Proletarians of all countries, unite!
There is one goal, the conquest of power!





Red SunTranslated and reproduced by
The Red Flag



[This falsified document is attributed to the non-existing „Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru“ of the police conspiracy Red Sun and contains falsified information. Read at your own discretion.]

To the Communists, to the International Proletariat and the Oppressed Masses of the WWorld

[…] while the universal validity of marxism-leninism has been recognized, maoism is not fully recognized as the third stage; because while some simply deny its condition as such, others only accept it as ‚Mao Tse-tung thought‘. And in essence, in both cases – with all the differences they have between them, they deny the general development of marxism made by Chairman Mao Tse-tung. To not recognize its character of ‚ism‘, as maoism, is to deny its universal validity and in consequence its condition as third, new and higher stage of the ideology of the international proletariat: marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly maoism, which we uphold, defend and apply.“

[…] The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is, in historical perspective, the most significant part of Chairman Mao‘s development of marxism-leninism; it is the solution of the great pending question of the continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat; ‚it represents a new stage, even deeper and wider, in the development of the socialist revolution in our country […]‘.“

[…] The Communist Party of Peru, through the faction led by Chairman Gonzalo who impelled the refounding, took up marxism-leninism-Mao Tse-tung thought in the year 1966; in 1979 the slogan was ‚uphold, defend and apply marxism-leninism-Mao Tse-tung thought!‘ In 1981: ‚Towards maoism!‘ And in 1982, maoism as an integral part and higher development of the ideology of the international proletariat, marxism-leninism-maoism […]“

1st Congress
Communist Party of Peru

We direct our communist greetings to each one of you, members of the communist parties and revolutionary organizations that fight against imperialism and revisionism.

The objective of the present event is to serve in making the leap that the world revolution demands. The Communist Party of Peru puts forward the realization of an Expanded Conference of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement with the participation of all the members, in order to address, from our position, the following points:

1. Evaluation of the application of maoism. The fundamental point in maoism, and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.

2. The Experience of the international proletariat, mainly of those who develop people‘s war.

3. The struggle against today‘s revisionism.

This is our firm and resolute position as a fraction within the international communist movement.

It is necessary for the communists of the world to systematize the application of maoism. We consider that it should be done starting from the victory of the Chinese revolution, keeping in mind the position of the Communist Party of Peru, that defined maoism as the new, third and higher stage of marxism, and that to be a marxist today is to be a maoist.

Comrades, it has been four decades of hard struggle to impose maoism. A task that must serve to enthrone, to firmly embody Mmaoism, and that it be materialized in more initiations of people‘s wars led by communist parties. The Committee of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement cannot be exempted from their responsibility. There have been milestones since the victory of the revolution, that the proletariat must assimilate in order to then apply them. There are also problems in the ideological and political line that the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement has not been able to put forward correctly, and it did not take position at the right moment in the struggle against today‘s revisionism. There is lack of understanding and in some cases even opposition against the question of the power.

The fundamental point of maoism is power; power under the leadership of the proletariat, in the democratic revolution; power for the dictatorship of the proletariat in the socialist and cultural revolutions; and power based on an armed force led by the communist party, conquered and defended through the people‘s war. To us this is of vital importance and setting it aside has led to reaching the point of people‘s war without building — and that is not a maoist people‘s war; and the revolution cannot advance, see the situation in Nepal. This is a main problem that must be addressed extensively in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, and having a firm position.

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution implies a milestone in the development of the dictatorship of the proletariat towards the consolidation of the proletariat in power, the masterful handling of the two-line struggle by Chairman Mao, in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, and of how to face the struggle between restoration and counterrestoration, the role of the militias (the armed sea of masses), this arms us ideologically and politically to confront the new problems of the world revolution and here in Peru. Of how to build a communist party to lead the war, militarized, and once initiated develop the war until communism with the armed sea of masses — in this way the revolution is not led off its course — and how to combat these new revisionists, see their essence, their perspective and their collusion with their new masters.

