Extract of a previously unreleased document of the Communist Party of Peru in English translation

We have received an extract from the previously unreleased document from the 3rd Plenum of the 1st Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru (1992), which we are releasing here in the English language for the first time as an unofficial translation. We hope to be able to release the remainder of the document in the future and we emphasize the importance of all colleagues studying it closely, as part of deepening their grasp of Gonzalo thought.

We are certain that translations into other languages will follow soon.


Proletarians of all countries, unite!
There is one goal, the conquest of power!

EXTRACT

A CENTRAL DOCUMENT:
MEETING OF THE CENTRAL DIRECTORSHIP WITH THE COMMITTEE OF THE PEOPLE‘S AID

3RD PLENUM OF THE 1ST CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU

Central Committee
Communist Party of Peru
1992

Red Flag PublicationsTranslated and reproduced by
The Red Flag

MEETING OF THE CENTRAL DIRECTORSHIP WITH THE COMMITTEE OF THE PEOPLE‘S AID

[…]

PARTY BUILDING

The correctness or otherwise of the ideological and political line decides everything. When the Party‘s line is correct, then everything will come its way. If it has no followers, then it can have followers; if it has no guns, then it can have guns; if it has no political power, then it can have political power. If its line is not correct, even what it has it may lose.“1

Since the correct ideological political line is decisive, because our political and ideological line is the correct one, the people‘s war, its development, its triumphs and victories are due to the just and correct application of our line. Ideology and politics are the starting point for all our practical work.“ (Chairman Gonzalo.)

I hope that you will practice marxism and not revisionism; that you will unite and not split; that you will be sincere and open and not resort to plotting and conspiracy.“2

Be a real marxist, not a Khrushchev, a Gorbachev or a Teng Hsiao-ping. In short, not to be revisionists, because they are the opposite of marxism. Today, revisionism is in general bankruptcy, but that does not mean that it does not exist. It exists. Its accomplices are out there and abundant. They are adopting new ways to deceive the class and the people.“ (Chairman Gonzalo.)

The line is a net rope. When it is pulled, the whole net opens out.“3

There is a lot of that in the Committee X. A lot of intrigues and machinations that have to do with these peasant bases that have to be swept away and crushed. If they are communists, we have to keep to what marxism teaches us.

That is the key to the question, and the political issue is the starting point for our daily activities Chairman Mao tells us: ‚The ideological and political line decides everything‘, and that should guide us to analyze our work.“ (Chairman Gonzalo.)

We reiterate that in the X Committee there is the small group mentality to only focus on local issues.

What is sectarianism? It is a „small group mentality“. The application of this policy is not aimed at the interests of the Party, but is against the interests of the people and the proletariat. It has to do with division. It is a contrary line, therefore, we must not maintain this attitude of sectarianism. It is true that here in this Commission, a line contrary to that of the Party does not exist, but there is sectarianism, a mountain of it. The question is whether we have to see the interests of the Commission as a unity or sectarianism.

X are not criticized, it is acting just like the „warlords“ of the past? Like a small military dictator? It is clear that there is a lesser directorship in the Committee. Instead of developing the interests of the Party, they are busy with personal animosities, petty intrigues and dirty infighting. We must put the issues openly and find corrective actions, we must crush these attitudes.

If we do not focus our struggle on the interests of the class, of the people, of the poor peasantry, then we generate „warlords“, then we are not communists. As Chairman Gonzalo says, people can see that the small town lords with commanding voices are so arrogant that they resemble angry dogs with their tails up.

How does the two-line struggle work here, is it like a personal struggle, down and dirty, full of intrigues and vendettas against the interests of the proletariat? We have to raise the political level, we have to put the problems on the table so that the Party can solve them. We must keep in mind that our bases must be an expression of both the mind and the hands of the peasant and the proletariat. Chairman Mao said that the directorship must keep in mind the above quotations.

A. THE FIVE UNIFICATIONS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

We must affirm anew the discipline of the Party, namely:

(1) the individual is subordinate to the organization;

(2) the minority is subordinate to the majority;

(3) the lower level is subordinate to the higher level; and

(4) the entire membership is subordinate to the Central Committee.

