On Marxism-Leninism-Maoism

Comrade Gonzalo's definition and synthesis of maoism as the third stage of marxism.

Proletarians of all countries, unite!


Abimael «Gonzalo» Guzmán
January 1988

Red Flag Publications
Lima, 1989

Reproduced by
The Red Flag

This document was drafted by Comrade Gonzalo for the 1st Session of the 1st Congress of the Communist Party of Peru, which took place in January-February, 1988. In this major work, maoism is defined and synthesized as a new, third and higher stage of marxism: marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly maoism. Together with the documents «Concerning Gonzalo Thought» and «Draft Programme of the Communist Party of Peru», this document constitutes the Fundamental Documents of the Communist Party of Peru, and together with «Bases of Discussion for the General Political Line of the Communist Party of Peru», it constitutes the basis of Party unity of the Communist Party of Peru.


In the crucible of class struggle, the ideology of the international proletariat upsurged as marxism, afterwards developed into marxism-leninism and later marxism-leninism-maoism. Therefore, the all-powerful, scientific ideology of the proletariat (all-powerful because it is true) has three stages, moments or milestones in its dialectical process of development: 1) Marxism, 2) Leninism, and 3) Maoism. These three stages are part of the same unity which began with the «Manifesto» 140 years agoi, with the most heroic epic of the class struggle, in fierce and fruitful two-line struggles within the Communist Parties themselves and in the immense work of those titans of thought and action that only the working class could generate, highlighting three unfading lights: Marx, Lenin, and Mao Zedong, who through three grand leaps have armed us with the invincible ideology of marxism-leninism-maoism, which today is mainly maoism.

Nevertheless, while marxism-leninism has achieved recognition of its universal validity, maoism is not completely acknowledged as the third stage. Some simply deny its condition as such, while others only accept it as «Mao Zedong thought». In essence, both positions, with the obvious differences between them, negate the general development of marxism made by Chairman Mao Zedong. To not recognize the «-ism» character of maoism negates its universal validity and, consequently, its condition as the third, new, and higher stage of the ideology of the international proletariat: marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly maoism, that we uphold, defend, and apply.


As an introduction, in order to better understand maoism and the necessity to struggle for it, let us recall Lenin. He taught us that as the revolution advanced to the East it expressed specific conditions that, while they did not negate principles or laws, were new situations that marxism could not ignore, without putting the revolution in danger of a defeat. Notwithstanding the uproar against what is new by pedantic and bookish intellectuals, who are stuffed with liberalism and false marxism, the only just and correct thing to do is to apply marxism to the concrete conditions and to solve the new situations and problems that every revolution necessarily faces. In the face of the horrified and pharisaic «defenses of the ideology, the class, and of the people» that revisionists, opportunists and renegades proclaim, or the furious and blind attacks against marxism by brutalized academicians and hacks of the old order who are debased by rotten bourgeois ideology and who are prepared to defend the old society on which they are parasites. Furthermore, Lenin expressly said that the revolution in the East would present new and great surprises to the greater amazement of those who worship following only the familiar paths and who are incapable of seeing the new. And, as we all know, he trusted the Eastern comrades to resolve the problems that marxism had not yet resolved.ii

Furthermore, we must keep well in mind that when Comrade Stalin justly and correctly stated that we had entered the stage of leninism as the development of marxism, there was also opposition by those who rend their garments in a supposed defense of marxism. We must also be very mindful that there were also those who said that leninism was only applicable to the backward countries. But, in the midst of struggle, practice has consecrated leninism as a great development of marxism, and thus the proletarian ideology shone victoriously before the world as marxism-leninism.iii

Today, maoism faces similar situations. All new things, like marxism, have always advanced through struggle, and similarly, maoism will impose itself and be acknowledged.


As for the context in which Chairman Mao Zedong developed and maoism was forged, on an international level it was on the basis of imperialism, world wars, the international proletarian movement, the national liberation movement, the struggle between marxism and revisionism, and the restoration of capitalism in the Union of Socialist Council Republics. Three big historical landmarks must be emphasized in the present century: First, the October Revolution of 1917, which opened the era of the proletarian world revolution; second, the triumph of the Chinese revolution in 1949, which changed the correlation of forces in favor of socialism; and third, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, initiated in 1966 as the continuation of the revolution under the proletarian dictatorship in order to maintain the revolutionary course towards communism. It is enough to highlight that Chairman Mao led two of these glorious historical feats.

