PEOPLE’S WAR REPORT: New Actions + Call by People’s War Working Group to Members of the Communist Party of the Philippines on the Occasion of the Elections

Report every two weeks on the newest actions from the people’s wars of the world + call by the People's War Working Group of The Red Flag to the members of the Communist Party of the Philippines on the occasion of the Philippine Presidential Elections.

People’s War Report

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The Red Flag




03.05.2022: Revolutionary posters against quarrying and the counter-revolutionary politics of the State and central governments were hung up in Chakkittapara (Kozhikode district). The posters called upon the people in the area to unite and resist the Granite quarrying and the land-grabbing and forced property sales connected to it. They made clear that the State and central governments and especially the fake Marxist and locally governing «Communist Party of India (Marxist)» are the culprits behind the destructive projects. The colleagues also mocked the counterinsurgency special unit «Thunderbolt» created by the State which have kept the local community president and member of the CPI (Marxist) under constant protection.

05.05.2022: Call to boycott the communal elections in the State of Jharkhand. Comrade Ashok, the speaker of the Communist Party of India (Maoist)’s Southern Zonal Committee, directly spoke with villagers and emphasized that their miserable conditions will never be improved through an election. He called on the villagers to confront the electoral candidates with questions about why not a single local problem is being taken care of, such as apparent scarcity of drinking water.


03.05.2022: Ambush by red soldiers of the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army under the leadership of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) on a team of the Gadchiroli police’s C-60 special unit in Maharashtra. A C-60 constable was badly injured and had to directly flown out to a hospital; the colleagues managed to retreat without any losses.

04.05.2022: Ambush on an operations team of the District Reserve Guard near Mungari village (Narayanpur, Chhattisgarh). An enemy soldier was killed.


25.04.2022: Arson attack against a private bus by red soldiers under the leadership of the Konta Area Commmittee of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) after the evacuation of its 40 passengers. The sabotage action was carried out on the national highway near Sarivela village in the border zone between Andhra Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. The colleagues also left behind posters denouncing the murder of Comrade Uppuganti Nirmaly behind bars at the beginning of April. The sabotage action was part of a series of protest actions in the area for Comrade Nirmala.

Impressions from the Indian People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army.



23.04.2022: Ambush and counter-attack by the New People’s Army ─ Leonardo Panalingan Command (which is the people’s army led by the Communist Party of the Philippines) against the 62nd Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army and the Reconnaissance Unit of the 33rd Division in Sandayao county (Guihulngan City). At least five reactionaries were killed in battle.

25.04.2022: Counter-attack against an ambush by the Armed Forces of the Philippines on a five-person team of the New People’s Army ─ Lucio de Guzman Command. The colleagues fought three consecutive battles with forces from the 4th, 68th and 76th Infantry Battalions of the Philippine Army as well as police forces; the enemy attacked with two tanks and two helicopters among other things. The five red soldiers were overwhelmed by the superior force and killed, but not before being able to take down five fascists along with them and injure three more.


19.04.2022: Destruction of river quarrying equipment along the Magtiaco (Surigao del Norte). The sabotage attack was aimed against Ruel Jalasan, a town council member, militia leader and subordinate of the warlord Governor of Surigao del Norte, Lalo Matugas; Jalasan had disrupted the riverbed through his river quarrying and flooded multiple counties nearby.


25.04.2022: Raid of the house of a mayoral candidate in Surigao Del Sur, Rolmar «Mamal» Basalan, currently serving as Vice-Prime Minister. The colleagues confiscated a Boostmaster Baby M16 rifle, three .45 pistols, seven portable radios as well as ammunition and cartridges. Mamal’s goons are notorious for forcing people to vote for him at gunpoint, which they are currently doing on the occasion of the upcoming mayoral elections.



The characteristics of China are that it is not independent and democratic but semi-colonial and semi-feudal, that internally it has no democracy but is under feudal oppression and that in its external relations it has no national independence but is oppressed by imperialism. It follows that we have no parliament to make use of and no legal right to organize the workers to strike. Basically, the task of the Communist Party here is not to go through a long period of open struggle before launching insurrection and war, and not to seize the big cities first and then occupy the countryside, but the reverse.

Mao Zedong: «Problems of War and Strategy» (06.11.1938)

Before the people’s war, they tried everything here! The elections, the creeping election campaigns, to the point of exhaustion, to the point of boredom! […] We have seen urban insurrections that proved that this was not the road to take; we have seen how the peasantry has shaken this country to its very entrails, from top to bottom, time and again; but we had not tried the only, true road to take, that of people’s war. We dared to set out on this road. We were only a handful of people back then, compared to today; we were perhaps only as many people who assumed the defence of the Party as a human being has fingers on one hand. But it was as Chairman Mao told us: «The question is not how many people you are, but if you want to do it or not.» And we wanted, want and shall want the people’s war; no one shall get us to give up on it, it has brought us to begin the seizure of political power. This is how things have to be. Whether it takes a longer or a shorter period of time, and the time it takes for this seizure of political power is already running; it doesn’t seem like it, but if we dig deeper, we see that it is. The people’s war will continue to accompany us the whole way, because we will apply it to defend the new State, to light up the parts of the world which are still being oppressed, and we will not stop until we, speaking as the Party, see the iron legions converge into an armed, red sea which ripples across the Earth, stirs it up and turns it upside-down. So it must be.

Abimael «Gonzalo» Guzmán: The 1st Congress of the Communist Party of Peru (January 1988-June 1989)

The following statement is an urgent criticism of the Right-opportunist line inside the Communist Party of the Philippines that has had control over the Party’s Central Committee for a while, has imposed its line inside the Party and in the people’s war and is in the midst of changing the class character of the Party.

The Communist Party of the Philippines was refounded on a true revolutionary basis in 1968 under the leadership of Jose Maria Sison, still operating under his struggle name Amado Guerrero back then. At this time, Sison was in fact a communist leader who understood how to creatively apply the experiences of the proletarian world revolution ─ summarized in Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong thought ─ to the reality of the Philippines. Leaders like these are not geniuses that fall from the sky to lead the revolution of a country. Moreover, they obtain their revolutionary understanding and leadership qualities in the midst of the combat experiences of a Communist Party and the revolution around it; and hence, communists like these can only stay leaders as long as they continue being directly involved in the struggle. Sison was also only one of multiple leaders of the Philippine revolution, as part of the proletarian headquarters of the Party, but he was the best among them and kept the whole group of leaders on the correct Marxist path.