Concerning our Party experience: the Communist Party of Peru, applying marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly maoism; applying the principles of concentric construction of the three instruments of the revolution, the militarization of the Party, the application of the principle of leadership and leaders of the revolution, that the revolution is not directed from the prisons; being firmly rooted in and starting from principles allows us to continue on the course laid down by the Party and the Congress, we have warded off the takeover of the regional committees by the Right-opportunist line, that have tried to take them by assault, answering these miserable ones in a forceful way and as the capitulants they are; their role is to be swept away. It has not worked out for them at all, setting up false peace letters (written by Merino Bartel), videos directed and edited by Montesinos personally and TV-channels, transfers and inspections in the prisons to control, coordinated with Morote, Cox, María Pantoja, Miriam; the so-called self-criticisms, with scripts by the National Intelligence Service, from Nancy, Roldan, Julio, etc. We are forged in that the war is not stopped even for a minute, it is that simple, not to lower the banner of the revolution under any circumstance; the point is to continue applying the principles. The leadership is isolated since his arrest, and until today there has not been any public and direct presentation, only letters, videos, books, centering in the pronouncements of capitulants.

Today the reaction, with the advice of U.S. imperialism, is implementing a new repentance law; they say the previous law fulfilled its role, now we must update it; they have employed an Israeli advisor. The CIA was not enough; the MOSSAD says: you need night helicopters with more firepower for the countersubversive struggle. They ask Congress for more funds, and have changed the functions of the prosecutors in the emergency zone, now the police will do it. Now they have a new law — the so-called immunity — so that the police is authorized to shoot without questions asked; now they say they are fighting against narco-terrorism (like in Afghanistan with the opium and in Colombia and Peru with the cocaine).

About the people‘s war: centering in the construction of the new power, around the fluidity of the people‘s war, exercise joint dictatorship in the people‘s committees, this has let us successfully confront the inflection in spite of the arrest of the leadership and a large part of the directors. Applying the principle that the communists that are left have the duty to continue and maintain the course of the revolution, the principle that the Party commands the rifle, integrating the militia inside the army, this has allowed us to regroup and all-embracingly lead the army and avoid it being used by the Right-opportunist line. We consider that, in the revolution in Nepal, it is unacceptable that the revolutionary army be demobilized and that the weapons are handed over „under the leadership“ of the U.N. The Party must be inside the army and this supports the new power — without it the people would have nothing and the revolution in Nepal will end in genocide.


The experiences of the international proletariat show that revisionism and the counterrevolutionary coups appear inside the Central Committee. See the Communist Parties of the Soviet Union, China, Peru and Nepal. In moments when the revolution is about to make leaps or retreats, before the loss or arrest of leaderships, see the Communist Parties of the Soviet Union, China and Peru. First by revising the ideological and political line, then denying everything openly, hoisting the red flags of communism with pictures of Chairman Mao, and Chairman Gonzalo in our case, in order to repress and seize the Left, in order to thus restrain the revolution.

Revisionism, appealing to new circumstances, say: […] the Communist Party of Peru made the strategic turn with the arrest of Chairman Gonzalo and the Historical Central Directorship, and had to develop the New Strategy, new General Political Line, new tactic, new construction work, new mass work etc., a new line that had to be imposed in struggle to defeat the previous line […]“. We ask: when did they do that? They coordinated with the puppet Fujimori and presented it to the world. That was how it was; he put forward the distribution of leaflets from helicopters in Ayacucho, Huallaga, universities, etc. Was it perhaps a regional committee or a generated organization? Which one? It was the armed forces led by the SIN-CIA. Now, in order to recycle themselves, they have put forward the participation in the presidential elections of 2011. And the Right-opportunist line of Nepal? The same; what has the Committee of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement said before the capitulation, before these new „electoral“ revisionists? The only thing they manage to do is investigate! Enough! In spite of the arrest of our leadership and a large part of the directorship, and the infiltration of the reaction in our Party, the struggle against the Right-opportunist line supported by the CIA gives us a great lesson in taking on new challenges, making the evaluation of the application of maoism for it to serve the initiation of more people‘s wars.

The call of the Central Committee and the whole Party is to demand the public presentation, in person and direct, of Chairman Gonzalo. This is a demand of the communists, and it is clear to us that the miserable ones involved in the isolation of the leadership will take on the measures already established for them by the Party. From Fujimori, García, Gampetri, to the lawyers who since 1993 said that […] the Chairman does not want us to defend him […]“, „he says it goes against his request for peace accords […]“, accomplices who now call themselves paladins, their defenders, „candidates in elections“ — we do not forget it. We say this to remind them of what they said. Sooner or later.