In China, where maoism was concretized within the center of world revolution, within the most complex convergence of contradictions and the intense and ruthless class struggle which was stamped by the pretensions of the imperialist powers of tearing and dividing up China, the collapse of the Manchurian Empireiv (1911), the anti-imperialist movement of 1919v, the rebellions of the great peasant masses, the 22 years of armed struggle of the democratic revolution, the great contest for the construction and development of socialism and the ten years of revolutionary storms to carry forward the Cultural Revolution, in the midst of the most acute two-line struggle within the Communist Party of China, especially against revisionism. All this was framed within the international situation described above. It is out of all these historical events that we should extract four events of extraordinary importance: The founding of the Communist Party of China in 1921; the Autumn Harvest Uprisingvi which initiated the path from the countryside to the city, in 1927; the founding of the People‘s Republic, 1949; and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, from 1966-76; in all of which Chairman Mao was a protagonist and mainly the highest director, the acknowledged leader of the Chinese revolution.

We can say from Chairman Zedong‘s biography that he was born on December 26th, 1893, opening his eyes to an agitated world scorched by the flames of war; the son of peasants, he was seven years old when the «Boxer Rebellion»vii began; a student at a teachers‘ training college, he was in his 18th year when the empire collapsed and he enlisted himself as a soldier, later becoming a great organizer of peasants and of the youth in Hunan, his native province. Founder of the Communist Party and of the Red Army of workers and peasants, he established the path of surrounding the cities from the countryside, developing people‘s war as the military theory of the proletariat. Theoretician of new democracy and founder of the People‘s Republic; an initiator of the Great Leap Forwardviii and promoter of the development of socialism; the leader of the struggle against the modern revisionism of Khrushchevix and his henchmen, leader and head of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolutionx. These are landmarks of a life devoted thoroughly and solely to the revolution. The proletariat has seen three gigantic triumphs in this century: Two of them belong to Chairman Mao, and if one is glory enough, two are even more so.


On the content of maoism, obviously the substantial part of it, we must point out the following basic questions:


Marxism has three parts: marxist philosophy, marxist political economy, and scientific socialism. The development of all these three components gives rise to a great qualitative leap of marxism as a whole, as a unity on a higher level that implies a new stage. Consequently, the essential thing is to show that Chairman Mao, as can be seen in theory and practice, has generated just such a great qualitative leap. Let us highlight this with the following points:


In marxist philosophy he developed the heart of dialectics, the law of contradiction, establishing it as the sole fundamental law. Besides his profound dialectical understanding of the theory of knowledge, whose center is the two leaps that make up its law (from practice to knowledge and the other way around, but with knowledge to practice being the main one), we emphasize that he masterfully applied the law of contradiction in politics; moreover he brought philosophy to the masses, fulfilling the task that Marx left.


In marxist political economy, Chairman Mao applied dialectics to analyze the relationship between the base and superstructure, and, continuing the struggle of marxism-leninism against the revisionist «theory of the productive forces»xi, he concluded that the superstructure, consciousness, can modify the base, and that with political power the productive forces can be developed. By developing the leninist idea that politics is the concentrated expression of economicsxii, he established that politics must be in command, (applicable on all levels) and that political work is the lifeline of economic work; which takes us to the true handling of political economy, not just a simple economic policy.

Despite its importance, a question that is often sidestepped is the maoist thesis of bureaucratic capitalism, especially by those who face democratic revolutions. This is the capitalism which is unfolding within the oppressed nations by imperialism along with varying degrees of underlying feudalism, or even pre-feudal stages. This is a vital problem, mainly in Asia, Africa and Latin America, since a good revolutionary directorship derives from its understanding, especially when the confiscation of bureaucratic capital forms the economic basis for carrying forward the socialist revolution as the second stage.xiii

