Anti-Imperialist Movement of the Spanish State and the best wishes for a successful conclusion of the work that has been entrusted to them.

The International Conference constitutes one of the best symptoms of the survival of the Left of the international communist movement in these stormy times for the proletarian world revolution, which must revolt threateningly against those who even still try to stab it in the back; likewise, the continuity of this Conference reveals the successes achieved by this sector of our movement in the two-line struggle against revisionism of all kinds and for the definition of the fundamental strategic pillars of the general line of the proletarian world revolution, the refounding of communist parties throughout the world and the people‘s war. The merit of these achievements must be noted in the credit of the Communist Party of Peru and of its organization generated for international work, the Peru People‘s Movement.

However, these political achievements must be accompanied by parallel organizational advances in the direction of the refounding of the Communist International. In our opinion, the International Conference must impose this objective within its ordinary activities, creating for this purpose a space for debate on the ideological and strategic presuppositions that must constitute its foundation, which is the best way to generate a broad international movement in pursuit of this end.




May 2010



Give us an organization of revolutionaries and we shall overturn Russia.“


Whether the ideological and political line is correct or not, decides everything.“


To be a marxist today implies, necessarily, to be a marxist-leninist-maoist. The history of the proletarian world revolution and the national and international reality are proving this with ever greater force and clarity. Those who claim to be simply marxist-meninist, whether of the pro-Soviet line of the 1960s (PCE-FADI), or of the Albanian and hoxhaist line of the 1980s (PCMLE-MPD), by not understanding, in some cases, and by betraying in others, the advance of marxism towards a new, higher and third stage, has led them, from being the vanguard of the working class and standard bearers of the revolution and people‘s power, to being an ornament of the Ecuadorian bourgeois-landlord State. The former openly betrayed the struggle of the Ecuadorian and world proletariat, denigrated Stalin and his historical legacy, renounced the leninist principles of organization and switched to class collaboration. They are so cynical in their speeches and actions that they propose the building of socialism under the bourgeois-bureaucratic government of Correa. There is no doubt that they are arch-revisionists at the service of reaction. In the case of the latter, for some time they were the vanguard, they rescued and defended Stalin and Mao Tse-tung thought (so called at that time, today marxism-leninism-maoism). They made a serious mistake in allowing themselves to be duped by hoxhaism in the late 1970s and early 1980s. They tried to raise a revolutionary process with that „new line“, but little by little the same reality has been demonstrating that far from the only revolutionary line, marxism-leninism-maoism, and no matter how voluntarist the efforts of a party may be, if it does not assume the correct line, it is condemned to failure no matter how much it shouts „long live communism“. Particularly, the last decade is exposing the revisionist turn of this grouping, the abandonment of the revolutionary principles, although they say the contrary. Precisely what is currently happening in our country, clearly shows the above mentioned […]

The last few weeks in Ecuador have been very turbulent: a growing inflation, social struggles, inter-imperialist disputes between the U.S. and China for our resources within the framework of semi-colonial domination and the gradual decadence of the old opportunist and electoral leftist tendency.

The first restructuring of the Ecuadorian State, whose character is bourgeois-landlord, is coming to an end with the approval of the Organic Laws and Ordinary Laws, a restructuring that is in charge of the bureaucratic bourgeois faction in collusion and contention with the comprador bourgeoisie. That is to say, in the present conditions, Alianza País, Correa‘s business group, in (momentary) collusion and in (permanent) contention with the Social-Christians-Madera de Guerrero, PRIAN, PSP, among others.

The bureaucratic capitalism that is developing in our country has entered a new phase, in which a faction of the big bourgeoisie is fulfilling the most reactionary tasks, putting the brakes on the social struggle, arming a large police and military apparatus and corporatizing the mass movement.

Faced with this, the most varied analyses and strategies are raised, each one from its particular class point of view, from the political parties of the right, reformism and revisionism, to the unions, the church, the press and the armed forces.

It is not easy for the people to understand what is happening; and it is not for lack of intelligence but because for several years they have been bombarded with a great number of reformist and revisionist theses, with a great arsenal of anti-communism.

