Provisional Central Committee of the Communist Party of Switzerland (Red Faction): “Fragments Concerning Guiding Thought”

Proletarians of all countries, unite!
There is one goal, the conquest of Power!

FRAGMENTS CONCERNING GUIDING THOUGHT

Provisional Central Committee
Communist Party of Switzerland (Red Faction)
May 2021

Reproduced by
The Red Flag

FRAGMENTS CONCERNING GUIDING THOUGHT

All revolutions, in their process of development, through the struggle of the proletariat as the leading class and, above all, the struggle of the Communist Party that raises their unrenounceable class interests, give rise to a group of great leaders and mainly one who represents and leads it, a Great Leader with acknowledged authority and influence. In our reality this has taken shape, on account of historical necessity and coincidence, in Chairman Gonzalo, Great Leader of the Party and the revolution.“

Central Committee
Communist Party of Peru
„Fundamental Documents“
1988

The present document has been produced for studies in the Communist Party of Switzerland (Red Faction) on the question of Guiding Thought, which is an integral part of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist-Gonzalo Thought, mainly Gonzalo Thought, world outlook of the development of Marxism.

Consider the following outline of the development of Marxism:

Marxism. It was founded by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, mainly Marx. It develops through the following stages: 1) Ideas of Marx and Engels, pre-1845. 2) Marx Thought, 1845-64. 3) Marx Thought (as the Guiding Thought of the Proletarian World Revolution, or not yet synthesized Marxism), 1864-77. 4) Marxism, synthesized in 1877-80 by Engels („Anti-Dühring“) and defined as: „[…] the fundamental proposition, which forms [the] nucleus [of the ‚Manifesto of the Communist Party‘], belongs to Marx. That proposition is: that in every historical epoch, the prevailing mode of economic production and exchange, and the social organization necessarily following from it, form the basis upon which is built up, and from which alone can be explained, the political and intellectual history of that epoch; that consequently the whole history of mankind (since the dissolution of primitive tribal society, holding land in common ownership) has been a history of class struggles, contests between exploiting and exploited, ruling and oppressed classes; that the history of these class struggles forms a series of evolutions in which, now-a-days, a stage has been reached where the exploited and oppressed class — the proletariat — cannot attain its emancipation from the sway of the exploiting and ruling class — the bourgeoisie — without, at the same time, and once and for all, emancipating society at large from all exploitation, oppression, class distinctions and class struggles.“ 5) Marxism-Engels Thought (as the Guiding Thought of the Proletarian World Revolution), 1880-95.

Leninism. It was generated by V. I. Lenin. It develops through the following stages: 1) Marxism, Lenin Thought, 1893-1912. 2) Marxism-Lenin Thought, 1912-24. 3) Marxism-Leninism, synthesized in 1924 by Stalin („The Foundations of Leninism“) and defined as: „Leninism is Marxism of the era of imperialism and the proletarian revolution. To be more exact, Leninism is the theory and tactics of the proletarian revolution in general, the theory and tactics of the dictatorship of the proletariat in particular.“ (4) Marxism-Stalin Thought, 1924-53.

Maoism. It was generated by Chairman Mao Tse-tung. It develops through the following stages: 1) Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung Thought, 1926-56. 2) Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought, 1956-76. 3) Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, synthesized in 1982 by Chairman Gonzalo („On Marxism-Leninism-Maoism“) and defined as: „And what is Maoism? Maoism is the elevation of Marxism-Leninism to a new, third, and higher stage in the struggle for proletarian leadership of the democratic revolution, the development of the construction of socialism and the continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat as proletarian cultural revolution; when imperialism deepens its decomposition and revolution has become the main tendency of history, amidst the most complex and largest wars seen to date and the implacable struggle against contemporary revisionism.“ 4) Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, 1982-92. 5) Marxism-Leninism-Maoism-Gonzalo Thought, 1992-.

Keeping this in mind, continue with the fragments from the works of Chairman Gonzalo.

1. CONCERNING GONZALO THOUGHT

All revolutions, in their process of development, through the struggle of the proletariat as the leading class and, above all, the struggle of the Communist Party that raises their unrenounceable class interests, give rise to a group of great leaders and mainly one who represents and leads it, a Great Leader with acknowledged authority and influence. In our reality this has taken shape, on account of historical necessity and coincidence, in Chairman Gonzalo, Great Leader of the Party and the revolution.

Moreover, and this is the basis upon which all leadership is formed, revolutions give rise to a Thought that guides them, which is the result of the application of the universal truth of the ideology of the international proletariat to the concrete conditions of each revolution; a Guiding Thought indispensable to reach victory and to conquer political Power and, moreover, to continue the revolution and to maintain the course always towards the only, great goal: Communism; a Guiding Thought that, arriving at a qualitative leap of decisive importance for the revolutionary process which it leads, identifies itself with the name of the one who shaped it theoretically and practically. In our situation, this phenomenon specified itself first as Guiding Thought, then as Chairman Gonzalo‘s Guiding Thought, and later as Gonzalo Thought; because it is the Chairman who, creatively applying Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to the concrete conditions of Peruvian reality, has generated it; thus endowing the Party and the revolution with an indispensable weapon which is guarantee of victory.

Gonzalo Thought has been forged through long years of intense, tenacious, and incessant struggle to uphold, defend and apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, to retake Mariátegui’s path and to develop it, to reconstitute the Party and, mainly, to initiate, maintain and develop the People’s War in Peru serving the World Revolution, and that Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism be, in theory and practice, its sole command and guide.

It is of substantive necessity for the Party to study Gonzalo Thought for a more just and correct understanding of the General Political Line, and mainly of the Military Line, aiming at deepening the understanding of the particularities of the Peruvian Revolution, what is specific and particular that Chairman Gonzalo has masterfully emphasized. In this way we serve the Great Plan to Develop Bases, the development of the People’s War and the perspective of conquering political Power countrywide.

We must study Gonzalo Thought, starting from the historical context that generated it; examine the ideological base which sustains it; explain its content, more substantially expressed in the General Political Line and in the Military Line which is its center; aiming at what is fundamental within it, the problem of political Power, of the seizure of Power in Peru, which is inextricably linked to the conquest of Power by the proletariat in the whole world; and we must pay close attention to its forging in the two-line struggle.

In synthesis, these fundamental issues can be dealt with by applying the following outline:

A. HISTORICAL CONTEXT

International Context

In relationship to historical events:

1) The development since the 2nd World War onwards;

2) The powerful national liberation movement and, within it, the process and triumph of the Chinese Revolution;

3) The Cuban Revolution and its repercussion on Latin America;

4) The great struggle between Marxism and revisionism;

5) The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.

But the key point is to see how, in this great class struggle on the world level, Gonzalo Thought considers that a third stage of the proletarian ideology arises: First, as Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung Thought; then Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought; and later, it is defined as Maoism, understanding its universal validity; and in this way reaching Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism, as the present expression of Marxism.