April 2010



We would like to greet you all on behalf of the Peru People‘s Movement, the organization generated for the Party work abroad.

To begin with, we would like to reiterate what we said on the occasion of our intervention at the Paris Conference at the end of last January:

We are for the development of debate, coordination and all kinds of joint activities of the parties and organizations that we are part of the international communist movement and, as part of it, of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement. We consider that the only feasible basis of unity, for this, is marxism-leninism-maoism, the implacable struggle against revisionism and serving the world revolution. In short: the struggle to impose maoism as the only commander and guide of the proletarian world revolution. As consistent materialists, we are convinced that such a process has to start from the material reality, the concrete reality that we confront and transform, in our case, with the highest form of struggle, the people‘s war. Therefore, we also consider that in the end the test of truth is found in practice, therefore, we think that we must make balance sheets of our work developed, a task corresponding to each party (or organization/group, etc.) as well as to all of us, as a whole, particularly, to those of us who are members of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement. Our Party is already in the fourth decade of struggle to impose maoism as a new, third and higher stage of marxism, and many have said they accept it as such; then, for our part, we cannot think otherwise: that it corresponds to make a balance of the application of maoism.

For what purpose? To serve to impose maoism as the only commander and guide of the proletarian world revolution, to crush revisionism and combat the plan of imperialism, which goes together with its genocidal wars that it unleashes against the peoples, of „peace agreements“ and to promote parliamentary cretinism.

We need to push forward the debate on the evaluation of the application of maoism in order to cohere ourselves and thus be in a position to advance in the unity of the communists and revolutionaries of the international communist movement and within it, in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement.


The imperialist countries have to be surrounded by people‘s wars in the oppressed countries and insurrections from within led by the proletariat, since the people‘s war in these countries, from its beginning, begins by developing the preparations for the insurrection.

Hence, a real application of maoism is to push forward the revolution in the oppressed nations and to prepare the beginning and initiate the people‘s war in the imperialist countries.

But, there are some who say there are no conditions, it is not the moment. „When there will be millions of us.“ This leads to deny the need for a communist party, to deny the people‘s war, the new power and, when there is, to applaud its surrender as in Nepal, while they indulge in marxist theorizations of the role of the intellectuals, of what it would be like, etc. The problem of the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA is that it has never wanted maoism to take root.

In Peru this has not happened. The new power develops following the fluidity of war, in a process of restoration ↔ counterrestoration. It conquers, loses and reconquers what has been lost. The people‘s committees are lost only to conquer them again, thus, the path of encircling the cities from the countryside is developed, while the preparations for insurrection in the cities are developed. Thus, the seizure of power is being built throughout the country. That is what is being developed in Peru, but not the handing over of the new power, much less the joint dictatorship, those are the principles. That is what we have to show to the world: to base ourselves on our principles, on maoism.

In Peru, reaction swept away 45% of the people‘s committees of the Main Regional Committee, in the country as a whole it was 60%. Hard struggle between revolution and counterrevolution: bombings, genocide in the city of Ayacucho itself, in Putis, etc., thousands of dead, disappeared, etc. Let us see the magnitude of the genocide to sweep away the new power and, still, in spite of everything, we maintain, defend and develop it.

The main force of the People‘s Liberation Army, in the Main Regional Committee and in the whole, fulfills its role of being the backbone of the new power, from the gun it is born and supported by them it is maintained. The main force of the People‘s Liberation Army guarantees the fulfillment of the political and military objectives. The part of the new power that is maintained is by the correct application of the principles, not by marxist theorizations and good wishes.

For this reason, under no circumstances can we admit the surrender of the new power as in Nepal, as the revisionist and capitulationist Right-opportunist line in Peru proposed. The same that, now, claims to participate in elections, so as to win some representations in the municipalities and the regions and go on to repress the masses.