But the main thing is that Chairman Mao Zedong has developed the political economy of socialism. Of the utmost importance is his criticism of socialist construction in the Soviet Union, as well as his theses on how to develop socialism in China: Taking agriculture as the base and industry as the leading economic force; industrialization guided by the relationship between heavy industry, light industry and agriculture, taking heavy industry as the center of economic construction and simultaneously paying full attention to light industry as well as agriculture.xiv The Great Leap Forward and the conditions for its execution should be highlighted: One, the political line that gives it a just and correct course; two, small, medium, and large organizational forms in a greater to lesser quantity, respectively; three, a great drive, a gigantic effort of the masses of people in order to put it in motion and to take it through to success; a leap forward whose results are valued more for the new process set in motion and its historical perspective than for its immediate achievements; and its linkage with agricultural collectivization and the people‘s communes. Finally, we must bear well in mind his teachings on the objectivity and the subjectivity in understanding and handling the laws of socialism, that the few decades of socialism have not allowed us to see its complete development, and therefore a better understanding of its laws and its specification, and principally the relationship that exists between revolution and the economic process, embodied in the slogan «Grasp revolution and promote production!». Despite its transcendental importance, this development of marxist political economy has received scant attention.


In scientific socialism, Chairman Mao further developed the theory of classes analyzing them on economic, political, and ideological planes. He upheld revolutionary violence as a universal law without any exception whatsoever; revolution as a violent substitution of one class by another, thus establishing the great thesis that «Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun».xv He resolved the question of the conquest of power in the oppressed nations through the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside, establishing its general laws. He defined and developed the theory of the class struggle within socialism in which he brilliantly demonstrated that the antagonistic struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, between the socialist road and the capitalist road, and between socialism and capitalism continues; that in socialism it was not concretely determined who would defeat whom, which was a problem whose solution demands time, the unfolding of a process of restoration counter-restoration, in order for the proletariat to strongly grasp political power definitively through the proletarian dictatorship.xvi Finally and mainly, he defined the grandiose solution of historical transcendence, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution as the continuation of the socialist revolution under the proletarian dictatorship.xvii

These basic questions, almost simply stated but known and undeniable, show the Chairman‘s development of the integral parts of marxism, and the evident raising of marxism-leninism to a new, third and higher stage: marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly maoism.

Continuing with this brief synthesis, let us look at other specific points which, although deriving from the above, should be considered even if only enumerated, to at least emphasize and draw due attention to them.


First, it is a development of the marxist theory of the State, establishing three types of dictatorships: 1) Dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, in the old bourgeois democracies like the United States, a type in which the dictatorships of the oppressed nations such as the Latin American ones can be assimilated; 2) proletarian dictatorships, like the ones in the Soviet Union or in China before the usurpation of power by the revisionists; and 3) new democracy, as a joint dictatorship based on the worker-peasant alliance, led by the proletariat headed up by the Communist Party, which was formed in China in the course of its democratic revolution, and which is concretely expressed in Peru today through the people‘s committees, in the base areas and in the People‘s Republic of New Democracy in formation. It is fundamental to highlight, within this development of the theory of the State, the key differentiation between a State system as a dictatorship of a class or classes that wield political power, which is the main thing, and a system of government, which is understood as an organization for the exercise of political power.

On the other hand, new democracy, one of the extraordinary developments made by Chairman Mao, masterfully materializes for us the bourgeois revolution of a new type, which only the proletariat can lead. In synthesis, it is the democratic revolution within the new era of proletarian world revolution in which we are unfolding. The new-democratic revolution implies a new economy, a new politics, and a new culture, obviously overthrowing the old order and raising up the new one through arms, the only way to transform the world.

Finally, it is important to highlight that new democracy is a democratic revolution. Although it mainly fulfills the democratic tasks, it also advances some socialist tasks in a complementary way, so that the question of two stages, democratic and socialist, that correspond to countries like ours, is thoroughly solved by guaranteeing that once the democratic stage is concluded, its uninterrupted continuation as a socialist revolution will follow without any intermissions.


The question of the construction of the instruments of the revolution presents the Party with the problem of understanding the interrelationship between the Party, the army and the united front; and to understand and handle the interconnected construction of the three instruments in the midst of war or in the defense of the new State based on the power of the armed people, expresses a just and correct task of directorship. Their construction is guided by the principle that a just and correct ideological line decides everything, and it is upon this ideological-political basis that the organizational construction is simultaneously developed in the midst of the struggle between the proletarian line and the bourgeois line and within the storm of the class struggle, mainly in war, as the main form of struggle whether current or potential struggle.