National Context

1) Post-war Peruvian society and within it the political struggle, the so-called National Democratic Front, the action of the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA), Odría’s State coup and the struggle against his eight year rule; the contest between APRA followers and Communists; and particularly, the development of bureaucratic capitalism in the 1960s and part of the 1970s and the sharp class struggle that accompanied it; „Velasquism“ and its so-called revolution, the strife and collusion between the comprador bourgeoisie and the bureaucratic bourgeoisie (factions of the big bourgeoisie), and opportunism and mainly revisionism by their supporters;

2) The class struggle in the peasant movement;

3) The process of the working class movement;

4) The intellectual movement;

5) The armed struggle in the country, especially by the Movement of the Revolutionary Left and the National Liberation Army in 1965, as well as their antecedents in Blanco, Vallejos, and Heraud; and

6) The problem of the Party: How a Party constituted on a clear Marxist-Leninist basis degenerated into a revisionist Party, the need to retake Mariátegui’s path, develop it, and to reconstitute the Party, the Communist Party of Peru that Mariátegui himself constituted in 1928, and how through this reconstitution a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Party was constructed. Here it is fundamental how Gonzalo Thought profoundly understood Peruvian society, and focused on the crucial problem of bureaucratic capitalism, and saw the need to reconstitute the Party and to conquer political Power and defend it with the People’s War.

B. IDEOLOGICAL BASIS

Without Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought cannot be conceived, because the latter is the creative application of the former to our reality. The key question on this point lies in the understanding of the historical process of the development of the ideology of the proletariat, of its three stages shaped in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and with Maoism as principal; and, mainly, it is the application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as a universal truth to the concrete conditions of the Peruvian Revolution; hence Gonzalo Thought is specifically principal for the Communist Party of Peru and the revolution it leads.

The Guiding Thought, having reached a qualitative leap of decisive importance for the Party and the revolution, has evolved into Gonzalo Thought, thus stamping a milestone in the Party’s life.

C. CONTENTS

a. Theory. How it understands and applies the three integral parts of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism; it emphasizes the importance that Marxism gives to philosophy, the necessity of forming ourselves in it, and especially its application of the law of contradiction in the study of every problem, always aiming at defining the main aspect and the process of things; in political economy, the concern about the relations of exploitation, and especially about bureaucratic capitalism, orienting itself towards ripening the revolution and the repercussion of the People’s War on the base, as well as paying attention to the economic relations of imperialism, looking for their political consequences; in scientific socialism it centers on the People’s War and its concrete expression in the country, since it always has the problem of political Power in mind and, particularly, its shaping and development as a New State.

b. On the content. The most substantive and developed part of Gonzalo Thought is found in the Party’s General Political Line; this Thought directly sustains, therefore, the line and its five elements, with the point of departure being how it understands and maintains the Programme firmly on course.

c. In Gonzalo Thought we must highlight the remarkable fulfillment of the demands stated by Chairman Mao: theoretical solidity, understanding of history, and a good practical handling of politics.

D. WHAT IS FUNDAMENTAL

What is fundamental in Gonzalo Thought is the problem of political Power; concretely, the conquest of political Power in Peru, wholly and completely throughout the country, as a consequential application of the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in our revolution. But, being a Communist Thought, it understands the conquest of political Power in Peru as a part of the conquest of Power for the proletariat on a world level; and that the conquest of Power in the country, shaping itself today in the People’s Committees, support bases and the People’s Republic of New Democracy in formation within the perspective of establishing the People’s Republic of Peru, serves to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat in our country, because without it, it is impossible to march towards Communism. And, all of this is a function of firmly and decisively serving the setting up of People’s Republics and mainly the dictatorship of the proletariat throughout the whole world, under the leadership of Communist Parties, with revolutionary Armies of a new type, through People’s War and the development of cultural revolutions, so that Communism may illuminate all of the Earth.

E. FORGED IN THE TWO-LINE STRUGGLE

It is through a persistent, firm, and wise two-line struggle, defending the proletarian line and defeating the opposing lines that Gonzalo Thought has been forged. Among the most outstanding struggles that deserve to be emphasized are those waged against contemporary revisionism, represented here by Del Prado and his henchmen; those against the right-liquidationism of Paredes and his gang; those against „left“-liquidationism headed by the one who was called Sergio and his self-proclaimed „Bolsheviks“; and against the Right-Opportunist Line that opposed the initiation of the armed struggle. Without struggle, Gonzalo Thought could not have been developed; and his remarkable handling of the two-line struggle within the Party is a fundamental question which we must study and grasp.

To study and mainly to apply Gonzalo Thought is decisive in order to better serve the Party, the development of the People’s War and the World Revolution. Likewise, to learn from Chairman Gonzalo is decisive in order to wholeheartedly serve the people.

Peru, 1988

Central Committee
Communist Party of Peru

2. QUOTATIONS

THE DAILY: Speaking of ideology, why Gonzalo Thought?

CHAIRMAN GONZALO: Marxism has always taught us that the problem lies in the application of universal truth. Chairman Mao Tse-tung was extremely insistent on this point, that if Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is not applied to concrete reality, it is not possible to lead a revolution, not possible to transform the old order, destroy it, or create a new one. It is the application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to the Peruvian Revolution that has produced Gonzalo Thought. Gonzalo Thought has been forged in the class struggle of our people, mainly the proletariat, in the incessant struggles of the peasantry, and in the larger framework of the world revolution, in the midst of these earthshaking battles, applying as faithfully as possible the universal truths to the concrete conditions of our country. Previously we called it the Guiding Thought. And if today the Party, through its Congress, has sanctioned the term Gonzalo Thought, it’s because a leap has been made in the Guiding Thought through the development of the People’s War. In sum, Gonzalo Thought is none other than the application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to our concrete reality. This means that it is main specifically for our Party, for the People’s War and for the revolution in our country, and I want to emphasize that. But for us, looking at our ideology in universal terms, I emphasize once again, it is Maoism that is main.“

Central Committee
Communist Party of Peru
„Interview With Chairman Gonzalo“
July 1988

„On the STRUGGLE AROUND MAOISM. Briefly, the struggle in China for establishing Mao Tse-tung Thought began in 1935 at the Tsunyi Meeting, when Chairman Mao assumed the leadership of the Communist Party of China. In 1945 the 7th Party Congress agreed that the Communist Party of China was guided by Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung Thought, a specification suppressed by the 8th Party Congress, since a rightist line prevailed in it. The 9th Party Congress in 1969 systematized the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and ratified that the Communist Party of China is guided by Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought; that was as far as it advanced.