Whoever violates these articles of discipline disrupts Party unity.“4

Democratic centralism is key, it is a condition of communists. We must serve unity. The unity of communists is precious, and must be based on principles. Unity that is not based and sustained on principles is not unity. See how much unity has been declared since the early days of the international communist movement, and how many revisionist traitors have spoken of unity. They have spoken empty words of unity to hide their divisive positions. So where is the wrong root for unity not to be established? It is that individual and group interests have been set in place. Unity is based on principles, marxism-leninism-maoism the ideology, around an established plan, the process of the people‘s war. That is what should unite us, and not personal or group interests.

a. Unity of Understanding

If we do not begin by understanding issues in the same way, then there will be no basis for unification. If we do not understand the same principles and standards, we will not be able to understand the issues with revolutionary criteria. If there is no unity of understanding, then there is no basis for talking about unity. Unity of understanding is the basis for other unifications.

b. Unity of Policy

Political unification is based on unity of understanding. Only by understanding things in a uniform way can we establish a uniform policy. We need a unified understanding of the class struggle, the new power and its defense, and the defense of our politics.

c. Unity of Plan

On the basis of unity and understanding in policy, it is put forward in the unified plan. If there were no uniform understanding of policy, there would be no common plan. Otherwise, each person would establish and execute his own plan, as he sees fit. That is completely inadequate for communists.

d. Unity of Action

After the unification in the plan, we enter the unification of action: a single strike action like a clenched fist, so as not to strike the enemy with open fingers. Based on these four unifications, the fifth unification arises.

e. Unity of Command

Only in this way can we have a unified command, and on the basis of the unification of command, we will have centralization. That is the problem of democratic centralism, and one of the problems afflicting the X Commission is the problem of command. The command has been questioned, it is not accepted, they have not required unification. Ambushes are planned, it was agreed, then, they are not carried out. In reality, there is no agreement because there is no unification in understanding. When actions are not being fulfilled, then the internal struggle seems, arguments, questioning, not recognition, lack of presentation, insubordinations, command problems. It is a problem of democratic centralism, and the cause of it is the lack of unity of understanding. Are you underestimating the power of our peasant rank and file? Learn and apply the five unifications here!

The five unifications must be understood as well, and all unity has to be based on principles, on established rules and Party policy, and not for each person to do whatever they want.

Party discipline demands, among other things, that the minority subordinate itself to the majority. Even in the event that your opinion has been rejected, you must support the decision approved by the majority. If you deem it necessary, you can resubmit the question of reconsideration at the next meeting, but in no way can you go against the decision already adopted.

We must better learn to subordinate ourselves to the discipline of the Party, which is to subordinate ourselves to the Central Committee, to the agreements of the Zonal Committee. The Right will have to turn, the waverers will have to be crushed.

It is necessary to reaffirm ourselves in the discipline of the Party. We all understand that, clearly, that is not the problem. The problem arises when they do not apply, then we must demand their application, but it is a necessity. The secretary must be firm with their authority. They must apply their authority, not authoritarianism. Have patience in the creative power of the proletariat and the peasantry. Comrade secretary lacks firmness, he is weak, he flutters around, he does not study, but he has the ability to decide, and you, because you are friends, do not say anything, then the Committee will be in a scandal because of the this problem.

We are governed by the principles, then we have to apply. We are prepared to apply them. In the Committee of X we talk about many things that you see, but did not accept, when the unified substance is not treated because there is sectarianism. If we do not consider the unity of what is attempted, each one doing what they want, as they see fit, there is no subordination to the majority, there is no subordination to the Central Committee, it is clear that it does not exist.