3.3.1. THE PARTY

Regarding the Party, Chairman Mao starts from the necessity of the Communist Party of a new type, a party of the proletariat. Today, we would say a marxist-leninist-maoist party: A party whose objective is to conquer power and to defend it, and therefore it is inextricably bound to people‘s war in order to initiate it, develop it or wage it to defend itself. A party sustained by the masses, be it through people‘s war itself that is a war of the masses, or by the united front that being a front of classes, is based on the broad masses. The Party develops and changes itself according to the stages of the revolution and the periods that these stages may have. The motor of its development is the contradiction which materializes in its heart as the two-line struggle, the proletarian line and the bourgeois or in general non-proletarian line, that in essence is mainly a struggle against revisionism. This leads to the decisive importance of ideology in the life of the party and to the development of rectification campaigns that serve the greater adjustment of all the systems of party organizations and the members to the just and correct ideological and political lines, serving the predominance of the proletarian line and maintaining the Party directorship in its iron grip. The Party serves the establishment of political power for the proletariat as the leading class of the new democracy, and mainly for the establishment, strengthening and development of the proletarian dictatorship, and through cultural revolutions the conquest of the great, final goal: communism. Because of this, the Party must direct everything in an all-around way.


The revolutionary army is of a new type. It is an army for the fulfillment of the political tasks that the Party establishes in accordance with the interests of the proletariat and the people. This characteristic is concretely expressed in three tasks: To combat, to produce in order to pose no parasitical burden, and to mobilize the masses. It is an army based on political construction starting from the proletariat‘s ideology, from marxism-leninism-maoism (today), and from the general political line as well as the military one that the Party may establish. It is an army based on people and not on weapons, an army that surges from the masses, always linked to them, serving them wholeheartedly, which allows it to move among the people like fish in the water. Without a people‘s army the people have nothing, said Chairman Mao, at the same time teaching us the necessity of the Party‘s absolute directorship over the army and his great principle: The Party commands the gun, and the gun must never be allowed to command the Party. Besides having thoroughly established the principles and norms for the construction of the army of a new type, the Chairman himself called for preventing the use of the army for the restoration of capitalism by usurping the directorship through a counterrevolutionary State coup and, developing Lenin‘s thesis on the people‘s militia, he carried out farther than anyone the general policy of arming the people, thus opening a breach and indicating the path towards the sea of armed masses that will lead us to the definite emancipation of the people and the proletariat.


It was Chairman Mao who for the first time developed a complete theory on the united front and established its laws. A front of social classes based on the worker-peasant alliance as a guarantee of the proletariat‘s hegemony in the revolution, a front of classes led by the proletariat represented by the Communist Party; in synthesis, a united front under the directorship of the Communist Party, a united front for the people‘s war, for the revolution, for the conquest of power benefitting the proletariat and the people. Thus, concretely the united front is the grouping of the revolutionary forces against the counter-revolutionary forces in order to unleash the struggle between revolution and counter-revolution mainly through the armed people‘s war. The united front, obviously, is not the same in every stage of the revolution and, furthermore, it has its specifications according to the various historical periods of each stage; likewise, the united front in a concrete revolution does not equal the one on a world level, although both follow the same general laws. Apart from this, it is important to highlight the relation between the front and the State that Chairman Mao established when the war of resistance against Japan was unfolding, expounding that the united front is a form of joint dictatorship, a question that merits study, especially by those who face democratic revolutions.


The people‘s war is the military theory of the international proletariat; in it are summarized, for the first time in a systematic and complete form, the theoretical and practical experience of the struggles, military actions, and wars waged by the proletariat, and the long experience of the people‘s armed struggle and especially of the peasant wars in China. It is with Chairman Mao that the class attains its military theory; nevertheless, there is much confusion and misunderstanding on this question. This confusion begins with how the people‘s war in China is seen. Generally, it is considered derisively and contemptuously as a simple guerrilla war; this denotes a lack of understanding that with Chairman Mao guerrilla warfare achieved a strategic character. Due to its essential fluidity, the development of guerrilla warfare is not understood as it exists, how it develops mobility, mobile and positional warfare, how it unfolds great plans of the strategic offensive and the seizure of small, mid-sized, and big cities, with millions of inhabitants, combining the attack from outside with the insurrection from within. Thus, in conclusion, the four periods of the Chinese revolution, and mainly from the agrarian war until the people‘s war of liberation, considering the anti-Japanese war of resistance between both, shows the various aspects and complexities of the revolutionary war waged during more than 20 years amidst a huge population and an immense mobilization and participation of the masses. In that war there are examples of every kind; and what is main has been extraordinarily studied and its principles, laws, strategy, tactics, rules, etc. masterfully established. It is, therefore, in this fabulous crucible and on what was established by marxism-leninism that Chairman Mao developed the military theory of the proletariat: people‘s war.