On an international level, it acquired influence from the 1950s onwards; but it is with the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution that it intensely spread out and its prestige rose powerfully and Chairman Mao was acknowledged as the Great Leader of the World Revolution and originator of a new stage of Marxism-Leninism; thus, a great number of Communist Parties assumed the denomination of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought. On the world level, Maoism confronted contemporary revisionism openly unmasking it profoundly and forcefully, and likewise it did so in the own ranks of the Communist Party of China, all of which raised the Chairman’s great red flag still more: The new, third, and higher stage of the ideology of the international proletariat. At present (1988), Maoism confronts the triple attack of Soviet, Chinese and Albanian revisionism. But today, even among those who acknowledge the Chairman’s great contributions, including the development of Marxism, there are some who believe that we are still in the stage of Marxism-Leninism, and others who only accept Mao Tse-tung Thought but by no means Maoism.

In this country, obviously, the revisionists who follow the baton of their diverse masters, Gorbachev, Teng, Alia or Castro have continuously attacked Maoism; among them one must condemn, unmask, and implacably combat Del Prado’s callous revisionism and his gang, the so called ‚Peruvian Communist Party‘; the abject deviousness of the self-proclaimed ‚Communist Party of Peru, Red Fatherland‘, who, after raising themselves up as ‚great Maoists‘ became Teng’s servants, after having condemned him when he was defenestrated in 1976, as well as the anti-Maoism of the so called ‚United Left‘, in whose heart swarm all the revisionist and even anti-Marxist positions passed off by false Marxists and opportunists of many kinds. We must raise Maoism as a revealing mirror for revisionists in order to combat them implacably, working for the development of the People’s War and the triumph of the democratic revolution underway, which is an unavoidable and unrenounceable task of a strategic character.

The Communist Party of Peru, through the Faction led by Chairman Gonzalo, who propelled its reconstitution, took up Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought in 1966; in 1979 the slogan ‚Uphold, defend, and apply Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought!‘; in 1981: ‚Toward Maoism!‘; and, in 1982, took Maoism as an integral part and higher development of the ideology of the international proletariat: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. It is with the People’s War that we have understood more deeply what Maoism implies and we have taken up the solemn pledge to ‚Uphold, defend, and apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism!‘ and to work relentlessly in helping to place it as leader and guide of the World Revolution, the always red and unfading flag that is the guarantee of triumph for the proletariat, the oppressed nations, and peoples of the world in their inexorable, combative march of iron legions towards the golden and ever-shining goal of Communism.“

Central Committee
Communist Party of Peru
„Fundamental Documents“
1988

„But it is important, that in this last part („Concerning Gonzalo Thought“), in which it says: ‚Key point is to see how, in this great class struggle on the world level, Gonzalo Thought considers that a third stage of the proletarian ideology arises: First, as Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung Thought; then Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought; and later, it is defined as Maoism, understanding its universal validity; and in this way reaching Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism, as the present expression of Marxism.‘“

Chairman Gonzalo
„Exposition on the Fundamentals of Gonzalo Thought“
1988

„The key question on this point lies in the understanding of the historical process of the development of the proletarian ideology, of its three stages shaped in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and with Maoism as main; and, mainly, it is the application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as a universal truth to the concrete conditions of the Peruvian Revolution; hence Gonzalo Thought is specifically principal for the Communist Party of Peru and the revolution it leads. ‚[…] the understanding of the historical process of the development of the proletarian ideology‘, this is key, how the process of ideology of the international proletariat is understood, which leads us to: To what? To Maoism as the main. This is the base that sustains it, that is why it is the main. Without that, there is nothing. And then ‚[…] the application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as the universal truth to the concrete conditions of the Peruvian Revolution‘. This is what is essential, it is not enough to say the main thing is to take up Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, if you don’t add that what is essential is mainly the application to the concrete conditions because without it, Gonzalo Thought would have no sense, you have to see the two things, and this in strict application of what Chairman Mao has taught us. The problem of Marxism is its application, and that is what Lenin taught and what Marx taught. I think, that this part must be very much being taken in consideration and what is essential; you take this away, and you take away the essence of Gonzalo Thought, it will not have an essence.

Following, concern yourself in what it says: consequently, take this foundation, Maoism, from this application which is essential: to what does it lead? ‚Hence Gonzalo Thought is specifically main for the Communist Party of Peru and the revolution it leads.‘ Here the word is ‚specifically‘, that is what you have to catch here. Because if it would not say ‚specifically main‘, then Comrades would be negating that the main is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Do you understand what I want to say? It would be not to see its universal validity, and that we cannot do. To be Communist, first, we must be Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, and since we act in this country that is called Peru, it is essential to apply it here in Peru, but without the first, you cannot have the second. From this follows: Gonzalo Thought is the main for the Party, yes. Specifically: what does that mean? Regarding the application, regarding the necessity of our revolution, in this specific case, for this concrete question; in this way you cannot in any way leave aside Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, because that is the universal truth and that is the source from which we always have to drink.“

Ibid.

„[…] you cannot put forward a Thought if you don’t keep in mind the universal truth which is an integral part.“

Ibid.

„Content of Gonzalo Thought. a. Theory. We need to know well, how to conceive Gonzalo Thought: it is a specification of our revolution, of our proletariat, of our Party, of the class struggle and of the war which is its highest form and it must be seen like that. If we see it specifically in this manner, our problem is not to put it at the level of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, because that could not be, it would be a grave error, we could never do it, never, comrades. We should not confuse things. When we treat theory, what we have to see is how its being handled, how Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is being applied, and its three integral parts; if there is a contribution, this is secondary today, might be, that tomorrow it develops, but tomorrow is not today. I think we have to be very clear and very concrete, understand it well, more, when we put forward theory, the theory because here we speak about – I repeat – the three integral parts, of the universal truth and only here we can think about how its being applied, how its being handled; if there are contributions, time will tell. For me, this is the key, Comrades, a distant thing is the question about its content – this we are going to see – there is a difference.“

Ibid.

„Regarding the theory, what did the document say? That is why it puts forward: ‚how to understand and apply‘ — that is why they said – ‚how it understands and applies the three integral parts of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism‘, that is what it says. Here its not said, how it is developed. I think you have to be objective and yes, there are perspectives, you can see perspectives, but to me, a perspective is a perspective, first the perspective has to be carried out, so to say this is now truth […] don’t take as a reality, what is a perspective. But regarding theory, you must be very careful, because it handles the universal truth. You have to be very clever and careful and therefore it says like that: ‚how to understand and apply‘.“

Ibid.

„[…] coming to the point of the content of Gonzalo Thought – we speak about the part which says ‚most substantial and most developed‘ is the General Political Line – because here is the problem. Where is it? In the specifications of our line, in what we consider typical or peculiar in our revolution, with all the perspective that it has or might have in some points. That is why we only innumerate the specifications of the General Political Line and the contributions to the World Revolution that we must highlight. I told you, that you have to put it in line; Comrades, the first is the universal theory, be very careful with this; if there are contributions, look at them in the General Political Line, which is the substantial or most substantial, most developed. That is why we put it forward like this: specifications of the General Political Line and contributions to the World Revolution that we must highlight.“

Ibid.