For several years now, decades even, revisionists of different caliber, some more some less, have been justifying the need to make the bourgeois parliament a „trench of struggle“, to support supposed „democratic and patriotic“ governments such as those of Lucio Gutiérrez and Correa, to see the „lesser evil“, that the seizure of power is a „future“ task, that what corresponds today is to „accumulate forces“ indefinitely and that some day the peoples will be ready for the revolution.

Therein lies a large part of the background of the current national political situation.

In 2006, the great majority of the Ecuadorian „left“ supported at all levels the election and subsequent government of Rafael Correa. They did so arguing that he was the maximum representative of a „democratic, patriotic, progressive, revolutionary and leftist tendency“ and that Correa himself was „anti-imperialist“. Subsequently, many of these „left“ parties occupied posts in Ministries, Governorates, Secretariats, etc., and called upon their bases, the masses and their unions to defend the „new political moment“, to not allow the right wing (annihilated according to the words of „left“ leaders) to return to the „power“ of the State. Then they mobilized for months, between 2007 and 2008, for the convocation of a constituent assembly and a „new“ Constitution?

This was their truth, unquestionable and sure that with the people‘s will, „putting pressure“, the passage from „socialism of the 21st century to scientific socialism“, from the „citizen revolution to the social revolution of the proletariat“ would take place.

All the above only shows the ideological deterioration of parties and organizations that claim to be marxist and revolutionary and that are incapable of seeing, analyzing and directing a complex reality, they did not know how to adequately orient the Ecuadorian social and popular movement but rather led it to the tail of a faction of the big bourgeoisie, they tied it as a chariot to capitalist and imperialist interests.

Rafael Correa and Alianza País were never revolutionaries, leftists or anti-imperialists. They were and are the representatives of the bureaucratic faction of the big bourgeoisie, of those who use the State and its institutions as a lever to ascend as a social class, to reinforce their positions and fight the other faction of the big bourgeoisie, the comprador (whose political representation is in the PSC-Madera de Guerrero, PSC-Madera de Guerrero, PSC-Madera de Guerrero and PSC-Madera de Guerrero): PSC-Madera de Guerrero, PRIAN, PSP, UDC, and others).

From the beginning Correa and his government did not propose any other plan or program than that of the old bourgeois liberal democracy, with the occasional social patch to win the support and sympathy of the broad masses of the population. Even in the first months of their administration, their bourgeois class character was evident: in the face of social struggle, such as that which took place in Dayuma, he applied open and savage repression against the inhabitants who demanded highways and the non-contamination of their sector by the oil companies; he proposed the „Ecuador Without Arms Plan“ to gradually disarm the entire population supposedly to „combat delinquency“; he structured the National Intelligence Service attached to the Government Palace, launched a whole reactionary campaign of ideological cut with slogans such as „The Homeland already belongs to all“ and „The Citizen Revolution is underway“, while the class struggle, the left, dialectics and historical materialism were denigrated every week in the media; decrees against trade union organization; commercial and military agreements with Russian and Chinese imperialism, etc. That is to say, his bourgeois positions were there from the beginning, without this implying not accepting that now they are more notorious and evident. In the midst of this, it can be clearly seen how many officials of the regime take advantage of bureaucratic positions to enrich themselves through public contracts. The president‘s brother, for example, had been contracting with the State since the end of 2007 and only in 2009 was this case publicly denounced. Just to cite one of the most notorious.

For a long time, Correa was invited to forums, tributes were paid to him, his face was put on banners of the „left“; one of the most complex cases is the delivery of the FEUE banner to President Correa in a public act, with the presence of more than 2000 people and the national press… This is how the revisionist and opportunist left saw this process.

Later, after the 2008 Constitution was sanctioned and the political, juridical and economic purposes of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie were being fulfilled, it stopped needing the „support“ of the parties and organizations of the opportunist and electoral left. They had already given him enough of a platform, the masses already recognized him as a „patriot and leftist“, and at the international level, the reformists and revisionists had managed to consolidate important support for the „citizen revolution“. Then entered the second phase, the culmination of the first restructuring of the Ecuadorian bourgeois-landlord State and the corporatization of the social and popular movement in order to stop and destroy any opposition.