This situation began to change when Sison was arrested by the Philippine reaction under the command of the fascist Ferdinand Marcos in 1977 and imprisoned for nine years. When he was released in 1986 as part of a conciliation attempt by Marcos’ successor Aquino, he didn’t return to the front line of the Philippine revolution, but travelled the world instead ─ until the old State of the Philippines took away his citizenship in 1988 and he applied for political asylum in the Netherlands.

Without Sison’s leadership, the Marxist direction of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Philippines began to crumble, with the Party’s line first deviating in a «Left»-opportunist direction. «Left»-opportunism is a form of revisionism, meaning fake Marxism disguising counter-revolutionary politics. A Communist Party under the leadership of such a line stops being the revolutionary vanguard of the revolutionary classes ─ and especially of the working class ─ because it runs ahead of the true stage of class struggle at a given time with its politics, undergoes hasty manoeuvres without the support and participation of the masses (such as attempting an insurrection in a city without any backing) and thus isolates itself from the masses. In the case of the Communist Party of the Philippines, this line emerged when the ranks of the Philippine revolution grew quickly in the 1970s and ’80s, which led to the leaders becoming drunk on victory in the 1980s and losing their cool. The Party terminated almost all mass work and dedicated all its efforts to the construction of a traditional military, believing that they had the support of the masses in its pocket and the military defeat of the enemy being the only thing left. Due to the disconnect from the poor peasants, the main force of the revolution in a semi-feudal country, plans for a grandiose «insurrection in the cities» for winning the revolution were also concocted. In the end, these policies resulted in a loss of about 40% of the mass base of the people’s war (even as much as 50-60% in Mindanao) and led to Jose Maria Sison initiating the «2nd Great Rectification Movement» in 1991.

This rectification movement criticized the problems of terminating the mass work, militarism and the delusional plans for insurrection. It had the effect of many cadres returning to the countryside and mass work being resumed. In this moment, the Philippine revolution could have taken up a solid correct direction again. However, Sison initiated the rectification movement far away from the front lines of the people’s war out of the safe Netherlands and his outlook had steadily deviated to the Right since his imprisonment. Hence, the pendulum swung to the other side instead: The «2nd Great Rectification Movement» was the start of a Right-opportunist line nesting itself into the higher ranks of the Communist Party of the Philippines.

Contrasting to «Left»-opportunism, a Communist Party under Right-opportunist leadership surrenders its role as the vanguard of the revolutionary classes ─ and especially of the working class ─ by ceasing to show the path of the revolution and march down it at the forefront. Instead, it lowers its political level to that of backward parts of the revolutionary classes, tails their politics and assists the politics of part of the exploiting classes as a result.

The Right-opportunism inside the Communist Party of the Philippines can especially be seen in the following points:

  • The New People’s Army is capable of liberating parts of the Philippines from the control of the old State together with the masses through guerrilla war, but it doesn’t carry out expropriations of landlords and sub-contractor companies in the contested territories. Instead, the revolutionary government imposes «revolutionary taxation»: The large exploiters in a guerrilla zone have to periodically hand over part of their property to the new State, but may keep their property in and of itself.
  • Since the fascist Ferdinand Marcos was overthrown in 1986, the Party ─ or rather its front organisation, the National Democratic Front of the Philippines ─ has entered into «peace talks» with the old State multiple times. If such talks are ever followed through to the end, they can only result in a liquidation of the people’s war (we’ll focus on this point especially in this statement).
  • The Party thinks along the lines of the imperialist criteria of the United Nations’ «human rights». It doesn’t simply justify revolutionary violence committed by the New People’s Army based on its legitimacy due to the country’s approaching liberation, but also argues that human rights as they apply inside the law of war are respected. Murderous crimes by the old State are not simply denounced for them being an expression of its class character, but as «human rights violations».
  • Internationally, the Party calls incomplete revolutions like in Cuba, social-democratic projects like the one by Hugo Chávez in Venezuela or even the fascist Democratic People’s Republic of Korea («North Korea») socialist instead of seriously examining the class character of these States.

Concerning «human rights», we would like to point out that the Marxist position on this question was already established as far back as 1844 by Marx and Engels in «The Holy Family» — although the Filipino revisionists pretend that they don’t have to adhere to this part of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in their efforts to appeal to the Filipino big bourgeoisie and the bourgeois-democratic monopoly capitalists in the imperialist countries. Marx and Engels wrote:

It was shown that the recognition of human rights by the modern State has no other meaning than the recognition of slavery by the State of antiquity had. In other words, just as the ancient State had slavery as its natural basis, the modern State has as its natural basis civil society and the human being of civil society, that is, the independent human being linked with other human beings only by the ties of private interest and unconscious natural necessity, the slave of labour for gain and of their own as well as other human beings’ selfish need. The modern State has recognised this its natural basis as such in the universal human rights. It did not create it. As it was the product of civil society driven beyond the old political bonds by its own development, the modern State, for its part, now recognised the womb from which it sprang and its basis by the declaration of human rights.

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: «The Holy Family» (September-November 1844)

In other words, not only are human rights in essence bourgeois rights which form part of the political superstructure of capitalist society — they also consequently cannot exist in a semi-feudal society such as the Philippines. While it may then seem «progressive» to struggle for the implementation of «human rights» in the Philippines, it must be recognised that imperialism pushes «human rights» in order to promote the development of sub-contractor capitalism (that is, imperialist-funded backward capitalism emerging on a colonial or semi-colonial economic base) in the oppressed nations. To promote «human rights» in a country such as the Philippines thus has nothing to do with promoting the new-democratic revolution. This is the entire significance of the promotion of the people’s rights of the new-democratic revolutions rather than the «human rights» of the old democratic revolutions. Or as Comrade Gonzalo explained:

The financial oligarchy, which specifically is the class of the imperialist big bourgeoisie, has always raised the old and tattered banners of human rights to expand its world hegemony. It was in the name of human rights that U.S. President Wilson participated in the 1st World War to set up the USA as an imperialist power and take part in the first great war of plunder for the repartition of the world; in 1941, U.S. imperialism under F. D. Roosevelt intervened in the 2nd World War to expand their domination to more parts of the world; after the war and in order to guarantee its expansion, domination and influence, U.S. imperialism promoted the «Universal Declaration of Human Rights» of the United Nations, a pro-imperialist organisation which acts as the guarantor of the imperialist superpowers and powers.