„It is absurd to compare historic figures, historic persons; everyone of us develops in a different and precise historic context. We could never counterpose ourselves to our glorious founder Marx or Lenin or Chairman Mao, and not these two with the first, and not one against another, never, I speak about facts; because counterposing the one who speaks with Chairman Mao, please! It seems to me as a bad joke and stupid taste. How could you counterpose the specification to one country with the highest peak of the universal ideology, how? That makes no sense, Comrades, that is not even really worth thinking about.“

Ibid.

„What has Gonzalo Thought done? Two things: a) Defined a third, new and higher stage of Marxism, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism, and b) The People’s War; which is the main? Well, […] obviously Maoism.“

Ibid.

„About the content, we have to highlight the specifications that we put forward as a question to develop, because we must study more, but somewhere we have to start. Why? Because its the key to treat the content, concerning it being the most substantial and developed part of Gonzalo Thought. But there the questions are the specifications from which derives the contributions towards the World Revolution. The fundamental is the problem of the conquest of power here in Peru, serving the dictatorship of the proletariat in the world, so as to serve Communism. It is very concrete. The forge calls us simply to this: to see how Gonzalo Thought has been forged and is being developed in the two-line struggle; without this two-line struggle, there is no Gonzalo Thought, it cannot develop, only that way a Thought surges and develops, no other way.“

Ibid

„Construction is the base, People’s War is the main and the line, the Base of Party Unity, is the guide.“

Communist Party of Peru
„Summary Document of the 1st Congress“
1989

„And these great leaders do not come in large quantities and it takes time for their forging […] In decades, a revolution generates a handful of great leaders, leaders are generated in a larger amount, a larger amount of cadres and a whole mass of militants.“

Chairman Gonzalo
„Thought Foundation“

„However, the main is that a Great Leader is generated, a single head that clearly stands out, far above of the rest, and this is what we have to understand and it is not because of the will of anyone, it is the reality of the revolution itself, the class and the Party, that demand and promote this confirmation.“

Ibid.

„Engels insisted on this and told us that even a literary movement has a head that represents it […] We have the three grandest ones (Marx, Lenin, Mao Tse-tung), Great Leaders of the World Revolution, because that is their extent; it is subsidiary that they were also Great Leaders of their Parties and of their concrete revolution because the main thing is that they are Great Leaders of the World Revolution and therefore established the great process of the development of Marxism, shaping Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.“

Ibid.

„Any constitution, no matter what it is, has two consecutive parts, two elements which together form any organization or institution. First, the ideological part, that is, the dynamics of Thought, the formation of a Programme, the constitution of its points of agreement, the importance of Statutes, etc., and a second part, the constitution of the organizational apparatus strictly speaking.“

Central Committee
Communist Party of Peru
„In Order to Understand Mariátegui“
1968

„The 1st Congress of the Party adopted that the main thing in Gonzalo Thought is having defined Maoism as new, third and higher stage, because Chairman Mao Tse-tung has developed Marxism in each of its three component parts: Marxist philosophy, political economy and scientific socialism, and thus, it is a universally valid development. In the same way, Chairman Gonzalo has masterfully established that what is fundamental in Maoism is power. ‚Power for the proletariat, power for the dictatorship of the proletariat, powrt based on an armed force directed by the Communist Party‘ and defined that ‚Maoism is the elevation of Marxism-Leninism to a new, third and higher stage in the struggle for the democratic revolution, the development of the construction of socialism and the continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, as proletarian cultural revolution, while imperialism deepens its decomposition and the revolution has become the main historic tendency, in midst of the most complete and great wars seen until today and the implacable struggle against contemporary revisionism.‘ Later, with a profound historic vision, he established that Maoism in marching to command the New Great Wave of the Proletarian World Revolution which is coming towards us and is irresistable, which no force in the world is capable of countering.

[…]

From the previous we derive, once again, that the celebration of the centenary of Chairman Mao is a necessity, it is of transcendental historic importance, it has a profound strategic content, it is a glorious task corresponding to the strategic offensive of the World Revolution and the New Great Wave of the Proletarian World Revolution, and it is inseperably linked to the Campaign to DEFEND THE LIFE OF CHAIRMAN GONZALO!. We will fill the Earth with wavering red flags, hoisting the slogan: LONG LIVE MAOISM!, to the top, which jubilantly will flare up to salute the birthday of Chairman Mao Tse-tung, great titan of thought and action, whose life was to the end filled up by the eternal light of Marxism, the all-powerful creative force of the masses and the spirit of serving the people.“

Central Committee
Communist Party of Peru
„Resolution: Long Live Maoism!“
August 1993

„As to the rectification campaign, we believe it is a form of carrying out the struggle and will seek to apply it. We remember that its objective is to unite, differentiate and lead, adjusting itself more to the Base of Party Unity, upholding that the slightest deviation from Gonzalo Thought will cause us to slip into revisionism. To prevent the Party from allowing the creation of a Right-Opportunist Line, which would be revisionist, would entail to fight against four changes:

Change in Party;

Change in Line;

Change in leadership; and

Change in the People‘s War.“

Central Committee
Communist Party of Peru
„Construct the Conquest of Power in the Midst of the People‘s War!“
February 1991

3. LONG LIVE CHAIRMAN GONZALO AND HIS ALL-POWERFUL THOUGHT!

Chairman Gonzalo’s specifications in the General Political Line and contributions to the World Revolution:

Without Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought cannot be conceived, because it is the creative application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to our reality. The key question in this point is the understanding of the historical development of the ideology of the proletariat, of its three stages shaped into Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, with Maoism as the main one. And in essence, principally, the application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as universal truth to the concrete conditions of the Peruvian Revolution. Hence Gonzalo Thought is specifically main for the Communist Party of Peru and the revolution it leads.

[…] The most substantial and developed part of Gonzalo Thought is found in the Party’s General Political Line. This Thought directly sustains the line and its five elements, since it is the point of departure of this sustainance how it understands and firmly maintains the course of the Programme.

[…] To study and mainly to apply Gonzalo Thought is decisive in order to serve the Party, the development of the People’s War and the Proletarian World Revolution more and better. Thus it is decisive to learn from Chairman Gonzalo to wholeheartedly serve the people.

Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru: “Fundamental Documents”, 1988.

A. INTERNATIONAL LINE

a. Struggle to impose Maoism as the new, third and higher stage of Marxism.

b. World People’s War as response to imperialist World War.

c. The fundamental contradictions and their solution: The principal contradiction.

d. The three moments of the World Revolution: strategic offensive of the World Revolution.

e. Develop bases for strategy and tactics in the World Revolution.

f. The process of Marxism.

g. Definition of the total and complete bankruptcy of contemporary revisionism.

h. Combat imperialism, revisionism and world reaction inseparably and implacably.