That is why the defense of Chairman Gonzalo and his thought is the main question for the people‘s war and the world revolution. Chairman Gonzalo has been in absolute isolation since his arrest (September 12th, 1992) to date, and this situation is used politically by the CIA and Peruvian reaction with the collaboration of the rats of the Right-opportunist line for their plan to annihilate the Chairman and Gonzalo thought to stifle the people‘s war in Peru and, abroad, to deny the contribution to the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement. Everything that reaction, the Right-opportunist line or whoever pretends to present as that of Chairman Gonzalo are only hoaxes to serve his annihilation. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru and we, of course, are sure that a presentation of Chairman Gonzalo, like the one on September 24th, 1992, will shake the world and will be a great impulse to the people‘s war and the world revolution. But that is why Chairman Gonzalo is never presented. The CIA trembles, the reaction shivers, the fascist, genocidal and country-selling government of García Gampietri and his ministers turn from yellow to green with fear at the mere thought that Chairman Gonzalo could really express himself and be heard. That is why our demand and that of all the revolutionaries of the world is: We demand the live and direct public presentation of Chairman Gonzalo and that he be allowed to make a statement!

The Communist Party of Peru under the directorship of its Central Committee continues to develop the people‘s war initiated in 1980 under the personal directorship of Chairman Gonzalo. The Party has been reconquering what has been lost and expanding the radius of action of the people‘s war; it maintains the course of the conquest of power throughout the country and shows that the Party is one, that it is the heroic warrior leading the revolution, firmly subject to its Central Committee which defends Chairman Gonzalo and Gonzalo thought, firmly based on the basis of Party unity.

On the contrary, reaction seeks to prevent the Party from being recognized in Peru and in the world as the continuator and developer of the people‘s war. A few months ago they told us through their Minister of Defense, and they got into a big mess, that we are not a danger and the genocidal President García later said yes, but then he said no and the reactionary politicians and revisionists said yes. Today U.S. imperialism through its Undersecretary of Defense in Peru has said that we are a danger, that we must be fought, that everyone must unite to fight us. In other words, a tug of war. Years ago they said that they had already wiped us out, now the navy says that in a few years. In concrete terms, we continue to develop the people‘s war. Everything they said remains there and what others said, right here, in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, will also remain there. But we cannot fold our arms, there is the need to develop the two-line struggle in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and in international communist movement in order to unite. With the development of the people‘s war we will serve the development of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement as we are sure others will also do.


Our objective, in Peru and abroad, is to serve to impose maoism and to develop the struggle against revisionism, to advance in understanding the need for it, in seeing the cost that it demands and in listening to the clamor of the masses who cry out for revolution. Nothing justifies surrendering the new power, after that there will be more genocide and more hunger than when the King was in Nepal. Capitulation is the cradle of more blood, it is to forget the blood shed, it is to destroy the joint dictatorship to serve the restructuring of the landlord-bureaucratic State at the service of imperialism. It is necessary to base oneself on principles and not on theorizations or circumstantial changes.

As a result of this debate, in the end, we, as the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru has pointed out, will continue to develop the people‘s war and others will continue to oppose the beginning, applauding the surrender of the new power, opposing the people‘s war; thus, it will end in the end. We will remain fulfilled in serving the world revolution. Let them not say that we are debating, we do it in hard circumstances, the problem is to resolve to advance by uniting the majority of the communists and revolutionize the Earth. The responsibility of the Peru People‘s Movement is to bring live and direct the word of the Party here. That is why we call on all the parties and organizations that belong to the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and those that are not within it to participate in this debate.

Comrades and colleagues, there is opposition to letting maoism take root. The best experience to anchor ourselves in it is to learn from the experience of the communist parties that develop people‘s war and how they developed the struggle to initiate it, and how they develop the struggle to maintain the course, how they develop the struggle to maintain the new power, and how they develop the struggle to serve the world with people‘s war. This teaches us to firmly apply maoism at all times. For this reason, we consider it very opportune and necessary that together with this debate we also develop support for the people‘s wars that are developing today in the world, as is the concrete case of the campaign that we are going to promote with the Maoist Communist Party of Italy.

It is not a question of debating, if it could be so, if we communists were to unite, but to solve concrete problems: to initiate, to maintain the course, to conquer power. The need to fight against the right opportunist line before, during and after conquering power; the problem of power, its construction in the midst of the fluidity of the people’s war, joint dictatorship and dictatorship of the proletariat.