On the other hand, the USA and other imperialist powers have always attacked the socialist systems of the Union of Socialist Council Republic under the leadership of Lenin and Stalin and of China under the leadership of Chairman Mao as violators of human rights. And today, as imperialism continues its process of decay, it resorts to its old, reactionary, bourgeois banners, its revised old principles, because it can no longer create anything new or progressive. It covers them with a «humanitarian» veneer in order to hide its counter-revolutionary class character and pretend to contain the main historical and political trend in the world, which is revolution; thus skillfully hiding the fact that human rights are but one more instrument for imperialism to impose its reactionary ideology (the core of which is idealism and the crudest pragmatism, in total opposition to dialectical materialism) and its erroneous bourgeois-democratic policy of bloody reactionary dictatorship under the leadership of the financial oligarchy in the imperialist States, or by the big bureaucratic bourgeoisie in the oppressed nations (in absolute opposition to the people’s democratic dictatorship and the dictatorship of the proletariat, both of which are led by the proletariat and based on the worker-peasant alliance).

And all of this for what? For the defence of the outdated imperialist system, this bloody, parasitic barbarism which plagues the Earth and is totally opposed to the socialist system, this great new creation of the 20th century, the only system capable of leading humanity to the realm of freedom: communism.

Abimael «Gonzalo» Guzmán: «On the Two Hills» (1991)
(Our emphasis.)

To sum up, the «human rights» of the imperialist bourgeoisie, «in their majestic equality, forbid rich and poor alike to sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets, and to steal their bread», as Anatole France pointed out in a famous sentence often quoted by Karl Marx.

In the current political context of the Philippines, the Right-opportunists in the Party neglect their responsibility of uniting the political actions of the Filipino masses into a single revolutionary struggle for the overthrow of the old exploiter State and the construction of a new-democratic people’s dictatorship with democracy for the people and oppression for the exploiters. Instead, the revisionists channel their efforts into supporting the electoral campaign of a candidate for the next Presidency of the Philippines ─ the current Vice-President and sub-contractor capitalist Leni Robredo.

We emphasize that this criticism is not directed at the Party as a whole, but only at this line. We are are writing this statement mainly because we know that there is a Left inside the Party, just like there is everywhere. It is this Left’s responsibility in this situation to expel the Right-opportunist line from the Central Committee and the Party before it can fully sabotage the Philippine revolution.

Our statement is in direct reaction to the revisionist line of class collaboration being spread by the Right-opportunists in the Central Committee about the upcoming Philippine presidential elections and the politics connected to it. The statement is also in reaction to one of the Party’s 1st of May declarations.


Capitalist elections in the specific context of an ongoing people’s war were summarized perfectly by Comrade Gonzalo, the late leader of the Communist Party of Peru:

Finally, there is the so-called «legitimisation» as a political objective of the counter-insurgency war, in its form known as «low-intensity warfare», which seeks governments produced by elections as a mean of providing them with «legitimacy» and «authority», which should be recognized as such by the people. In addition, according to them, they would «serve to satisfy the needs of the people». In that way, elections are nothing but a tool of the counter-revolutionary war.

Abimael «Gonzalo» Guzmán: «Elections, No! People’s War, Yes!» (May 1990)

It is necessary to examine the presidential electoral favorites in the Philippines in the light of this analysis.

The current favorite in the upcoming presidential elections is Ferdinand «Bongbong» Marcos Jr., the son of the former fascist dictator with the same name who was ousted in 1986 by the communist-led «People Power» movement. His vice-presidential candidate is Sara Duterte-Caprio, the daughter of the current fascist in office Rodrigo Duterte. If the two win, it is to be expected that they will continue Duterte’s politics of country-selling and bloody suppression of the Philippine revolution. Marcos and Duterte are actively supported by the Armed Forces of the Philippines for example, who among other things have conducted designated military operations in counties in order to spread electoral propaganda for Marcos-Duterte aside from anti-communist propaganda there. Current forged electoral polls show Marcos-Duterte ahead of the second-strongest candidate by over 30%, with an estimated 56% voting for them. Said second-strongest candidate is the incumbent Vice-President Leni Robredo, who is running without a party and apparently would obtain 23% of votes. Her voter base is currently organising regular electoral «anti-tyranny» events that have regular attendence numbers in the tens of thousands or even in the hundreds of thousands. These demonstrations and manifestations serve for Robredo, who is running under the slogan «honest government, a better life for all», to present herself as a «woman of the people» who will tackle corruption inside the old State.

Leni Robredo’s electoral promises completely underline the fact that elections in semi-feudal nations are always only «a ruse of the aristocracy», of semi-feudalism, as Lenin called them. Economically, she is already announcing she will continue to sell the Philippines to imperialists and develop sub-contractor capitalism further. She’s aiming at «modernising» the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Navy ─ which in the current context of the Philippines is only possible with even more U.S. imperialist funding. She claims to want to reassert the sovereign rights of the Philippines in the «South Chinese Sea», but emphasizes that she will still be open for trade and investment «cooperation» with China. She also supports and wants to continue Duterte’s «Build! Build! Build!» infrastructure programme, which received about CHF 18,800,000,000 more government funding in this year alone ─ this in a country whose foreign debt reached about CHF 105,000,000,000 in March this year and which was as large as 54,5% of the country’s gross domestic product in 2020. Socially, Robredo also stays loyal to the semi-feudal Catholic ideology of the Philippine ruling classes: She’s anti-abortion, anti-divorce and against same-sex marriage.

To put it in the words of the Chief Information Officer of the Communist Party of the Philippines, Marco Valbuena:

[…] the upcoming presidential election is mainly a contest between rival factions of the ruling classes to select the next chief of the neo-colonial state and administrator of the rotten semicolonial and semifeudal system. As in the past, the elections are a pseudo-democratic political exercise where only members or representatives of the moneyed ruling classes can have a meaningful chance of being elected.


The last quote comes from an interview with Marco Valbuena that was published on the Philippine Revolution Web Central. In this interview, no call is made however to boycott the upcoming presidential elections, as is always the correct tactic in an oppressed country. Instead, the Right-opportunist line inside the Communist Party of the Philippines is fleshed out inside it.

Valbuena starts the interview with the following statement: «The May 9 elections have developed into a crucial battleground in the fight against the perpetuation of the Duterte tyranny and attempts to restore the Marcos family to power. The most significant development has been the groundswell of the anti-Marcos and anti-Duterte movement around the campaign of Vice President Leni Robredo.» Valbuena makes it clear that the current Central Committee of the Party does not see Robredo’s electoral campaign as an act of deception of the masses, the spreading of false hopes and as part of legitimizing the old State, but as an anti-fascist movement that is part of the revolutionary movement of the Philippines.