Where does this theory of directorship from below come from? There is no submission to the Central Committee in that, the decision and submission in that only comes from the head of that comrade. We must persist in the problem of unity, the problem is not just to say that we will carry out an ambush, the problem is its implementation, and for its political success struggle is necessary. In the struggle, we have to apply the five unifications, if not, our unity is a sand castle, a formality of unity, pure appearances.

f. In Party Building

To be thoroughly studied and applied (see publications in the Red Flag). Chairman Gonzalo proposes three themes in Party building, through the three tasks of marxism, which remain fully valid and applicable today. When we speak of the Party, as opposed to and distinct from the other parties, they remain perfectly valid, and there is no need to add or subtract anything. When Marx says that the Party is to conquer power, what more can we add? Absolutely nothing.

Then, when Lenin speaks to us about the problem of the work of the party in clandestinity, it is, in essence, to hold high the flag of the revolution: it is fully valid, or when Chairman Mao speaks of how to build the Party, the problem of the united front, the armed struggle, etc., which is masterful, it is the problem of linking the Party with the armed struggle, the united front! When he speaks to us of the Party as a compact, selective and efficient organization: all that is needed and great. The contributions of the greatest in the history of three, the three unfading flags, then comrades, a development that makes sense: that is how to understand Party building from the marxist point of view.

If we are fully aware that the ideological and political line decides everything, then we will achieve the five unifications.

In addition, we must address other problems, such as that the Party leads. Why begin with the questions of Party organization? Because there are comrades who are Party militants, but do not apply the principles of the Party, and we see that there are comrades who have a sectarian criterion, which are the attitudes that we must sweep away. We insist that our militants are forged as communists. We must not forget that the incorporation into the Party is an organizational incorporation, to begin with, but the main problem is the ideological and political incorporation, and that it develops in the midst of hard struggle, an internal struggle that takes place in the midst of the class struggle of the masses and the people‘s war, a struggle to incorporate within us the basis of Party unity, the Congress, the ideology, the programme and the line. That is why the struggle takes place.

B. STALIN‘S THESIS

This is important. Comrade Stalin was a great organizer. No one who is a communist has any doubt about that, which is good. I believe that we must take into account the problem that he taught us, that the line alone is not enough. Comrade Stalin told us: there are some who believe that the line is enough, and that has the best, most beautiful and perfect line is a wonder. That is completely wrong, the line is not enough!

First: there must be a correct political line (the basis).

Second, organization. Why? Because without organizational apparatuses it is not possible to put the political line into practice, even the defined, meaningful and concrete agreements could not become reality. Only with the apparatuses of the organization can the line be put into practice, that is what he taught us. The line is not enough, we have to shape the line in organizational apparatuses. We must consolidate, build the Party, the People‘s Liberation Army, the united front of the new State (the six forms of power), with solid firmness, a war machine of the proletariat, to organize the masses so that it can achieve can defend the revolution, so that it can fight. What else do we need? A plan!

Third, struggle, it must be organized by means of organizational apparatuses to put the line into practice. Therefore, the problem is to organize the struggle. If the struggle is not organized, then one cannot go on the line to reality, the line is not implemented, nor is the plan.

Fourth, the cadres must be well selected, a good selection of cadres is a necessity.

Fifth, we need to manage the development of the cadres, and guidelines for the implementation of the line.

There are five issues:

1. The line.

2. The organization.

3. Two-line struggle.

4. Selection of cadres.

5. Management of tasks.

Comrade Stalin emphasized to us that we have to consider what Lenin taught on organization and Party building, both go hand in hand, we call it organizational building. Well, all these questions dealt with by Lenin and Stalin can be condensed as follows: what is the main thing in organizational work is the selection of people and good management in carrying out tasks. So, he tells us, this is Lenin‘s general idea. Lenin‘s teachings on this question are masterly, it should be noted, why? Because the problems of organization in the Party deserve our greatest concern for the conquest of power. In today‘s X Committee all the more reason.

Later, Comrade Stalin set out the following, analyzing the situation of the bolshevik party and a number of surviving problems, proposed solutions to get rid of the problems, which tells us the following:

First of all, it is important to draw the attention of our Party comrades immersed in everyday problems of all kinds to the major political problems of national and international significance. In any committee, there is always a mountain of problems, daily problems that if we do not solve them, they bog us down. That is what is in the parties. So, what do we do? We have to get out of these problems, so we do not stagnate, we have to go to the big political problems of national and international character. It helps us if we take into account the problem of the proletariat in the democratic revolution, in the proletarian world revolution. That helps us to get rid of these problems that bog us down without being swamped, marking time, going around and around. That is what we have to look at, which should continue to have primary attention in our work.