These problems are not even touched upon by some, because they are filled with panic to make revolution. The questions listed are issues that each party has to address by applying maoism. And not to fall into how the world revolution would be, how to gather communists, intellectuals, etc. Those are important issues but not concrete ones. The concrete problems are the ones we have to face and solve, as for example, to see the problem of the communist directorship, the quota demanded by the revolution, etc. Always see living and real problems.

The Communist Party of Peru raises the need for a debate within the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, there are some who want to debate only with those who think alike and in no way with those who disagree, that does not serve to advance; we, from Party experience, from the communist parties and maoism, know that to advance in understanding the problems and resolve them it is necessary to correctly address the two-line struggle, its management. Those who want to unite only with those who think alike do not understand what is the two-line struggle, they deny history, they do not see the facts, they do not see that comrades of the Central Committee made the anti-communist State coup in China, before in Russia or the Right-opportunist line in Peru and Nepal.

In this debate we aim that it serves to advance in understanding maoism and we should all work on it. To do so in the midst of two-line struggle with correct management. In doing so we will be serving to smash imperialism‘s plan, coupled with its genocidal wars, of „peace accords“ and parliamentary cretinism.




April 2010


I would like to begin by saying that the purpose of today‘s contribution is not to establish the path of the Swedish revolution — this can only be done by the Swedish proletariat. We are an organisation that comes out of the Peruvian revolution, out of the struggle of the Communist Party of Peru and the people‘s war it leads. We also do not claim to have a comprehensive picture of Sweden due to geographical limitations and our analysis should not be seen as a „truth in the highest and last instance“ but as a contribution to the debate that can hopefully contribute to a greater understanding and common view of the development of the class struggle in this country. Criticism is not something we fear but welcome as long as its aim is to advance the class struggle positions of the proletariat in general and contribute to the application of maoism in particular.

The Swedish proletariat demands its Party, the communist party, a militarised marxist-leninist-maoist party which, on the basis of the reality of the Swedish class struggle, applies the universal ideology and leads the working masses into people‘s war. The need for the communist party stands as an unspoken class demand in every workplace struggle, in every confrontation with the forces of state power, in every house occupation and every time a worker takes up a fight or when a worker hesitates to take up a fight in this country.

The class struggle is a constant in class society, but today it is not mainly the proletariat that takes the initiative in the struggle but the imperialist bourgeoisie. During the crisis of the 1990s, our A benefits were squeezed, strike-breaking firms in the form of private employment agencies re-entered after having been banned since the 1930s, privatisation allowed the bourgeoisie to openly profit directly from tax revenues. In the 1990s, the ground was prepared by law, by both the Moderate-led Bildt government and the social-democratic Persson government, for one anti-labour measure after another, often in the name of E.U. alignment. In the 2000s, and particularly in the context of the current crisis, the bourgeoisie has implemented its policies on a large scale against a working class that has been more or less paralysed by the social democratic bureaucracy and a subsequent lack of class consciousness.


The bankruptcy of revisionism in Eastern Europe and the replacement of social-imperialism by Russian imperialism, weaker economically and politically, and although it still retains a large nuclear arsenal, it cannot engage in as many and as great military adventures as its predecessors, together with the serious crisis of the 1990s, meant that a whole new Swedish left saw the light. The bankruptcy of revisionism did not essentially mean a rebirth of the marxist left in any meaningful sense, instead it was anarchist and postmodernist ideas that took the deepest hold. The Communist Left Party, which became the Left Party, went from being a party that was essentially a classical khrushchevite revisionist party, to becoming a party with a worldview characterised by postmodern ideas. It is important to point out that they did not stop being revisionists, but they began to mix liberally between old reformist junk food and all sorts of postmodern theories.

The Left Party is certainly interesting, as the only party that has the possibility to absorb radical forces in many smaller places, but in the metropolitan regions they or their youth unions appear no more radical than the Green Party and the „masses“ they mobilise e.g. for 1st of May are in most cases mainly organised in other organisations.