Next, Valbuena loses a lot of words on the question of electoral fraud in the Philippines and how much easier this has become in recent decades. Ballot collection works through the «Automated Election System» in the Philippines since 2010. The votes are collected digitally and ballot counting lies in the hands of a few I.T. employees of the electoral bureau Comelec which is currently controlled by Rodrigo Duterte. Valbuena also points to electoral bribery being commonplace in the Philippines.

Electoral fraud and bribery are in fact commonplace in oppressed countries, this is true ─ they are an expression of the semi-feudal basis of these countries corrupts the electoral system through and through and the system must hence be boycotted. As Lenin correctly pointed out with regard to the tsarist State Duma of 1906:

The Duma is not a parliament, it is a ruse employed by the autocracy. We must expose this ruse by refusing to take any part in the elections. […] the Duma is not a parliament, but a new police fraud.

Because we cannot at present derive any advantage for the Party from the elections. There is no freedom to carry on agitation. The party of the working class is outlawed; its representatives are imprisoned without trial; its newspapers have been closed and its meetings prohibited. The Party cannot legally unfurl its banner at the elections, it cannot publicly nominate its representatives without betraying them to the police. In this situation, our work of agitation and organisation is far better served by making revolutionary use of meetings without taking part in the elections than by taking part in meetings for legal elections.

V. I. Lenin: «Should We Boycott the State Duma?» (January 1906)

But Valbuena draws the opposite conclusion from that of Lenin: He reaffirms that «a Marcos win is not inevitable», that the «broad people’s movement» and the anti-tyranny protests with hundreds of thousands of participants prove this.

In true opportunist fashion, Valbuena follows up with another real fact: that the Philippine elections are also directed by the imperialists, especially the USA and China. He says:

On the one hand, while the US maintains links with all factions of the ruling classes, in all likelihood, it prefers that the next head of its client-state will not sidle to Xi Jinping as did Duterte to pursue his bureaucrat capitalist interests. With its links among Filipino business groups and political parties, as well as in the military and police, the US can create conditions to its favor.

Based on this, it can be concluded that U.S. imperialism tends towards a Robredo presidency as it doesn’t exactly know if her loyalty vacillates as much as was the case with Duterte. But what does Valbuena have to say about this country-seller?

Over the next few days, the anti-tyranny movement against the Marcos-Duterte tandem must show their strength by launching nationwide marches and million-strong mass demonstrations. Should they and Robredo succeed in rallying more than a million people in her miting de avance, they can establish unequivocally that Robredo, is really the winning candidate. [All it takes is more than a million in a country with a population over 110,000,000???]

The anti-tyranny movement must be able to sustain their mass mobilizations and night-long vigils from May 9 onwards to closely guard the canvassing of votes and stay alert for any and all signs of fraud. This is, of course, not easy to accomplish under the AES [Automatic Electoral System] and Duterte’s absolute control of the Comelec.


In order to successfully make revolution, aside from a protracted victory over the old State, a revolutionary party has to win public opinion for the revolution, for the new State and against all lies and facades of the old State. It especially needs to defeat the State’s self-portrayal as belonging to the people, AKA its electoral system and all old political parties (although parliament can actually be used in imperialist countries for agitation and propaganda against the State). The Right-opportunist line in the Communist Party of the Philippines is doing the exact opposite. Not only is it directing all of the people’s anti-fascist rage into an electoral framework and into a new Presidency which will bring dissappointment and suffering no matter what ─ it’s even calling for the people to actively participate in strengthening the «correctness» and «legitimacy» of the electoral system by surveilling a proper ballot count!

The Right-opportunist politics of the Party’s Central Committee also reflects in the policy followed inside the guerrilla zones of the people’s war ─ in the areas where new political power is being built up in the hands of the Filipino people. Out of all places, here the only correct tactic is absolutely to call for general electoral boycott, since the people is already partaking in constructing this new power and the old State can shut up about its sham electoral system. Instead, the New People’s Army openly allows for electoral propaganda, albeit tightly restricted and only if it advocates for the Right-opportunists’ preferred electoral candidates. Contrast this to the genuinely communist policy applied by the Communist Party of Peru during the people’s war in Peru from 1980 to 1999, the policy of «calling for an electoral boycott, for thwarting and hindering the elections wherever possible, but not for trying to stop the entire process». (See Abimael «Gonzalo» Guzmán: «Develop the People’s War to Serve the World Revolution», August 1986.)

At the end of the interview, Marco Valbuena subtly shines light on what the Right-opportunist line hopes for if Robredo wins:

The anti-tyranny and democratic movement that gained strength over the past months around Robredo’s campaign will likely demand her government to take immediate steps to release political prisoners, to end the military’s policy of persecuting, red-tagging and terrorist-labelling of patriotic and democratic forces, to end the campaign of aerial bombing, and to pursue peace negotiations.


The question that communists have to ask themselves as the vanguard of their country’s revolution is not just what demands the people are putting forward, but what serves the people’s interests. Valbuena has once again deployed an opportunist trick by smuggling the demand for «peace talks» into the list of demands that obviously serve the Filipino people’s interests. Therefore, we ask: Do «peace talks» between the revolutionary forces and the old State serve the people’s interests?


The National Democratic Front of the Philippines recently summarized the line of the Right-opportunists concerning «peace talks» in an article for the 49th anniversary of the front:

The NDFP has also demonstrated that it can engage in peace negotiations with the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) without falling into the fascist trap of pacification, demobilization and capitulation. It has succeeded in establishing the principle for a just and lasting peace attainable by addressing the social, economic and political roots of the armed conflict, and demonstrating how this framework is vastly superior to the militarist notion of «localized peace» attained through military suppression of the people’s rights and resistance.

The roots of the people’s war in the Philippines lie in Philippine society itself: the Philippines are a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country under the boot of imperialism, which has been developing a sub-contractor capitalism subjugated to it in the Philippines since it came into being. Imperialism can’t create social progress in any way; as Lenin said, it means «political reaction all along the line». This is why revolution is necessary, people’s war that establishes a completely new democratic society in order to guarantee and impose the rights of the people. But in the view of the Right-opportunist line, the people’s war becomes mere leverage in order to force the reactionaries into fundamentally reforming Philippine society. The line contrasts this to a «localized peace» which in fact refers to nothing but the fact that the old State always propagates its counter-revolutionary war as a «peace mission». It’s a blunt strawman argument.