Although the false left spends its time analyzing and disseminating that Correa is becoming right-wing, that he is mainly pro-Yankee and that he has „betrayed“ the workers and peoples of Ecuador, these are only high-sounding declarations to cover up and justify revisionist positions and the abandonment of the revolution in the country, although in words they say the opposite.

For those who believe that Correa has betrayed the peoples, for those who are blind and opportunist, we transcribe some lines of the great teacher of the international proletariat, Lenin, regarding reformism: „Reformism is a way for the bourgeoisie to deceive the workers, who will continue to be wage slaves, in spite of some isolated improvements, as long as the domination of capital subsists. […] That is why reformism, even when it is totally sincere, becomes in fact an instrument of the bourgeoisie to corrupt the workers and reduce them to impotence. The experience of all countries shows that the workers have always been deceived when they have entrusted themselves to the reformists.“ (Marxism and Reformism.)

In addition, we must differentiate between a State system and a system of government. Chairman Mao Tse-tung correctly states that the former is the dictatorship of one class over others, while the latter is the form adopted by that class dictatorship. That is to say, even if Correa had one day been „democratic and revolutionary“ (which he was not, except in terms of bourgeois „democracy“ and citizen „revolution“) that did not change at all the class character of the Ecuadorian State.

For those who believed that Correa is anti-imperialist, it is worth reminding them of the definition that Lenin, in the first place, and later Mao Tse-tung, made of imperialism. Lenin, at the beginning of the 20th century, defined imperialism as the greatest concentration of wealth and production in monopolies, the same that launched an open and fierce war in the conquest of raw materials, cheap labor and markets (read new colonies); Chairman Mao Tse-tung, entering the second half of the 20th century, states that three worlds are delineated: the first world composed of the imperialist superpowers United States and the former USSR, the second world composed of several imperialist countries of lesser power such as Germany, France, England and others, the same that compete among themselves and with the countries of the first world for international hegemony, and the third world, the oppressed countries, eminently semi-colonial and semi-feudal, which are in Asia, Africa and Latin America. (This is the original theory and not the one later deformed by the revisionist and coup-plotter Teng Hsiao-ping in the years 1976-78). So, if Correa confronted the United States as he did and still does to some extent, it does not mean that he was anti-imperialist, while the Russians and Chinese, imperialist powers of the East, began to enter Ecuador as a function of the inter-imperialist dispute with the USA. That is to say, Correa was and is anti-Yankee, but he is so as a function of the rearrangement of imperialist forces at world level and not because he is a „patriot“.

Regarding the 2008 Constitution, it is worth looking at other constitutions of old bourgeois democracies. For example, the issue of free education is not a revolutionary measure, in capitalist powers free education is something that has existed for decades. Just to make a case. If we analyze carefully, the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, when drafting the constitution, put as hooks certain patch measures for the people to support it, at the same time that in the same constitution it strongly penalizes the paralyzation of public services. At the same time the constitution opens the legal framework of the State for nationalizations and nationalizations of important companies and strategic areas, which for the bureaucratic bourgeoisie is key in terms of public contracting which will fall on the members of the government and its party, together with the developmentalist measures. If we look at the constitution of 1998, made by the comprador bourgeoisie faction, it allowed privatization in all areas of the State, precisely so that it can buy public companies and thus continue to enrich itself, supported by neoliberal policies.

That is the reality of the bourgeois class character of the government.

The second phase of the project of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie has already begun: to culminate the first restructuring of the bourgeois-landlord State and to corporatize the social movement.

To that effect, the government is approving in the National Assembly, in collusion and struggle with the comprador bourgeoisie, various laws which will allow it to further strengthen its political and economic power. Among them are the Social Communication Law, the Water Law and the Higher Education Law.

The Law of Social Communication serves them fundamentally to impose their model of capitalist-developmentalist accumulation, having a wide propaganda network to indoctrinate the popular masses and also to compete with their opponents, the comprador bourgeoisie, today owners of some important media such as Teleamazonas.