The autonomous left took a similar walk into the swamp of identity politics. The anarchists in particular embraced postmodernism as their own. Class struggle, anti-sexism, anti-fascism, anti-homophobia and in some cases anti-speciecism, came to constitute separate and equally important struggles for large parts of the movement. According to postmodernism, oppression is a construct, so it is important to fight against perceptions that contribute to people feeling oppressed, i.e. to tear down the oppressive constructs. Money is just something we humans have decided has some value, a construct, so we can decide that it should stop having value; gender is a construct; nation is a construct, etc. etc. Since all oppression is due to the hegemony of the ruling power over the various „discourses“, you also cannot rank or say that any one oppression or struggle is more important than another.

With some slight variations, this meant that by the end of the 1990s the autonomous movement as a whole had lost all relevance to the working class and this was also reflected in their class recruitment. The main mass organisation of anarchists, the SAC, declined in membership every year until 2009, when there was a small increase.

Over the last decade, however, there has been a backlash in many quarters, accelerated by the current crisis. All organisations created and based on a postmodern bourgeois worldview have collapsed in the face of the tasks of struggle posed by the crisis of capital.


The fundamental contradiction in capitalism, between labour and capital, has come back on the agenda of these groups. Basic marxist theory, such as the question of the class nature of the State, marxist value theory, that it is actually the masses who make the revolution (not independent activist collectives) is taking space at the expense of bourgeois gender theory and other mumbo-jumbo. The understanding that the resolution of the contradiction between labour and capital is central; that as long as this contradiction remains, capitalism is reproduced, is crucial. Capitalism, today in its monopolistic, parasitic and dying stage, imperialism, seeks support from and sustains all the other forms of oppression. An understanding of this leads to the criterion of class being pushed to the fore, to the question of class antagonisms becoming the mobilising factor, whether for immigrant workers or women proletarians. The organisations that have mobilised on this basis have also won more working-class girls and young workers with immigrant backgrounds than the entire revisionist swamp.

Another tendency is that the question of building red power locally is beginning to be discussed, so far not on the basis of the theory of people‘s war, but the tendency allows us as maoists to take the discussion further and set the military theory of the proletariat against the individualistic military tradition of ideas that exists in many so-called left groups. Based on examples mainly from Ireland and Italy, the possibilities of organising „no-go zones“ or „red bases“ are discussed and even people belonging to the anarchist activist groups write about the importance of Chairman Mao‘s struggle against the bourgeois line of Li Li-san.


We have discussed the uprisings of the suburban working class youth several times, and we have every reason to discuss it again. They represent yet another example of a revolutionary situation in unequal development, but bitterly they will remain so unless the conscious vanguard of the proletariat organizes them. That it can be done is obvious, how easy it is and what exactly to do is another question, but if the Revolutionary Communist Youth managed to get around 100s of Gottsunda youth to a political meeting, and if Malmö anarchists can unite in battle with the Rosengård youth, what can‘t the maoists do? What a communist party must do is to organise the masses on the basis of their daily demands, in the service of the conquest of power. What their daily demands are we cannot guess, we must seek them out as Chairman Mao did when he crawled the mine shafts and talked to the miners in the 1920s. But in order to do this, one must have a consistent attitude towards the bourgeois State power, all its lackeys, all its bought associations, mosques and churches. This does not mean antagonising the struggle with these, but exposing them unapologetically to the masses when they act as the suburban equivalent of strikebreakers and yellow union officials, like the mullahs during the Rinkeby occupation who sold themselves out immediately when the State offered them a new mosque.

The trend in the unions is interesting. There are strong forces within Byggnads, Elektrikerna and Pappers who, after pressure from members and dissatisfaction with the L.O. leadership, legislation and the way the contract movement has been conducted, are questioning the usefulness of L.O. membership. On the other side is mainly I.F. Metall, and, in a sad parody of trade unionism, Kommunal, both of which are at the forefront of social responsibility and class cooperation. Now don‘t think that the bosses in the other unions are any better, but their members have higher levels of organisation, more to lose (including the Laval ruling) and are more openly pissed off. And if the members leave the union, the bureaucrats no longer have anyone to support them. Metal went so far this year that although it had promised all other unions not to sign a contract until the staffing issue was resolved, it did so without blinking an eye. On April 22nd, in a few days time, there will be the Day of the Temporary Employment Agencies (the strike-breaking firms are celebrating their own existence), and guess who will be speaking, yes the Metall contract secretary, together with our dear Minister of Economic Affairs Littorin.