B. LINE OF THE DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION

a. How the Peruvian Revolution is perceived: Democratic revolution, socialist revolution and proletarian cultural revolution until Communism (expounded as the third type of revolution).

b. Generalization of bureaucratic capitalism.

c. The character of Peruvian society, its fundamental contradictions and the main contradiction.

d. On the State: Old State and New State.

e. The essence of the democratic revolution: Peasant war led by the Communist Party by means of the People’s War.

C. MILITARY LINE

a. Reaffirmation of the principle of revolutionary violence as an universal law, concretized in People’s War.

b. Unified People’s War and the importance of the Initiation.

c. Specification of the Support Bases.

d. Strategic Development. Strategic Plan of Development.

e. The five parts of a campaign.

f. The five steps of an action.

g. The Strategic-Operational Plans.

h. Mass work through the People’s Army.

D. LINE OF CONSTRUCTION OF THE THREE INSTRUMENTS OF THE REVOLUTION

a. Principle of construction.

b. Militarization of the Communist Parties and the concentric construction.

c. Construction of the People’s Guerrilla Army. Incorporation of the militia.

d. The Rural front: New State (People’s Committees, Support Bases and People’s Democratic Republic in formation towards the People’s Republic of Peru). The urban front, Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People.

e. The six forms of the New Power: Organizational Committee of the People’s Power, People’s Committees of parallel power, People’s Committees, Open People’s Committees and People‘s Struggle Committees.

f. Militancy: Communists first and foremost, combatants and administrators.

g. Strategy of Construction.

E. MASS LINE

a. Reaffirmation of the principle „the masses make history“ and „it is right to rebel“.

b. The specific weight of the masses in the World Revolution (serves to define the main contradiction in the world).

c. Mass work in and for the People’s War. The countryside. Leadership in the cities.

d. The struggle for daily demands serving the power.

e. The generated organizations, militarized in the countryside and specification in the cities.

f. Law of incorporation of the masses in the People’s War.

g. The only Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought tactic.

h. Scientific organization of poverty.

i. The sea of armed masses.

Peru, February 1994

Central Committee
Communist Party of Peru

4. COMMENTS ON THE TWO FIRST PARAGRAPH OF „ON MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM“

We must bear in mind who the documents are aimed at, we are not in Europe, we are in Peru, you must bear this in mind. Marx‘s circumstances when he had to establish was one thing, that is why ‚Capital‘ has three volumes plus the two on surplus value, five. Marx said through Engels that it should not be more than five parts, we should not be guided by different publications but what Marx elaborated. Or Lenin‘s circumstances, if you think about the Bolshevik Party, you find that this Party waged a great moment of ideological struggle, a long time, carried out among people with a broad Marxist formation, cosmopolitan elements, several of them spoke several languages and it was an intellectuality that as such debated on that level, that is why we have Lenin‘s works as they are written. If you compare the texts of Comrade Stalin, they are already much more concrete, and if we take the works of Chairman Mao Tse-tung, they are extremely profound, very simple and very clear and do not go into many ins and outs; but if you carefully follow the exposition by the Chairman in his works, you understand clearly what he wants to tell us. So you must take into account the concrete conditions in which you operate, and to not have them present is wrong.“

Chairman Gonzalo
1st Congress
1988-89

A. INTRODUCTION

The first two paragraphs of the document „On Marxism-Leninism-Maoism“ tell us literally:

In the furnace of class struggle, the ideology of the international proletariat emerged as Marxism, afterwards developed into Marxism-Leninism and later Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Therefore, the scientific ideology of the proletariat, all-powerful because it is true, has three stages or landmarks in its dialectical process of development: 1) Marxism, 2) Leninism, and 3) Maoism. These three stages are part of the same unity which began with the ‚Communist Manifesto‘ 140 years ago, with the heroic epic of the class struggle, in fierce and fruitful two-line struggles within the Communist Parties themselves and in the work of the Titans of Thought and Action that only the working class could generate. Today, three unfading lights are outstanding: Marx, Lenin, and Mao Tse-tung who, through three grand leaps have armed us with the invincible ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, which today is mainly Maoism.

Nevertheless, while Marxism-Leninism has obtained an acknowledgment of its universal validity, Maoism is not completely acknowledged as the third stage. Some simply deny its condition as such, while others only accept it as ‚Mao Tse-tung Thought‘. In essence, both positions, with the obvious differences between them, deny the general development of Marxism made by Chairman Mao Tse-tung. The denial of the ‚-ism‘ character of Maoism denies its universal validity and, consequently, its condition as the third, new, and higher stage of the ideology of the international proletariat: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism, that we uphold, defend, and apply.“

Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru: “Fundamental Documents”, 1988.

We would like to emphasize some points which deserve a small foundation, but we do not intend to make big foundations, not because Marxism does not have them, but because we have to keep in mind who the documents are addressed to.

B. ABOUT THE FIRST PARAGRAPH

The ideology of the international proletariat.

The quotation begins with the first question, which is the „ideology of the international proletariat“, its definition is understood.

Ideology, because there are those who speak of science as opposed to Marxist ideology, forgetting that our ideology is scientific. When Engels dealt with the problem of ideology in his famous letters from ‘90 to ‘95 of the last century, he told us that all classes before the proletariat had an inverted reflection of reality. What does this mean? Like the camera obscura, it inverts the figure, it puts the head on its feet and vice versa. In this way, every non-proletarian ideology twists reality, deforms it and therefore cannot understand the essence of reality, cannot understand the truth as it is, cannot grasp the contradiction as it is. Therefore, non-proletarian ideologies are deformations, they are not scientific and there is one root, it is very concrete: they are based on exploitation. Or, in order to generalize and encompass them all, they are sustained by the private property of the means of production, while the proletariat is not sustained by the property of the means of production or by exploitation, its historical mission is precisely to destroy private property of the means of production in order to sweep away all existing exploitation and differences.

The ideology of the international proletariat is scientific.