We must fully bear in mind that subsequently, Chairman Mao himself, aware of the existence of atomic bombs and missiles and with China possessing them, sustained and developed people‘s war in order to wage it under the new conditions of atomic weapons and of war against powers and superpowers. In synthesis, people‘s war is the weapon of the proletariat and of the people, even to confront atomic wars.

A key and decisive question is the understanding of the universal validity of people‘s war and its subsequent application taking into account the different types of revolution and the specific conditions of each revolution. It will serve to clarify this key question to consider that no insurrection like that of Petrograd has been repeated, as well as considering the anti-fascist resistance, the European guerrilla movements in the 2nd World War and the armed struggles that are presently being waged in Europe; and to see that in the final analysis, the October Revolution was not only an insurrection but a revolutionary war that lasted for several years. Consequently, in the imperialist countries the revolution can only be conceived as a revolutionary war that today is simply people‘s war.

Finally, today more than ever, we communists and revolutionaries, the proletariat and the people, need to forge ourselves in: «Yes. We are advocates of the omnipotence of revolutionary war; that is good, not bad, it is marxist»xix; which means adhering to the invincibility of people‘s war.


The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in a historical perspective is the most transcendental aspect of Chairman Mao‘s development of marxism-leninism; it is the solution to the great pending problem of the continuation of the revolution under the proletarian dictatorship:

«[It] constitutes a new stage in the development of the socialist revolution in our country, a stage which is both broader and deeper.»xx

What situation presented itself? As stated in the Decision of the Communist Party of China on the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution:

«Although the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to use the old ideas, culture, customs and habits of the exploiting classes to corrupt the masses, capture their minds and endeavour to stage a comeback. The proletariat must do the exact opposite: it must meet head-on every challenge of the bourgeoisie in the ideological field and use the new ideas, culture, customs and habits of the proletariat to change the mental outlook of the whole of society. At present, our objective is to struggle against and overthrow those persons in authority who are taking the capitalist road, to criticize and repudiate the reactionary bourgeois academic ‹authorities and the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes and to transform education, literature and art and all other parts of the superstructure not in correspondence with the socialist economic base, so as to facilitate the consolidation and development of the socialist system.»xxi

It was in these conditions that the most Earth-shaking political process and the greatest mass mobilization the world has ever seen broke out, and whose objectives were thus defined by Chairman Mao:

«The current Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is absolutely necessary and most timely for consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat, preventing capitalist restoration and building socialism.»xxii

Furthermore, we also emphasize two questions:

1. The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution implies a landmark in the development of the proletarian dictatorship towards the proletariat‘s securing political power, concretely expressed in the revolutionary committees.

2. The restoration of capitalism in China after the 1976 counter-revolutionary coup is not a negation of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution but is plainly part of the contention between restoration and counter-restoration, and, on the contrary, it shows us the transcendental historical importance of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in the inexorable march of humanity towards communism.


Chairman Mao reemphasized the importance of the world revolution as a unity, starting from the position that revolution is the main trend since the decomposition of imperialism is greater each day, and the role played by the masses grows more immense each year, masses that make and shall make their transforming and unstoppable strength be felt, and he reiterated the great truth: Either we all reach communism or no one does. Within this perspective he specifies in the era of imperialism the great historical moment of the «next 50 or 100 years»xxiii, and within this context the opening period of struggle against U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, paper tigers that contend for hegemony and threaten the world with an atomic war, in the face of which, first we must condemn it, and second, we must prepare ourselves beforehand in order to oppose it with people‘s war and make the revolution. On the other hand, starting from the historical importance of the oppressed nations and, furthermore, from their perspective both in the economic and political relationships that are evolving due to the process of decomposition of imperialism, Chairman Mao stated his thesis on the «differentiation of the three worlds».xxiv All of which leads to the necessity of developing the strategy and tactics of world revolution. Regrettably, we know little or almost nothing about Chairman Mao‘s writings and statements on these transcendental questions; nevertheless, the very little that is known shows the grand perspectives which he watched closely and the great outlines that we must follow in order to understand and serve the proletarian world revolution.