The history of all the «peace talks» in the Philippines so far prove that only armed revolution can conquer and preserve the rights of the people and that the success of such «talks» would mean nothing but capitulation and the liquidation of the people’s war.

The first «peace talks» took place under president Corazon Aquino, the successor of the fascist Ferdinand Marcos. They occurred right after Marcos was ousted, but in January 1987, the National Democratic Front of the Philippines ended them again after the old State attacked a peasant demonstration for land reform and massacred 13 peasants.

The victims of the «Mendiola Massacre» flee from the reaction’s bullets.

Under president Fidel Ramos (1992-98), the danger of the liquidation of the people’s war became more acute. Ramos announced a policy of amnesty and reconciliation from the moment he took office, aiming to undermine the revolutionary fighting spirit of the Party and the New People’s Army by pandering to the forces open to capitulation. At the same time, the same thing was happening in Peru, where a quickly advancing people’s war had been going on since 1980 ─ although the betrayal came from the initiative of traitors inside the Communist Party of Peru in that case. Comrade Gonzalo, the Chairman of the Party, was captured by the genocidal State under the government of the fascist Fujimori on the 12th of September 1992 and an international campaign for the defence of his life was the only thing that prevented his execution behind bars. A Right-opportunist line, the second of its kind, also existed in this Party at this time. Upon Gonzalo’s arrest, it immediately conspired with the old State and even went as far as to forge documents together with it that supposedly came from Gonzalo’s pen and called for the entire Party to enter into «peace talks».

In the Philippines, the talks from 1992 to 1998 mainly centered on the old State promising to not persecute and suppress any «negotiating partners» on the Party’s side. On the 16th of March 1998, the «Comprehensive Agreement to Respect Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL)» that obliged both sides to respect the Filipinos’ human rights in the people’s war was signed. The agreement was originally continued by the next president Joseph Estrada in August 1998 before being cancelled in February 1999 after the New People’s Army obtained a military victory by kidnapping 4 military officers.

In 2001, «peace talks» were taken up again under the new president Gloria Arroyo ─ but she too cancelled them again in 2002 after the New People’s Army annihilated the Filipino politician and mass murderer Rodolfo Aguinaldo. Shortly thereafter, U.S. imperialism added the Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People’s Army to it’s terrorist index. More «peace talks» took place throughout Arroyo’s presidency, but amounted to nothing.

Under president Benigno Aquino the 3rd, a 22-day truce was agreed on throughout the holidays of 2012-13. Once again, the «talks» were terminated by the old State shortly thereafter, as the old State rejecting demands put forward by the National Democratic Front such as the recalling of police and military forces.

When Rodrigo Duterte took office in 2016, the «peace talks» became much more concrete again. Two rounds of «talks» were held in August and October of the same year respectively, with the sides agreeing on a framework for the «Comprehensive Agreement on Social and Economic Reforms (CASER)» in the second round. Said reforms would apparently tackle poverty and inequality in the country through sustainable economic development in rural areas, guarantee social and economic rights, enable the people affordable access to services and utilities, enshrine a fiscal policy aimed towards development and enable a unilateral agreement for truce. Shortly thereafter, Duterte presented the National Democratic Front with an ultimatum, saying he would only liberate 130 political prisoners as announced if the Front signed a bilateral truce. At first, the Right-opportunist line engaged with this ultimatum ─ until the Duterte Government broke multiple deadlines for the liberation of political prisoners and armed struggle was thus resumed.

Since the 23rd of November, 2017, Duterte has issued proclamations and orders terminating «peace talks» between his government and the National Democratic Front. Another truce actually did take place since then over the holidays of 2019-20; throughout its duration, Duterte didn’t liberate a single political prisoner as was agreed on.

So far, the situation is clear: «peace talks» with the old State either edge closer to liquidating the people’s war bit by bit or they are terminated. An agreement between the old State and the revolutionary forces in the Philippines is impossible, especially on the basis of «human rights». For «human rights» deny the people of the world their right to make revolution, are completely an issue of definition and the imperialists have interpretive sovereignity over them. Liquidating Rodolfo Aguinaldo is completely legitimate people’s justice from a revolutionary perspective, but the USA took hold of the chance to immediately declare the Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People’s Army «terrorists». The same sort of events unfolded in Peru back in the day: The human rights organization Amnesty International stubbornly refused to denounce the arrest and torture of Comrade Gonzalo behind bars or the countless mass graves created by the reactionary armed forces of the Peruvian State; instead, it only wrote about crimes supposedly committed by the communist guerrillas and declared Comrade Gonzalo’s treatment behind bars legitimate.

The Right-opportunist line made its first announcements of continuing its liquidation attempts after the end of Duterte’s Presidency in 2020 already. In September of that year, the then-Chairwoman of the National Democratic Front argued in favor of «talks» with Leni Robredo herself who back then was still Duterte’s Vice-President and a member of the liberal opposition party. The statements overlap with the Party’s current tactic: Negotiations with the opposition are good because they serve to «engage the constitutional successor to press for the resumption of the peace negotiation as a rallying point in the effort to oust Duterte. […] negotiations can immediately resume to tackle the Comprehensive Agreement on Social and Economic Reforms (CASER).»

If we compare these statements with the Communist Party of the Philippines’ current electoral campaign for Leni Robredo, the intentions behind this tactic become even clearer.

Our concerns about the potential preparations for liquidating the people’s war in the Philippines also come from another decisive event: On the 1st of May this year, the Party published the international statement «Make Revolution Against Imperialist War» (the statement mainly denies the role of Russian imperialism as the Ukranian people’s current main enemy and as the main aggressor in the Ukraine war). Aside from the Party, two other groups signed the statement ─ one of them being the so-called «Communist Party of Peru». The party in question is in fact the traitors of the 2nd Right-opportunist line from back in the day; the exact same people that followed the strategy of «peace talks» in order to liquidate the people’s war in Peru and escape repression themselves. The Right-opportunists in the Philippines are internationally closing ranks with their siblings.

We also denounce the statement in the «May One Message to Workers and Oppressed Peoples Around the World» that Russian imperialism launched its war on Ukraine with the goal of «putting an end to the Zionist regime in Ukraine […]». The apologists of the new Tsar are runnung out of arguments, so they are falling back on blunt anti-semitism in order to justify their positions (Volodymyr Zelenskyj being Jewish). In doing so, they mainly sound like Nazi Germany who invaded Ukraine in the 2nd World War and committed genocide against the Jewish people there, just like it did in every other territory it annexed.