We must claim the term ideology in the understanding that our ideology is that of the international proletariat and that only this ideology, not that of any other class, is scientific. Yes, it is scientific, but that does not take away its character of ideology. When you insist on replacing the term ideology with scientific or science, you sump into bourgeois criteria, into bourgeois philosophy centered on the theory of knowledge, that is basically it. In the 1960s, we saw again very clearly these concerns in the approaches of the French revisionist Althusser, he was the one who insisted in this problem. But what was the basis of it? He stated that the ideology of the proletariat was not scientific and the essence of his thought, of the thought of this revisionist — we must not forget what he is — according to him is to foolishly distort the history of the sciences. Althusser thought that Marxism, condensed according to his revisionist criteria only into scientific socialism, was a new science which had not been philosophically founded, and that he was going to make that scientific foundation. Thus, he accused Marx of having created scientific socialism as a new science, but of not having given it its doctrinal, philosophical foundations, to be precise. That is the basis of that criterion. If you analyze the works of this individual, you find that he proposed that the foundation of Marxism carried a fusion of Spinoza‘s materialism — Spinoza was a Jewish philosopher expelled from Spain, whose tfamily ended up in the Netherlands at the time; Spinoza was a great philosopher at his time and for his time, he was a materialist at the beginning of the bourgeoisie. Althusser considered that the foundation of Marxism had to be made by fusing Spinozaism with Kantianism, which is another bourgeois philosophy. There you can see his nefarious position. In essence, what does it imply? A re-edition of the theses of the old revisionists, such as Kautsky, who maintained that Marxism had no philosophy and that Marxist philosophy was Kantianism; that is to say, it put bourgeois philosophy as the basis of our world outlook, which is agnosticism or an inability to understand.

The ideology of the international proletariat is the world outlook of the proletariat. It is the ideology of the last class in history, whose understanding is scientific.

We need to be clear about the implications of that. See, you take one word and there‘s a whole background. That is why there is the equidistant „ideology of the international proletariat“ to express the world outlook of the proletariat, the last class in history, whose understanding of the world is scientific. That is what we must know in concrete terms. Why the above? So it can be seen that there is a whole foundation in Marx, in Engels, there is a deep understanding, and so you can see what it means to insist repeatedly on certain terms, believing that they will thus raise Marxism up, when at the bottom they are bastard concessions to the bourgeoisie, and this must make us think that we cannot simply repeat all the ideologies that are swarming; first, because it falls into easy snobbery — it is called snobbery to go after the new, fashion, as a lot of intellectuals do. We, then, have to go to the core of things and grasp the substantive things and have a high critical spirit to judge many or all of the things that are written in the world about our world outlook. You might ask, what does world outlook mean? It is the understanding of everything that exists, that means understanding of the material world, understanding of the class struggle, that is, the social world, and it means understanding of knowledge as a reflection of matter in the mind, which is another form of matter. That means world outlook. What have I just done? Put Marx‘s definition of dialectics forward, omitting only the reference to laws.

It is more than 2.500 years of knowledge which have been reworked from the position and interests of the international proletariat.

Our ideas of the international proletariat are therefore the product of a very high level of elaboration, they are more than 2.500 years of knowledge which have been reworked from the position and interests of the international proletariat, that is our prosthesis, that is our background: 2.500 years! That is why we always laugh when some cretins and pretend geniuses say that Marxism has no foundations, that it is something frozen. They don‘t know what they are talking about! That could be repeated by an ignoramus from head to toe. Many things can be written and said, the saying is correct: „Paper doesn‘t blush“, and stupidity is impudent. This is what we face when we speak about the ideology of the international proletariat: the elaboration — I repeat — of more than 2.500 years of Western thought, because in that field it has developed without diminishing its universal validity, and elaborated from the position and interests of the working class, of the proletariat, which is its strictest name; strictly speaking, it is called proletariat, and it is international because it is one class, so we only have one ideology.

What is insurgency?

The quotation also says: insurgió. What is insurgió? It is linked to insurgency, isn‘t it? It is a combative, revolutionary rupture, that is what it means. You see, the term is not for pleasure. Sometimes when you read, you read very quickly or write very quickly. So you have to repair, know how to read and study and think. The brevity of the documents precisely moves the Comrades to think, to develop the initiative of understanding in order to be able to transform.

Why is the ideology of the proletariat all-powerful?

In the quotation it is said that it is all-powerful. Of course it is all-powerful because it is true, Lenin‘s thesis proved to be true.

There are three stages of a dialectical process of development of the ideology of the proletariat

The three stages. The document says stages, moments or milestones, but one is the more precise term and the one we use: stages; then moments or milestones are equivalent, but one is the one that expresses it. In the end, in no language and not in ours either is there any term or word which is identical to another, they can have similar, but not identical content.

We make a big statement here which is essential: there are three stages, first Marxism, second Leninism, third Maoism, that is how it is defined. But notice that it says stages of a dialectical process of development, of course, it is a dialectical process of development. Why is it that way? Because it is a process of knowledge, a reflection in the mind, a reflection of matter in the mind and matter in movement, dialectical, knowledge is so and not by simple method as some say, but by essence, that is another mania. Methodologism is another concession to bourgeois philosophy. Is it used sometimes? Yes, but never do Marxists oppose our world outlook and even less reduce it to a simple methodology. It is a crass error to get entangled in the theory of knowledge. None of them, neither Marx, nor Lenin, nor the Chairman did it; if they talk about methods, they never refer to reducing all of Marxism to a simple methodological question, it would lose its quality of world outlook; because world outlook has the method as a component, as a derivation; in the end, method is procedure, nothing else. That is why it is important to have a dialectical process, because reality itself does, its laws are correctly grasped through practice, because it is impossible to have knowledge without practice, it cannot be; precisely separating theory from practice is another concession to the bourgeoisie, it is a strictly bourgeois idea, in our case of the narrow empiricism of the 18th Century. These are the things that are at the basis of our criteria as Communists.

The „Manifesto of the Communist Party“ of 1848 is the first milestone on which the great entirety of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is built.

It is a starting point of the Party. The „Manifesto“, it is 140 years since its appearance. Before there were attempts, precursors, if any; in Marx‘s and Engels‘ own work, we have their participation in the Communist League, but that Communist League was a jumble of different ideas, it was not a clear expression of the proletariat. It is only with the „Manifesto of the Communist Party“, which is its full name, that for the first time the Communists put forward their position and Programme, and it is the starting point, the milestone or first stone on which our entire edifice is built, the great entirety of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism; it is the „Manifesto“ which remains a valid flag until Communism, not as Khrushchev said, that it had finished its mission with the Programme of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) of 1961, taking away our class position and introducing a rotten bourgeois world outlook, a complete and comprehensive revision of Marxism as a whole. Therefore, the „Manifesto“ is our starting point, the first milestone; a milestone because it will last thousands of years, and when there is Communism, it will still be considered as the great beginning which led to the new humanity.

Only the class struggle can generate our world outlook, our ideology.