Another problem: Comrade Stalin emphasized the important method of instructing comrades on the basis of their own mistakes, that is very important in the work. We make many mistakes, well, what to do when confronted with the cadres? We have to educate them to analyze the problems, the mistakes they have made, the root of the problems and the way to solve them — these three questions: the mistake made, the root of the mistake and the solution.

We are told that the bolsheviks must therefore be stronger, able to recognize their own mistakes, able to count their mistakes made, that is why he says that we must have courage, we must destroy their causes and point out the way to correct them: this is the way the bolsheviks, which is also the way for us to be communists. However, Comrade Stalin says that some comrades think that it is not good to talk about the mistakes of the comrades, since it would diminish their authority and therefore they lose self-esteem, so they hide their mistakes. By using this procedure the cadres suffer, and go deeper into the mistakes!

If someone believes that for the care of the self-esteem of the cadres they have to hide the mistakes, where is that director? To the dangers, to continue to make mistakes, and this gets worse. By hiding their mistakes, they repeat more and more, and not only that, there are new mistakes. So they are accumulating, and where does that lead? It leads to a total loss of their tasks. So the cadres get trapped, their self-esteem and peace of mind remain reduced, because to try to preserve the cadres by hiding their mistakes is a false and wrong way of doing things. They are therefore not fake, they are ruined, as they get more drowned. That is a bad method. I believe that these things are very necessary to address the Commission to respond to the problems that it has […]

C. ON CORRECTING MISTAKEN IDEAS IN THE PARTY

There are various non-proletarian ideas in the Communist Party organization in the 4th Red Army which greatly hinder the application of the Party‘s correct line. Unless these ideas are thoroughly corrected, the 4th Army cannot possibly shoulder the tasks assigned to it in China‘s great revolutionary struggle.“5

The above quote is very good and fits like a glove to our own reality, which is different. Our own experience must be seen clearly, if we do not want to make mistakes in our work. It is not the material basis: the great majority are of peasant origin and others come from the small bourgeoisie, it is very interesting. That is our social basis as well. So this is a good starting document from the first question, which lists the mistakes, and then states the solutions, pay attention to that quote.

In the case of the Chinese, for example: the Red Army was composed overwhelmingly of the peasantry and other sectors of the small bourgeoisie, the peasantry is also small bourgeois. Of course, you already know that, you agree with marxism-leninism-maoism. We cannot forget the historical importance of the peasants, it has been considered as a class for a good reason, but it is also small bourgeois, which should never be forgotten, because both are based on small property, on small production. For that reason, I reiterate that the peasantry has an importance due to its enormous political weight. Because the great majority of them are poor, then they become an ally, and together with the proletarian class they make up the worker-peasant alliance. Be careful! We must know how to specify things well, the alliance is not proletariat-peasants-small bourgeoisie, it is the worker-peasant alliance: this shows what part of the small bourgeoisie has reserved for itself because of the importance it has and because of the poverty it suffers, and which carries the banner of the destruction of private property of the land by the landowners, the big property. Of course, that is the reason, we have to know how to place things well, I think if one sees that, one already understands.

„What‘s the use if you analyze the problems of the X Committee from a purely military point of view?“ There are comrades who consider military problems and political problems that have conflicting interests. You see? For them it is not a problem when one says that there are even military problems, and here are the political problems. It is not like that at all, but things are presented to counterpose the politics of the military. They refuse to recognize the fact that the military is only one of the means. They think that the Red Army as the white army has only one task: to fight. What happened to the main force of X Committee? Are they not degenerating into these criteria? Here then is a failure crystallized in the facts due to concentration on one task. See „On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the Party“, point 1: „On the Purely Military Viewpoint“.