These and other related questions have been subtly and profoundly studied by Chairman Mao. For that reason, this is also another basic question that merits attention.xxv


In conclusion, the contents seen in these fundamental questions show clearly to whoever wants to see and understand that we have, therefore, a new, third, and higher stage of marxism: maoism; and that to be a marxist today demands being a marxist-leninist-maoist and mainly maoist.

All that has been explained in the contents leads us to two questions:

What is fundamental in maoism? Power is fundamental in maoism. Power for the proletariat, power for the dictatorship of the proletariat, power based on an armed force directed by the Communist Party. More explicitly:

1. Power under the leadership of the proletariat in the democratic revolution.

2. Power for the dictatorship of the proletariat in the socialist and cultural revolutions.

3. Power based on an armed force directed by the Communist Party, conquered and defended through people‘s war.

And what is maoism? Maoism is the elevation of marxism-leninism to a new, third, and superior stage in the struggle for proletarian leadership of the democratic revolution, the development of the construction of socialism and the continuation of the revolution under the proletarian dictatorship as a proletarian cultural revolution; when imperialism deepens its decay and revolution has become the main tendency of history, amidst the most complex and largest wars seen to date and the implacable struggle against modern revisionism.


Briefly, the struggle in China for establishing Mao Zedong thought began in 1935 at the Zunyi Meetingxxvi, when Chairman Mao assumed the Leadership of the Communist Party of China. In 1945 the 7th Congress agreed that the Communist Party of China was guided by marxism-leninism and the ideas of Mao Zedong, a specification suppressed by the 8th Congress, since a Rightist line prevailed in it. The 9th Congress in 1969 summed up the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and ratified that the Communist Party of China was guided by marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought; that was as far as it advanced.xxvii

On an international level, it acquired influence from the 1950s onwards; but it is with the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution that it spread intensely and its prestige rose powerfully and Chairman Mao was acknowledged as the leader of the world revolution and originator of a new stage in marxism-leninism; thus, a great number of Communist Parties assumed the denomination of marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought. On the world level, maoism confronted modern revisionism openly unmasking it profoundly and forcefully, and likewise it did so in the Communist Party of China‘s own ranks, all of which raised the Chairman‘s great red banner still more: The new, third, and higher stage of the ideology of the international proletariat. At present, maoism confronts the triple attack of Soviet, Chinese and Albanian revisionism. But furthermore, even among those who acknowledge the Chairman‘s great contributions, including the development of marxism, there are some who believe that we are still in the stage of marxism-leninism, and others who only accept Mao Zedong thought but by no means maoism.

In this country, obviously, the revisionists who follow the baton of their diverse masters, Gorbachevxxviii, Dengxxix, Aliaxxx or Castroxxxi furiously attack and keep attacking maoism; among them one must condemn, unmask and implacably combat Del Prado‘s crusty revisionism and his gang, the so called «Peruvian Communist Party»xxxii; the crawling deviousness of the self-proclaimed «Communist Party of Peru, Red Fatherland»,xxxiii who, after building themselves up as «great maoists» became Deng‘s servants, after having condemned him when he was defenestrated in 1976, as well as the anti-maoism of the so-called «United Left»xxxiv, in whose heart swarm all the revisionist and even anti-marxist positions passed off by false marxists and opportunists of many kinds. We must hold up maoism as a revealing mirror for revisionists in order to combat them implacably, working for the development of the people‘s war and the triumph of the democratic revolution underway, which is an unavoidable and unrenounceable task of a strategic character.