It says that it is a heroic epic of class struggle, of course, only class struggle can generate our world outlook, our ideology; only the proletariat with its great and incessant transformation of material reality in its productive practice or in the class struggle, the center of which is politics, as the conquest and defense of power for the class by overthrowing other powers, only as a practice of research, could the class, generating Titans of Thought and Action, shape itself as the great ideology which we always uphold and will uphold. What is behind this „Titans of Thought and Action“? It is linked to „three unfading lights: Marx, Lenin and Mao Tse-tung“, a chain of mountains not only has big heights, there are also small summits, medium summits, but there are very high peaks. Traditionally, it has always stood out and we also recognize the work of Engels; Engels is a founder of Marxism. Moreover, if we go into these things, it was Engels who first established an outline for understanding the basis of society, the relations of exploitation, that is to say, political economy, it was him, as Marx himself recognized. But it was Marx, with the wonderful talent and capacity for action which he had, who shaped the first great summit, especially recognized by Engels; it was Engels who proposed that Marx should found the new ideology. It was Engels who developed or handled the philosophical part of Marxism more. The reason, Marx did not have the time to do it; he said that he was working to elaborate a treatise on dialectics, and unfortunately he did not manage to complete it; there we would have had a great work. But in short, Comrades, there were things which were more urgent, he did not have the time.

We also recognize Comrade Stalin. Comrade Stalin was a great Marxist-Leninist. Did he commit mistakes? Yes, but he never sold the revolution. He made mistakes, he lacked understanding; as the Chairman taught us, his mistakes began with an insufficient understanding of dialectics, from remnants of metaphysics, from this derives the problems of Comrade Stalin; but nobody can deny his enormous role, nor can anybody take away his condition of Great Leader of the international proletariat for decades, facing for the first time the construction of socialism, without precedent, nor the great effort he led in the 2nd World War. He has contributions, of course he has them, we cannot deny them and must know how to value them. So there are already five of them, the three added up to five; but it is a pleiad, a considerable group of great figures, of Titans of Thought and Action. So this is enclosed. Why have we not listed them? To make it clear that there are three great figures: Marx, Lenin and Chairman Mao Tse-tung, that is the reason.

And how will our ideology develop as a dialectical process?

Our ideology will develop as a dialectical process through great leaps; therefore, the document says through great leaps and three great, of course, three great qualitative leaps: Marx, Lenin, Chairman Mao Tse-tung. But these three great qualitative leaps could not be understood without other big, medium and even small leaps and with these incessant leaps which we do not consider as such because of their elementary magnitude.

That is the fact, that is what this first paragraph implies, all that is its background. It is in this way that a great dialectical process, then, generated by the proletariat producing men that only the class can produce, that we have arrived at Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism. This is how it should be seen. What are we demonstrating once more? There is a whole background of foundation.

C. ABOUT THE SECOND PARAGRAPH

Not recognizing „-ism“, not recognizing „Maoism“.

Marxism-Leninism is recognized as having universal validity, but Maoism is not fully recognized as the third stage. It is clearly said: Some simply deny its condition as such, i.e. third stage; others only reach Mao Tse-tung Thought. In essence, what is behind these two positions within the proletariat, within Marxism? We are not talking about reaction, it is within the Marxists today, even Marxist-Leninists, what exists? In essence, not recognizing the „-ism“, not recognizing „Maoism“. The „-ism“ has a clear meaning; „Thought“ is nothing but a set of ideas, nothing else, while the „-ism“ is a doctrine that interprets all matter in its different ways of expression, which are the three above mentioned: nature, society, knowledge — stop counting, there is nothing else.

It is a doctrine, not a system.

I said „doctrine“. I stress, I did not say „system“. If you say „system“, you would be making a big mistake. Engels already expressly analyzed this point, but some people who use „system“ make a grave error, the correct thing to say is „doctrine“, understanding it as we have just specified it. The innovative mania, is it good? No, it goes against the unique language and there are things that are established in a Party way, to have a unique language, that expresses therefore a Party maturity, its own language; the rest, the people already express themselves according to the social conformation and the development that each one has, on that we could not center any more. Do you understand? We cannot enter, they are already the peculiarities of each person. But we have to serve to establish a unique language, let us leave aside the superfluous manias of originality, because at the end of the day, originality is not expressed in terms, it is expressed in discovering new realities, small, medium or big. Is that clear? The originality, that is useless, undermines the unique language and therefore the consolidation, the unification. What did many foreigners and even many of the Chinese Comrades say? They said: It is enough to listen to one Chinese person to listen to all Chinese people. What did they want? Each Chinese to have their own line? False originality, that is not originality; originality is the discovery of new things, not the use of terminology, less snobbery, we must guard against snobbery and the intelligentsia is a source of snobbery, of terminology that confuses the language, confuses our unified understanding, apart from the fact that they miserably destroy the language which we speak which is an element in the shaping of the nation. Marxism is not a fashion problem; there is no room for these useless fumes.

Marxist philosophy is the basis of our world outlook, it is the core of ideology, of course, that is why we cannot neglect it. Lenin drew the great lesson when he said: For a time, I thought that philosophy was a question of the specialists of the Party in this problem, but the struggle made me understand that philosophy cannot be left in the hands of the specialists because philosophy is the very basis of the Party.“ And you cannot fight against revisionism if you don‘t grasp Marxist philosophy, and Marxist philosophy cannot be split into dialectical materialism on the one hand and materialism applied to the social world on the other hand. No, Comrades, this is a big mistake! Although it was Marx who solved the problem of understanding the social world, he did it by applying dialectical materialism; therefore, it is nothing but the dialectical-materialist understanding of society, nothing else, however new it may be. It is a radically new and different creation, so what is new and different is not only the application to the social world. Why do I say this? The bourgeoisie in the 18th Century, through Diderot — that French character — developed mechanical materialism to its highest level and came to intuit the contradiction, to sense it, but never to understand it. Materialism is very old, Comrades, as well as dialectics, they are parallel, contemporary in origin, they are older than 2.550 years in the West, we owe them to the Greeks. But it was Marx who took the idea as a derivation of matter, fusing dialectics with matter, who gave the great transformation generating the new philosophy, the exhaustive and complete philosophy; not in a closed sense, that is why we cannot talk about a system, a system implies a closed circle and knowledge is a spiral, everybody remembers what a spiral is, it is not a closed circle and nor are the circles that form the spiral closed, it is not true, they are not.

So it is the essential point, it is the „-ism“.

We are told, for example, what is the difference between Mao Tse-tung Thought and Maoism? If the same truths are held or defended, why fight for that term? It is not simply a problem of the term; what is at stake is whether it has universal validity or not, and if it is an „-ism“, then it has it, and if it is not an „-ism“, then it does not. That is the problem, so it is not a problem of terminology, is it? Well, if things were like that, then it would be identical, so why don‘t we then say „the ideology of the international proletariat: Marx Thought-Lenin Thought-Mao Tse-tung Thought“? Why don‘t we say that if it is identical? It would be logical. Then, why should we use Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought? If it is the same, then let us say Marx-Lenin-Mao Tse-tung Thought. Would it be correct? Deeply absurd, it would be to deny its universal character. What is the aim? To deny the universality of Chairman Mao Tse-tung‘s development, that is it. That is why we say that these two positions are basically against the same, in essence; with differences, of course they have them, because one thing is only to reach Marxism-Leninism, and another thing is the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA (RCP-USA) having reached the previous further Mao Tse-tung Thought; but in essence, it is the same, and here what interests us are the substantive questions, the essential.