The upcoming presidential elections in the Philippines don’t change anything. Leni Robredo will fully continue Rodrigo Duterte’s politics, as she belongs to the same class of sub-contractor capitalists who have to do the bidding of the imperialists above them. In her campaign, there was one moment where she went too far with her populist demands ─ she called for the dissolution of the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC), the counter-insurgency unit of the old State. Pro-U.S. generals of the Armed Forces of the Philippines immediately gave a «security briefing» — and wouldn’t you know it? — she suddenly heaped praise on the task force and especially on its counter-subversive «Barangay [meaning local county] Development Program».

We also have to keep in mind what the Right-opportunist line is likely planning to do if they do in fact manage to liquidate the people’s war with «peace talks». It can be assumed that the traitors will reorganise the remains of the «Communist Party» (which will by then be one only in name) and run for elections themselves as a governmental party. If the history of the working class struggle in the last 200 years has proven one thing, it’s that this tactic is doomed to fail. Firstly, the Right-opportunists are already taking the side of the exploiters with their current preparations for liquidating the people’s war; should these people run for elections one day, they would do it out of pure self-interest, the same motives driving them today. Secondly, even the most genuine revolutionaries have never been able to bring about a revolution through the electoral path in history.

The prime example of this is the Chilean socialist Salvador Allende who was elected President inside the liberal democracy of the country in 1970. He got to work on «Chile’s path to socialism», nationalising big industries, expropriating landlords and redistributing their land (until, purely in terms of the system of ownership, there were actually no more landlords left a few years later), highly funded education, created a lot of jobs with good labour conditions for the impoverished Chilean masses, created institutions for women’s emancipation and tried to enhance the people’s cultural life.

This social progress was doomed to a short lifespan however ─ Allende had taken control over the Government away from the exploiters but hadn’t fully overthrown those same classes (and their State). Thus, nothing prevented the landlords, sub-contractor capitalists and their allied U.S. imperialists under President Richard Nixon from preparing a coup.

Between 1970 and 1973, Nixon imposed crippling sanctions on Chile, the CIA began to carry out destabilising activities inside the country and the reactionaries in the Chilean congress began to destabilise the Allende Government with things such as accusations of unconstitutional actions as well as small business owner and student strikes. In June 1973, the first unsuccessful coup attempt against Allende was carried out by a paramilitary group. In September 1973, the enemy struck using the U.S. controlled Chilean military; led by General Augusto Pinochet who had only just been given his post, the military cut off Chile’s communications, occupied the country’s most important locations, declared Allende overthrown, murdered thousands of revolutionaries and anti-fascists in the days that followed and imprisoned about 40,000 more. Allende himself refused to leave the Presidential Palace and held one last speech to the people before committing suicide. In this speech, one of the things he did was admit himself that the conditions for the coup had always been present due to his wrong strategy:

At this definitive moment, the last moment when I can address you, I wish you to take advantage of the lesson: foreign capital, imperialism, together with the reaction, created the climate in which the Armed Forces broke their tradition, the tradition taught by General Schneider and reaffirmed by Commander Araya, victims of the same social sector which will today be in their homes hoping, with foreign assistance, to retake power to continue defending their profits and their privileges.
Allende’s corpse is transported away.


Strategically speaking, the people’s war, the military theory of the international working class, is invincible. No imperialists and/or reactionaries have ever been able to crush a people’s war with their countless acts of genocide and bombings ─ because it’s not based on weapons, but people. As long as there are still people subjugated by the imperialist system in all its forms, a communist vanguard can unite them in struggle against this system and every crime against the people will only strengthen their fury and combativeness. Comrade Gonzalo said:

The enemy has a single advantage — the numerous contingents of its forces and the armaments they rely upon — but every other aspect constitutes their weak points. Their objective is to defend the old and rotten political power of the landlord-bureaucratic State. It has a bourgeois military line; it is a mercenary army. It does not have conscious discipline and its morale is low. It has profound contradictions between officers and soldiers, and it is discredited before the masses. Furthermore, the very foundation of the reactionary army is of worker and peasant origin, which can disintegrate during the course of an unjust war. Apart from this, the Peruvian armed forces have never won a war and they are experts in defeat. Furthermore, they have repeatedly counted on and still count on the support of international reaction, but we count on the support of the oppressed nations, of the peoples of the world and the international proletariat, which are the new forces.

Abimael «Gonzalo» Guzmán: «Bases for Discussion» (before January 1988)

The enemy itself proves this in the Philippines. When «peace talks» became a topic again at the beginning of 2020, government officials like national security adviser Esperon or defense secretary Lorenzana were against resuming them again because, among other things, they were convinved they could militarily crush the people’s war up until the current presidential elections ─ which has obviously failed.

In other words, from the perspective of the old State, «peace talks» are the last way to defeat the revolution if the military option doesn’t work. This also lines up with the politics of amnesty that the presidents after Marcos pursued; they had experienced the Party and the New People’s Army not only survive a fascist military dictatorship, but emerge stronger from it!

Nonetheless, in the history of the last century there have been many people’s wars that never ended in revolution ─ because they were all liquidated from the inside by revisionism. Comrade Gonzalo analyzed how this liquidation generally always follows the same pattern ─ revisionism has to carry out «Four Changes» for it to take place.

Step one is a change in leadership. In the Philippines, this happened when Jose Maria Sison was arrested in 1977 and the group of leaders in the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru were left without any guidance. The Party was «beheaded» due to Sison degenerating in isolation from the everyday practice of revolutionary struggle and the Central Committee degenerated without the guidance of a red Sison. The «Left»-opportunism of the late 1980s caused a lot of damage in its own right, but in the history of the Party, it only laid the groundwork for the actual change in line, the second step towards liquidation. A fully degenerated Sison led the «2nd Great Rectification Movement» ─ which enshrined Right-opportunism in the Party to this day ─ from afar in safe Dutch amnesty. The Right-opportunists obtained full control at the 2nd Party Congress in 2016 and could impose their line on the entire Party. With their politics of collaboration and conciliation, for instance the failure to expropriate the exploiters in the guerrilla zones, the Right-opportunists are currently carrying out the third step towards liquidation: They are changing the character of the Party. Their goal, step four, is clearly to «change» the people’s war through «peace talks», AKA to enforce a general truce and obtain amnesty from the old State.