Other trends within the union are that militant clubs have started to contact each other, across sectoral boundaries and also between L.O. clubs and SAC sections. The Dock Workers‘ Union, which has fought a long and hard battle in the dort of Gothenburg against L.O. and the port authority to negotiate for its own members, has organised lectures and made contact with everyone from Stockholm‘s garbage collectors to the law workers at Lagena. Within the SAC, there is a weariness in some parts about the way they fight for the workers and never with the workers. Lenin teaches us that the union must be open to all who honestly want to fight for the demands of the day, how the union struggle is the school where the necessity of political action is understood from one‘s own experience, especially when confronted by the forces of state power. But if you fight for the workers by blocking some workplace, for example, and don‘t raise the collective in struggle, it may never be so admirable, but you haven‘t taken a step forward. The mass line must prevail in trade union action, and trade union action is just struggle, not all that other stuff that union ombudsmen and course secretaries do, bureaucratic administration of „class peace“. Let us let the Swedish revolutionary and marxist Axel Danielsson sum up in a few words:

The worker, like other men, must go to school before he can learn anything, and the trade union is his school, a school of political and social awakening, a school of socialism.

But the education the worker receives here is above all a self-education. He has no other teachers than his comrades, and they no other than he. Through experiences of all kinds, through victories and defeats, the trade union must work its way forward, constantly in struggle, never ending in peace. Peace would be the same as the continuance of permanent conditions. It would be bankruptcy.

Therefore, the solution is: struggle! Struggle not least against the treachery, ignorance and indolence of brothers. And in this struggle each must faithfully and honestly fight his part.“ (Axel Danielsson, 05.02.1889.)

For us maoists it is obvious to support the trade union struggle, but not the trade union peace, not the trade union organisation as such, but the fighting organisation. Danielsson‘s trade union line was that you can never make peace, today‘s social-democracy has since the late 20th century celebrated the duty of peace. Trade union activity only fulfils its role if it strengthens the organisational power of the class and raises awareness of the necessity of socialist revolution, without this the trade union will in fact only serve the permanent and can exist without any problem as a negotiating partner according to good bourgeois practice.

In conclusion, we want to say that there is every possibility of advancing the class struggle in the country, of waging the struggle to establish maoism, of launching the people‘s war, of building red bases and conquering power throughout the country. We are not dreamers who think it is easy, but we know it is possible, and for this we need the party of the class, the communist party, militarised marxist-leninist-maoist party, which properly handles the question of the relationship between secret and open work, which applies a mass line that supports and leads the multifaceted struggles of the working masses. Which does not define itself by what the infinite multitude of apostates think and think, but which stands firm in the class struggle as the real vanguard of the working class. The class demands its Party, from the working-class youth in Rosengård to the paper mill workers now on strike in Norrland, from those who have torn their bodies apart for capital, to those who have been denied work altogether. This is not a quiet wish of the class, it is a demand which the communists must undertake.






April 2010


Dear colleagues,

The colleagues of the Collective to Support the People‘s War in Peru of Milan give a warm greeting to the Swedish colleagues, for the success of the event.

Throughout the world the crisis of capitalism is advancing and the imperialist bourgeoisie continues to exploit more and more the working class all over the world.

There are wars of plunder and destruction of resources and peoples more and more oppressed by the U.S. and European imperialist power.

In our country many struggles are developing in the factories where the owners want to save their capital by removing the workers.

It is more and more important today to support these struggles against economism and revisionism in order to create revolutionary struggles for communism all over the world.

To continue on the road to world proletarian revolution it is necessary to build revolutionary communist parties, under the banner of marxism-leninism-maoism as the guiding thought to unite the proletariat internationally.

We have to start from the experience of the people‘s war in Peru led by its marxist-leninist-maoist, Gonzalo thought communist party, looking also to the experience of India, the Philippines and Turkey to build in each country a revolutionary road to a new power.






[The speech by the Long Live Maoism! Study Circle was never published by the Red Sun.]


Dear colleagues, the Maoist Communist Party of France salutes your Conference which we regard as a contribution to the development of our movement and the refounding, the reorganisation of the international communist movement.

There is no eternal truth, no eternal dogma. Any theory is verified through practice. Any scientific theory is verified in the experimentation and its practical application. The theory grows rich again by new discoveries and so on. It is the same for the theory of the class struggle. Like any science, the theory is verified by the experimentation, practice.