As for the introduction. As Comrades know well, this document is based on what the Central Committee aired in ‘82 and ‘84 in a general way, complete, the whole problem means and specifically aired on many occasions in the Party. From the beginning, we have used an introduction taking two questions: an accurate thesis of the great Lenin and a great defense of Leninism done by Comrade Stalin. That is why Stalin cannot be denied or condemned to hell. Because the fact that he said that we were entering Leninism and that he defended it as he did and imposed it on the world is enough merit, or do you think it was not enough?

We have taken these two issues. Here what deserves explanation is what Lenin said: as the revolution goes into the East, it expresses specific conditions. These are not strictly the words of the great Lenin, but his idea. He was telling us: the revolution in Russia expresses particularities, apart from the fact that it takes place in a very specific situation: the 1st World War, the final part of it, the defeat of Tsarism at the hands of Germany, the unsatisfied needs of the peasant who was asking for land in a country that, although it was a prison of peoples because it had reached imperialism, had a wide feudal base that Lenin masterfully synthesizes by saying „land concentrated in very few hands and a huge mass with few or no lands“, without going into figures which he handles extraordinarily. In this way he tells us: the revolution in Russia does not deny the truth established by Marx as the law of the revolution. He does not deny it, what he is doing is simply seeing the peculiarities, the specifics; and he says that the revolution, as it goes into the East, shows that peculiarity, whether we like it or not, that is so. The incomprehension of European Social-Democracy, of the European opportunists, mercenary writers of the European reactionaries, condemned that revolution, they even called it reactionary, non-Marxist. Brave defenders of Marxism! What, then, did they say about that revolution? It is an Eastern despotism, as it has always been seen in the East, and with that, they had already solved the problem. They said: a mass of ignorant people, how can they make a socialist revolution? That is what they said, abounding in their „arguments“. How did the great Lenin respond? „In what text is it that we must first educate before conquering power for the class, before establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat, in what document is it? Is it expressly forbidden in Marx or Engels for one to conquer power and then educate? There is no such prohibition, so what are you crying about?“ This is how he puts it. What happens is that those who are burdened by bourgeois liberalism do not understand the new and how it is expressed, because if we are going to talk about it, what proletarian revolution have they made? The Europeans are clucking a lot, the imperialist countries or the so-called advanced countries are clucking a lot, and they say that the mistake of the revolution is that it has taken place in backward peripheral areas such as Russia and China. Well, where has the proletarian revolution been made in the West? When has it been made? Why has it not been made, if they are so enlightened? Because enlightened they are, we have to admit, they are, but it is not enough to make the revolution. The great Lenin, going deeper into this, was telling us: wait, you will see the revolution in the East and when you see it, your surprise will be huge, immense, you will fall back! — using our turn, that is: you are going to fall backwards! — Didn‘t he say that? Moreover, to the Comrades from the East, whom he gathered, what did Lenin put forward? We, he said, including him, know the revolution in the capitalist countries, but not in the backward countries under imperialist domination; that is your task, it is pending, you have to solve it without forgetting that you are Communists and that you must organize as such, as a Party, linked to the Communist International (CI). Were those not his words?

Why should this question be highlighted? Because it is obvious that the Chinese Revolution which has been generated by Chairman Mao Tse-tung, through the proletariat itself, is taking place in the East, or is it not the East? Is what Lenin said fulfilled or not? Of course it is fulfilled! And from there, then, what is implied? That the same thing that happened to Lenin is happening to the Chairman: the usual cry of the „profound“ connoisseurs of Marxism, of the intellectuals who are burdened with the bourgeois, parliamentary-cretinist feathers of the reaction.

As for Comrade Stalin, what was his work which interests us on this point? In Russia itself, it was said: Leninism is true, but for Russia, because the core, the fundamental thing is the role of the peasantry. Comrade Stalin clearly, then, says: Consequently, it is not the dictatorship of the proletariat. Therefore, Lenin only rules in Russia and it is not universal, Leninism is specifically Russian, and it is an infamy to say it, because Lenin was precisely the one who emphasized the importance of the dictatorship of the proletariat, he was. You will then say: But Marx already raised it. In Marxism, any elementary history shows you that the great truths have to be reiterated from time to time because they are forgotten, covered with dust or simply negated; just like Lenin said, the great characters of history are turned into icons. An icon here in Peru is Mariátegui; incense is poured on him, nothing else. It was a hard fight in Russia, particularly against Zinoviev.

From this, we derive:

Today, Maoism faces similar situations. All new things, like Marxism, have always advanced through struggle, and similarly, Maoism will impose itself and be acknowledged.“

As the Chairman said:

Marxism has never taken one step in life, except in the midst of struggle. Without it, it will never take a step.“

And a great qualitative leap, as great as he has given us, a new stage, will it be easily accepted? No, it has to be resisted, denied, questioned, interrogated, but behind all of these interrogations, there are positions of denial, reduction, minimalizing or whatever. But it is, that is what is interesting. Comrades, Marxism gives us weapons! They have had the wisdom to arm us for the future and to answer our questions, questions that are being asked and will be asked in the future; they have armed us. That is the reason for the introduction, it has a meaning.

1st Congress
1988-89

* * *

From the previous can be seen Chairman Gonzalo‘s contributions to the inevitable fourth stage of Marxism, which is to come, inevitably, as a result of the class struggle of the international proletariat. Keep in mind the decision of the Work Session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru of August 1993, in which it was established that Chairman Gonzalo is not the fourth sword, but that he has contributed to the fourth stage. This is why we say that Gonzalo Thought is the only systematized contribution to the inevitable fourth stage of Marxism.

It can additionally be seen that there is a clear difference between the synthesis and definition of a stage; the two are not, as some say, the same. It is also not the case that Chairman Gonzalo has only defined Maoism; it is clear that „On Marxism-Leninism-Maoism“ provides a general synthesis, based on an analysis of the life and work of Chairman Mao in his Great Leadership of the Proletarian World Revolution and the Chinese Revolution, and that the definition of Maoism only constitutes one paragraph of this masterful document.

These are facts to keep in mind when working to identify, retake and develop the Guiding Thought of the Communist Party of Switzerland in theory and practice, together with the Programme and General Political Line, mainly Military Line, and simoultaneously reconstructing the apparatuses of the Party liquidated by the 2nd Right-Opportunist Line (the so-called „Party of Labor“) and constructing new ones, both as militarized and concentrically constructed apparatuses, serving the reconstitution of the Party for the People‘s War.

Switzerland, May 2021

Provisional Central Committee
Communist Party of Switzerland (Red Faction)