The closest the Right-opportunist line ever came to liquidating the people’s war in practice was at the beginning of President Duterte’s term. The Communist Party and Duterte were engaged in «peace talks», where the Party was specifically being offered a coalition government with Duterte in return for the capitulation of the New People’s Army. On the eve of his election to the Presidency, the following exchange took place:

«I offer my hand in peace to Sison and to others and we can talk», Duterte told a news conference in Davao, where he has remained since a May 9 election for which an unofficial vote count shows him a clear winner.

In a television interview, Sison said he was felt proud to see Duterte win but ruled himself out of serving in his cabinet. He said the CPP would seriously consider his offer.

«No, I don’t want any position for myself, but you know there are many people who are very competent», he told CNN Philippines.
Rodrigo Duterte addresses a memorial ceremony organised by the Communist Party of the Philippines for a fallen Party member.

The «positions» of which Sison spoke were specifically the following:

Presumptive Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte has said that he will offer Cabinet positions to the Communist Party of the Philippines, including to its exiled founder Jose Maria Sison. […]

In a televised press conference from Davao City on Monday, May 16, Duterte announced that he plans on giving the Communist Party the departments of Social Welfare, Agrarian Reform, Labor and Environment.

When the Communist Party of the Philippines was criticised for its open collaboration with Duterte, Jose Maria Sison wrote the following on his Facebook page:

You don’t just attack capitalists […]. We can work with nationalist capitalists even as we talk to and persuade compradors […]. Our honeymoon is just beginning. We’re talking to him. He’s offered us positions.
Members of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines at the «peace negotiations» saluting Duterte with the fascist President’s signature fist-bump.

Finally, the following was Sison’s conclusion on what would happen to the New People’s Army if the «peace talks» were to succeed:

What is in sight is a kind of coalition government, between the Party and the Duterte administration, that involves the participation of the Communist Party amidst other patriotic and progressive forces. It is a government of national unity, peace and development. […] The question therefore arises whether the national democratic revolution can be completed in the absence of a people’s war.


Revolutionary armed units can become guards of the environment and the industries under conditions of peace and development. Integration of armed forces is permissible.

Ibid. (Our emphasis.)

That is to say — exactly the same kind of «integration of armed forces» as took place in Nepal following Prachanda’s capitulation, where the heroic revolutionary commanders and fighters of the Nepalese People’s Liberation Army were placed into U.N.-led concentration camps under the guise of «integration» into the armed forces of the old State!

Commanders and fighters of the Nepalese People’s Liberation Army in a U.N. concentration camp following the betrayal of the people’s war. If the Rightists are not expelled, this will be the future of the New People’s Army.

Contrast this to the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist position on the question of the revolutionary armed forces in connection with peace negotiations. Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out that peace negotiations are indeed a necessary complement to armed struggle. However, he also made it very clear that such negotiations are to be carried out on the basis of principles, and that no capitulation whatsoever is permissible. He stated:

Does this mean that we are going to hand over our guns to the Guomindang? Not that either. If we hand over our guns, won’t the Guomindang have too many? The arms of the people, every gun and every bullet, must all be kept, must not be handed over.

Mao Zedong: «On the Chongqing Negotiations» (17.10.1945)
(Our emphasis.)

From a communist standpoint, peace negotiations only serve to force the enemy to recognise what has already been won on the battlefield. Such negotiations may be local or national in scale and may be carried out at various stages or at the end of the war. However, they can never be an excuse for capitulation. The imperialists specifically use such phony «peace talks» as part of their strategy of «low-intensity warfare» in order to trick the revolutionary forces into capitulating. As such, we must reaffirm the communist position on the contradiction between struggle and negotiation. Comrade Gonzalo pointed out:

The idea of talks is being bandied about, and it is also part of the superpowers’ game, especially the social-imperialists. We see the situation this way: there is a time in the development of a people’s war when relations and diplomatic dealings become necessary and do occur. For example, the meeting between Chairman Mao and Chiang Kaishek. This is something people are familiar with. We also saw it in the case of Vietnam. It is a facet in the development of a revolutionary war and, even more so, of a people’s war. But we must start from the understanding that in diplomatic meetings agreements signed at the table only reflect what has already been established on the battlefield, because no one is going to give up what they have not obviously lost. That is understood. Well, one could ask, has that moment arrived in Peru? That moment has not arrived. So why raise the issue of talks? Such talks are simply aimed at halting or undermining the people’s war, that’s what they are aimed at and nothing more. So I repeat, the truth is that the time for meetings and diplomatic dealings has not arrived, it makes no sense.


So for me all this jabbering about talks is nothing, I repeat, but looking for a way to undermine the people’s war, because it doesn’t correspond to reality. When the time comes, the people’s war will necessarily have to undertake diplomatic dealings. But our diplomacy will be aimed at seizing political power countrywide, fully and completely. We don’t want a North Vietnam and a South Vietnam, we don’t want a North Korea and a South Korea. We don’t want a North Peru and a South Peru, we want only one Peru. This is our condition: full, complete and absolute surrender. Are they ready for that? No. What they are plotting is our destruction, and so talks are nothing but a part of that same plan despite all their demagogic and philistine cackling.

Abimael «Gonzalo» Guzmán: «Interview with The Daily» (July 1988)
(Our emphasis.)

Like we already pointed out, such capitulation is nothing new in the history of our global revolutionary struggle. The Communist Party of Peru pointed out:

If someone has had an error or injustice committed against them, we are prepared to indemnify the harm caused but in some cases, are these reasons that they flee in cowardice and throw themselves into the arms of our worst fascist enemies, to cry […] and convert to miserable traitors, «repentants», knives against the Party, the people, the revolution? No, this is not a valid reason. It is that at heart they have changed position; don’t forget that the class struggle between the bourgeoisie and proletariat exists, hence they take the bourgeoisie’s position and because of that they decide to take the dark path of treason and serve the counterrevolution. This proves that they were never what they said they were, «communists», «revolutionaries», these were only phrases coming out of their mouths. The revolution always charges each of us with choosing which side we are on; all revolutionary processes have been like this, and for that reason it doesn’t and shouldn’t surprise us that there are capitulants and traitors.