The Communist Party of Peru, through the faction led by Chairman Gonzalo that propelled its refounding, took up marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought in 1966; in 1979 the slogan «Uphold, defend, and apply marxism-leninism-Mao Zedong thought!»; in 1981: «Towards Maoism!»; and, in 1982, took maoism as an integral part and higher development of the ideology of the international proletariat: marxism-leninism-maoism. It is with the people‘s war that we have understood more deeply what maoism implies and we have taken up the solemn pledge to «Uphold, defend, and apply marxism-leninism-maoism, mainly maoism!» and to struggle relentlessly in helping to place it as command and guide of the world revolution, the sole red and unfading banner that is the guarantee of triumph for the proletariat, the oppressed nations, and peoples of the world in their inexorable, combative march of iron legions towards the golden and always brilliant communism.

i See Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: «Manifesto of the Communist Party» (December 1847-February 1848)

ii See V. I. Lenin: «Address to the 2nd All-Russian Congress of Communist Organizations of the Peoples of the East» (22.11.1919)

iii See J. V. Stalin: «The Foundations of Leninism» (April 1924)

iv The Qing Empire, Qing Dynasty, Manchurian Empire or Manchurian Dynasty — Officially known as the Great Qing, this was the last imperial dynasty of China, lasting from the conquest of China by the Manchus starting in 1636 until the beginning of the bourgeois-democratic revolution in China in 1911 under the leadership of Dr. Sun Yat-sen.

v This refers to the May 4th Movement of 1919, which was an anti-imperialist cultural and political movement which arose among the intellectual youth as a response to exploitation and oppression by the imperialists and their lackeys.

vi The Autumn Harvest Uprising, led by Mao Zedong, took place on 07.09.1927 and led to the establishment of the Hunan Council of Workers and Peasants. The uprising was defeated, but led Mao to draw the lesson that the Communist Party of China had to establish its own armed forces if it were to successfully wage revolutionary war to surround the cities from the countryside.

vii The Boxer Rebellion, or Yihetuan Movement, was an anti-imperialist insurrection which took place in China in 1899. It was defeated in 1901 after the intervention of an alliance of eight imperialist great powers.

viii The Great Leap Forward was a great mass movement in China for the industrialization of agriculture. It took place between 1958 and 1962, but was disrupted by extremely bad weather and climate conditions. Nonetheless, it laid the foundations for the rapid development of Chinese agriculture in the form of the people‘s communes.

ix Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev (1894-1971) was the 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union from 1953 to 1964. After Comrade Stalin‘s death in 1953, Khrushchev maneuvered himself into power by allying himself with Georgy Zhukov, Marshal of the Red Army, and executed or purged many of Stalin‘s supporters. At the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, Khrushchev attacked Stalin heavily in order to discredit the socialist system, and at the 22nd Congress in 1961, he systematically revised the fundamental principles of marxism. Khrushchev‘s variant of revisionism became extremely prevalent in the international communist movement and most countries today still have a Khrushchevite political party.

x The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution was a movement of hundreds of millions of people in China to continue the socialist revolution under the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat, expose, criticize and depose people in power taking the capitalist road, and change the world outlook of the entire people to a communist one. It lasted from May 16th, 1966 to October 6th, 1976.

xi The «theory of the productive forces», the «theory of the primacy of the productive forces» or the «theory of productive forces only» is a revisionist political-economic theory which has been put forward ever since the split between communism and social-democracy during the 1st World War (1914-18). It holds, in the words of Liu Shaoqi, that «the main contradiction in socialist society is the contradiction between the advanced relations of production and the backward productive forces», thus centering on the development of the productive forces and the maximization of profits in the interest of new capitalists who get their salaries by managing said maximization of profits within the socialist State. In reality, the main contradiction in socialist society is proletariat ↔ bourgeoisie, which is expressed in the economic sphere as contradictions between communist, socialist and capitalist systems of ownership, relations between people and systems of distribution.

xii See V. I. Lenin: «Once Again on the Trade Unions, the Current Situation and the Mistakes of Trotsky and Bukharin» (25.01.1921)

xiii See Mao Zedong: «The Present Situation and Our Tasks» (25.12.1947)

xiv See Mao Zedong: «Reading Notes on the Soviet Textbook Political Economy» (1961-62)

xv See Mao Zedong: «Problems of War and Strategy» (06.11.1938)

xvi See Mao Zedong: «On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People» (27.02.1957)

xvii See Central Committee of the Communist Party of China: «Decision Concerning the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution» (08.08.1966)

xviii See Mao Zedong: «On New Democracy» (January 1940)

xix Mao Zedong: «Problems of War and Strategy» (06.11.1938)

xx Central Committee of the Communist Party of China: «Decision Concerning the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution» (08.08.1966)

xxi Ibid.