a. Regarding Organization

The subordinates of the Red Army organization are in charge of the political work of those responsible for military activities. Why does the army of the political department of this Commission not function? Why do they not function as in other committees? This is the first thing that must work, otherwise how can we establish that the Party is in control of the people‘s army, how can its absolute political leadership be exercised? Apparently, one may think it is not the way it is, but the appearance is one thing, this problem must be solved.

b. Small Group Mentality

Those of X Committee worry about the army corps. However, they do not understand the matter, because there is no heavy sectarianism, this is an intense form of „small group“ mentality. It is clear that some comrades pay little attention to the directives. Some do not understand the objective conditions, and others do not understand the subjective conditions, that is, there are many poisonous weeds, so we have to pluck. That has its social and root basis, the ideological dynamics that we have been talking about from the beginning.

They say they suffer from a lack of perspective, yes they do. That is what is going on here, why not carry out the detailed work to carry out the ambushes? Why not have the actions carried out? Why not have these comrades fulfill their duties? Why not see the need to look at the details and do the hard work? Why? Because they do not have political awareness of the actions, they do not understand what it does: it is to impulse the development of the support bases. They do not understand that it is about conquering power. Any armed action we do must be planned, if we do not see the importance, we do not plan, we will not act with attention to detail, that is the reason then.

c. Ultra-Democracy

What can we say about the comrades of X Committee? Is the authority to be recognized? No, it is not. But there are also individuals and not authorities. We have discussed this with the committee. The concepts in the documents you presented are alien to the principles of the Party organization. For example, when an ambush is agreed upon, it is not implemented sincerely, that is what is happening. That has to do with the violation of the principles of the organization.

The X Commission document also criticizes that neither the principles nor the rules are applied. Criticism, instead of being a weapon of combat, is becoming a weapon in personal struggles, a manifestation of individualism, it is necessary to study. Many comrades do not engage in self-criticism within the Party organization, but outside it. They are practicing gossip. How on Earth are we going to put an end to this? In all the apparatuses that what exists, we have to put an end to it. It helps the enemy, the old system. The struggle must be raised within the organization. We have to apply the rules, in order, to cut all the gossip that serves the enemy, that serves as a reaction.

d. Synthesis

We have to correct misconceptions, the application of chapter 24 of Vol. 1 of Chairman Mao‘s works. Which is an important chapter in which several quotations are condensed. Study well page 258. Here liberalism and other problems are dealt with. These problems exist in the X Committee as in other Party committees. Let these things to go on and do not maintain a principled position when faced with these situations, what good does that do?

To give an example: they disobey directives, others focus on personal attacks and seek revenge, others listen to incorrect ideas and say nothing. They speak at Party meetings, without investigating first, without asking questions. All this should be read and studied. For example, to work without discipline and without a plan, isn‘t that what is happening? Of course it is! This text is very important, this is all the same document, which must be considered for the rectification of erroneous ideas in the Party, as a complement of the „Quotations“ in Chapter 24. It is urgent that it must be studied within the framework of the rectification campaign specific to this committee. It does not contradict the general line of the Party.

You must begin to identify, eliminate and sweep away as much as possible ideas alien to the Party, alien to marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought. That is what is in unity.

We must apply the „Quotations On People‘s War“, we must find the way to make people‘s war, according to the position of the Party, according to the positions of the proletariat, and making people‘s war is our main task as communists in this country. What prevents the war from expressing its power with foreign ideas, with the wrong ideas that must be eradicated by the rectification campaign? To sweep away foreign ideas with the document „On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the Party“. Therefore apply the rectification campaign with the two documents that are part of a whole. It is not a question of study, we do not study what is wrong, the problem is to embody what is in conformity, so that it can give power to the people‘s war, to arm the head in order to arm our hands, and when one arms with the mind, one is arming the hands to fight better.

[…]

1992

CENTRAL COMMITTEE
COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU


1Mao Tse-tung: „Talks with Responsible Comrades at Various Places During Provincial Tour“, from the middle of August to 12.09.1971.

2Ibid.

3Ibid.

4Mao Tse-tung: „The Role of the Communist Party of China in the National War“, October 1938.

5Mao Tse-tung: „On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the Party“, December 1929.