The class struggle shows the role of violence in the history. No class gave up power like that. This said, the historical experiment showed and shows that the main thing is in which objective violence is used.

The revisionists and the opportunists deny this principle, originated from practice through the history. Of this practice the military theory of the proletariat was worked out. For the communists, the politics command the gun who is only the means of achieving the revolutionary objective, the seizure of power by the proletariat and the construction of socialism in direction of communism.

The Paris Commune showed that the proletariat could not seize the State power as it exists, but must destroy it entirely and build up dictatorship of the proletariat. The revisionists deny it.

The history of the working class movement, of the communist movement, is our history.

This experiment has main stages: the Paris Commune, the October revolution, the Chinese revolution.

In a hundred years the proletariat, the communists learnt much, as well in the field of the construction of socialism, of the struggle against revisionism, on the military questions. Errors due mainly to the lack of preliminary experiences were made on the economic, ideological or political fields. Nevertheless these hundred years of struggles, victories and defeats, are an invaluable heritage for the development of the revolutionary new wave initiated after the death of Mao Tse-tung by the Communist Party of Peru.

The Communist Party of Peru adopted and made the international communist movement adopt, maoism as the third stage of marxism, by showing the universal contributions of the thought of Mao Tse-tung who was not only any more regarded as the application of the marxism-leninism to the conditions of China.

Which are the principal contributions of the maoism? Positive contributions of the people‘s commune on the economic plan, in the resolution of contradictions in the field of the ideological struggle, in the reinforcement of dictatorship of the proletariat by the cultural revolution in the field of the struggle against the revisionism, by the people‘s war on the military field.

On this question, the two-line struggle was initiated by the Communist Party of Peru which extended the application of maoism at the universal level, in the oppressed countries and the imperialist countries by taking account of the concrete conditions of each country, thesis which we make ours.

The people‘s war is distinguished from the armed struggle in general. The people‘s war is led by the communist party which leads the uninterrupted and by stages revolution, the democratic stage which is built during the people‘s war and the socialist stage once power has been taken, leading to the two forms of the dictatorship of the proletariat : associating several classes in the oppressed countries and the proletariat and the popular strata in the imperialist countries.

We must support the maoist parties engaged in the people‘s war, those who fight against the reaction even when criticisms are emitted on their strategy for the total capture of power. We must, while carrying out the line struggle, practice proletarian internationalism with the maoist parties, if not we are likely to throw the baby with the bath water. For as much we could not adopt „universal“ theses like the so-called theory „of the democracy of the 21st century“.

We must fight the hoaxes of the Right-opportunist line, but also all the false reports, handling, the lies, the operations of all kinds, which want to sow the disorder within the communists maoists, among the masses who support them or adopt a friendly attitude towards them. These operations are those of the reaction and the imperialist secret services. We must denounce them.

We must develop the broadest possible support for the people‘s war in India, which is of great importance for the world proletarian revolution, compared to the extent of the territory, of the very important population of this country, and its influence on the whole of the continent of Asia, where, in the cradle of the maoism, China, was reversed dictatorship of the proletariat and restored capitalism.

The proletarians, the people struck by the reorganisations of the imperialism on a worldwide scale and its consequences, resist, raise themselves in spite of the operations of the revisionists, the social-democrats, the conciliators and other opportunist.

In France the workers struggles are multiplying in spite of the conciliating policy of the trade-union directions. We can quote those of Continental, Philips, Molex, Simantex, etc, those of the immigrants without papers, against the rise of modern fascism (campaign on the national identity, on the burqa), against the police State and its interventions (particularly in the suburbs). That requires the reinforcement of the unity at the base against bosses, the State apparatus, and its revisionists, social democratic and opportunist watchdogs.

Today the situation is favorable to the rebuilding of the international communist movement.

The reorganisation of the working class movement is in priority to reinforce, build in each country the maoist parties, a vital need for the reorganisation of the international communist movement in order to widen the resistance of the international proletariat, to gather the popular masses in an United front against capitalism and imperialism, to develop the people‘s war, to pass from the phase of resistance or organisation of the strength to strategic balance, then to an offensive more and more stronger and increasingly broad against capitalism and imperialism at a planetary level.