Huallaga Branch of the Communist Party of Peru: «Struggle Implacably Against Capitulation! Unmask and Liquidate the Traitors! Unmask and Crush the Psychological Warfare Campaign of the Reactionary Fascists!» (1998)

The planned liquidation of the people’s war in the Philippines is no reason to panic. One must keep a cool head and fight revisionism with even more determination ─ and at the end of the day, the liquidation attempt will have even served the revolution if a victorious Left emerges united from crushing the Right-opportunist line.

We direct the following call to the Party base of the Communuist Party of the Philippines and the countless masses fighting heroically in the country: Comrades, colleagues, the Party is being led by people that not only believe the false promises for amnesty that the old State makes, but direct them towards the reaction as demands and thus are driving forward the liquidation of the revolution step by step ─ all out of personal interests for a comfortable life in the old society! The reaction’s weapons haven’t been able to defeat the people’s war; you must not let the enemy in your own ranks defeat it!

The Left in the Philippines bears a great responsibility, not just toward the Filipino people, but internationally too. Somewhat older communists, revolutionaries and progressives will not have forgotten the moral blow that the liquidation of the people’s war in Nepal dealt the global revolutionary movement. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) had led a successful people’s war for ten years starting in 1996 against the semi-feudal and sub-contractor-capitalist regime ruled by a monarchy at that time; but just before the people’s war won in the entire country, Prachanda, the Party’s leader, transformed the revolutionary struggle for a new-democratic Nepal into a mere bourgeois-democratic struggle against the monarchy, established a multi-party government along with the other parties of the landlords and capitalist representatives of imperialism and got himself voted into office as the first President of the «new» parliamentary republic of Nepal.

Is this how the Philippine revolution is supposed to end? (Prime minister of Nepal Pushpa Kamal Dahal ─ formerly Comrade Prachanda ─ with Indian fascist prime minister Narendra Modi.)

Such a moral blow must not happen in this century in which imperialism is crumbling globally for good. We communists and revolutionaries here in Switzerland have never ceased to uphold the people’s war in the Philippines in solidarity, including when the dogmato-revisionist trend within the international communist movement started to abuse the dominance of Right-opportunism in the Philippines in order to discredit and attack the people’s war as a whole, for instance by refusing to recognise it as anything other than «the armed struggle of the New People’s Army», as the revisionist puritans running prefer to call it.

The civil war taking place in the Philippines is a revolutionary civil war, a people’s war led by a Communist Party. Next to the people’s war in India, it is the greatest proof of the validity of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, which inspires thousands upon thousands of people across the Earth to take up arms for the revolution, also in the imperialist countries. It is absolutely impermissible to put it on the same level as the armed struggles being waged by various nationalist, revisionist or anarchist forces around the world.

To support the people’s war in the Philippines is a strategic task for the international communist movement and its victory will be a powerful blow against imperialism, revisionism and reaction across the globe. Therefore, we dearly hope that this criticism and this call won’t fall on deaf ears, that our comrades will reaffirm their Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the road of violent revolution, that they will expose, smash and liquidate the Right-opportunist line, carry out the 3rd Great Rectification Movement and the 3rd National Congress of the Party to demolish all convergences with the revisionist line, and continue the protracted people’s war so as to thus carry the Philippine revolution through to the end. We must reaffirm what Comrade Mao Zedong taught us:

Whether in China or in other countries of the world, when all is said and done, over 90% of the population will eventually support Marxism-Leninism[-Maoism]. There are still many people in the world who have not awakened because of the deceptions of the social-democrats, revisionists, imperialists and reactionaries. But sooner or later they will gradually awaken and support Marxism-Leninism[-Maoism]. The truth of Marxism-Leninism[-Maoism] is irresistible. Sooner or later the masses of the people will rise in revolution. Sooner or later the world revolution will triumph.

Mao Zedong: «Talk at an Enlarged Working Conference Convened by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China» (30.01.1962)

This is how it is! No revisionist will be able to halt the progress of the Filipino people toward national democracy and socialism and their great contribution to the cause of world communism. As Sison pointed out before he — as we, the People’s War Working Group of The Red Flag, see it — became a renegade and a traitor to the Philippine revolution, when he still headed the proletarian headquarters of the Communist Party of the Philippines:

The theory of people’s war is universal and applies to Philippine conditions. […] The central task of the Communist Party of the Philippines is to seize political power. […] Armed with invincible Mao Zedong thought [what Maoism was called at the time], the peoples of the world are waging people’s wars and thus, are proving the historical truth that this is the era when imperialism is heading for total collapse and socialism is marching towards worldwide victory. […] Armed with invincible Mao Zedong thought, the Communist Party of the Philippines will surely triumph and the Filipino people under the leadership of the revolutionary proletariat will achieve people’s democracy first and socialism next.

Jose Maria Sison: «Rectify Errors, Rebuild the Party!» (26.12.1968)
(Our emphasis.)
For the Left of the Communist Party of the Philippines, the meaning of this slogan is clear: There can only be a lasting people’s peace under communism. Thus, we can never allows ourselves to put down our guns until then. People’s war until communism is the order of the day.

It’s time for the genuine communists and revolutionaries in the Philippines to finally kick the Right-opportunist line out of the Central Committee and the Party. It may be herding the entire Party and the revolutionary movement behind Robredo’s electoral campaign and the masses with electoral illusions, but the people’s war itself is still going on and has a significant mass base to rely on in the fight against revisionism. Since the Right-oppoortunists have already taken root in the Party this deeply, it’s necessary to take the cultural revolution in China in the 1960s and ’70s as a direct example and «Bombard the bourgeois headquarters!»; the revolutionary Party and mass base must completely remove the revisionist Party leadership from power. If the Right-opportunists do actually manage to attempt liquidation with «peace talks», the Left has to keep fighting regardless of this amnesty and unmask the traitors. After a while, the Filipino people will understand themselves that the few demands that the old State has temporarily taken up as a compromise will be dropped at the first opportunity, just like every obstacle for the U.S., Chinese and other imperialists’ superprofits. They will understand that only the people’s war can liberate the country. Comrade Mao Zedong’s words remain true:

We communists openly proclaim that, at all times, we stand with those who favour continuing the war and resolutely oppose those who favour making peace.


Even if the capitulationists who are plotting surrender and a split should get the upper hand for a while, they will eventually be unmasked and punished by the people. The historical task of the Chinese nation is to achieve liberation through united resistance. What the capitulationists desire is the exact opposite, but however much they may have the upper hand, however jubilant they may be, fancying that nobody dare harm them, they cannot escape punishment by the whole people.

Mao Zedong: «Oppose Capitulationist Activity» (30.06.1939)