xxii Mao Zedong, quoted in Lin Biao: «Report to the 9th National Congress of the Communist Party of China» (01.04.1969)

xxiii See Mao Zedong: «Talk at a Working Conference Convened by the 8th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China» (30.01.1962)

xxiv See Mao Zedong: «On the Differentiation of the Three Worlds» (22.02.1974)

xxv For further reading, see Five Documents on Literature and Art by Mao Zedong.

xxvi The Zunyi Meeting was an enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the 6th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, held in January 1935. At this meeting, Mao Zedong heavily criticized the policies of Bo Gu and Otto Braun, an advisor sent to China by the Communist International. Their incorrect policies had led to great defeats during the Long March. The Political Bureau agreed with the criticism and promoted Mao Zedong to the Chairpersonship of the Communist Party of China.

xxvii Comrade Gonzalo uses the dash (-) and the comma (,) in different ways here, which has some importance. A comma is used to signify particularity, that is, applicability to a particular Party, revolution and country, while a dash is used to signify universality, that is, applicability to some degree on the world level.

xxviii Mikhail Gorbachev (1931-) is a Russian social-democratic politician who was the leader of the Soviet Union from 1985 until its dissolution in 1991. Gorbachev continued Khrushchev‘s variant of revisionism and granted more economic and political power to the non-State-monopoly bourgeoisie in the Soviet Union, headed by Boris Yeltsin, which eventually seized the chance to carry out a State coup, dissolving the Union of Socialist Council Republics on 25.12.1991.

xxix Deng Xiaoping (1904-97) was a Chinese revisionist politician who, after the victory of the new-democratic revolution in China in 1949, worked under Liu Shaoqi‘s leadership to restore capitalism in China and to turn it into an imperialist power. He was condemned during the Cultural Revolution, rehabilitated after a sham self-criticism in 1973, then condemned again in 1976 after ordering workers to be shot for protesting. He then carried out a counter-revolutionary State coup in October 1976, one month after Mao Zedong‘s death, against Mao‘s comrade and wife, Jiang Qing, and other comrades such as Zhang Chunqiao. After a brief period in which the revisionist Hua Guofeng formally ruled China, Deng took over officially, formally ending the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and initiating a period of «opening up» and «market reforms», through which the Chinese State-monopoly bourgeoisie managed to strengthen its own economic and political power, avoiding a collapse of social-fascism like in the Soviet Union. Deng Xiaoping‘s rule saw China develop from a powerful socialist country into a social-imperialist power, which today has become a social-imperialist superpower.

xxx Ramiz Tafë Alia (1925-2011) was an Albanian revisionist who ruled Albania from 1985 to 1992, after the death of the revisionist Enver Hoxha. Ramiz Alia continued Hoxha‘s restoration of capitalism in Albania, which eventually led to the collapse of social-fascism in the country and the complete takeover of the country by the imperialists and local non-State-monopoly capitalists.

xxxi Fidel Castro (1926-2016) was a Cuban revisionist who ruled Cuba from 1959 to 2011, followed by his brother, Raúl Castro. The Castro brothers took power through an armed struggle in the 1950s against the fascist dictator Batista. Once power had been taken, they first tried to subject themselves to the USA, then the Soviet Union. They sidelined Che Guevara, a different Cuban revolutionary leader, whom they sent to fight and die in Bolivia according to a failed military strategy known as «focus theory». They also assassinated Camilo Cienfuegos, another revolutionary leader. The Castro brothers quickly stopped the process of socialist transformation in Cuba and reversed the democratic revolution, turning it into a State-capitalist sugar-cane farm for Soviet social-imperialism.

xxxii Jorge del Prado (1910-99) was a Peruvian Khrushchevite revisionist who was expelled from the Communist Party of Peru in the 1960s. He then formed the splitter group «Peruvian Communist Party», which published the newspaper Unity.

xxxiii Saturnino Paredes (1921-96) was a Peruvian Dengite revisionist who was expelled from the Communist Party of Peru in the 1970s. He then formed the splitter group «Communist Party of Peru, Red Fatherland».

xxxiv The United Left was a «coalition party» formed by various revisionist groups in Peru, including the «Unified Mariáteguist Party», in 1980. It was dissolved in 1995.