The Water Law serves the government to generate a docile and manipulable peasant and indigenous social base, by means of which it can assure itself the leadership of the State for many more years to come. It is clear that the direction of the Water Secretariat will be taken by Correa and his bourgeois group in order to attend with these water resources the big mining companies and the big landowners that exist in several provinces of the country.

The Law of Higher Education is being applied to control and orient the type of technical cadres needed by the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, in its enterprises, in the direction of the State, and in the monopolies of the imperialist countries with which it is aligning itself; to indoctrinate the popular masses in the conceptions of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie. They also apply it to displace political sects that hinder the development of their project, such as the right wing and now desperate revisionism.

The landed bourgeois character of the Ecuadorian state, the condition of a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country can be clearly seen and felt.

After several years of extolling the supposed virtues of the president and his government, or as they tried to disguise it, of the „project of change“, the different parties of the old opportunist and electoral left have been trying for about a year to rise up, to call the masses to protest, and they have not found the echo they wanted. They ask themselves why and answer that it is Correa‘s „fault“.

Correa has simply done what every bourgeois reformist must do, restructure the State, enrich himself and his group, and give a few crumbs to the people to keep them happy and passive. Those really responsible for what is happening are the leaders of the revisionist and reformist parties, of the old opportunist and electoral left-wing tendency. That they now go out to throw stones and close roads does not change the essence of how far their revisionist positions and opportunist practices have deteriorated.

The masses go out to fight for their interests, we revolutionaries support these struggles, we encourage them and try as far as possible to become involved in them, but we stress that as long as they are manipulated by the revisionist and opportunist leaderships nothing will be achieved by the people and on the contrary they will continue on the road to defeat, as is currently happening. We see how these leaders are engaged in the „legalization“ of their parties in order to be able to participate in the bourgeois elections of 2013. They daydream about those elections and pretend to win new sectors in the midst of the social struggle, they do not take a step without calculating the scenario electorally. If these struggles were organized in another direction, according to the strategic interests of the proletariat and the peoples, other results would gradually begin to be imposed. But we cannot ask the revisionists for the impossible. They have already completed a stage, they had their moment of peak, they twisted the revolutionary principles, they denied great communist leaders like Chairman Mao Tse-tung, and since they do not have a correct ideological line, they are going downhill in the country and in the world, while the marxist-leninist-maoists raise the red flag of the proletariat in the midst of the most selfless and combative class war, liberating large territories and preparing to assault the power of the bourgeoisie and imperialism, as they are doing in India, Peru and the Philippines.

The struggle must continue, but fundamentally in function of reconstructing the revolutionary forces in the country, of preparing the working class and the people for the seizure of power, for assuming, raising and pushing the democratic revolution, anti-imperialist towards socialism.

Without a true communist party, without a people‘s frmy and a united front of the revolution led by the Party, the working class and the peasantry with rifles, the people will have nothing. The economist struggle bargains crumbs for the people, while the parliamentary struggle legitimizes the dominant system and leads to reformism. The highest task that we Ecuadorian communists and revolutionaries have, is to rebuild the Communist Party of Ecuador, on the solid marxist-leninist-maoist basis and raise the banners of the people‘s war.





1According to sources of the RCP-USA in 1988 it adopted the denomination marxism-leninism-maoism. See preface of the work „The Immortal Contributions of Mao Tse-tung“. RCP Publications 1979.

2Most of the texts of the debate can be found in the blog Red Dazibao or in the magazine The Negation of the Negation of the Union of Communist Workers (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) of Colombia.

3Particularly important is Bob Avakian‘s article „Beat Back the Dogmato-Revisionist Attack on Mao Tse-tung Thought!“ for Revolution No. 4 of July-August 1979, a forceful denunciation against hoxhaist dogmatism or the defense made by the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA of Comrades Chiang Ching and Chang Chun-chiao subjected to a farce of trial by the Chinese revisionists.

4Throughout these years various organizations existing in the 1980s have been disappearing like the Revolutionary Communist Party of Chile, the Marxist-Leninist Union of Struggle (Spain) or the Central Regional Committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist).