Some Directives for Metropolitan Lima

A selection of Comrade Gonzalo's directives for the Metropolitan Regional Committee of the Party.

Proletarians of all countries, unite!


Abimael «Gonzalo» Guzmán
May 1991

Selected Works of Abimael «Gonzalo» Guzmán
Switzerland, 2022

Reproduced by
The Red Flag

A selection of Comrade Gonzalo‘s directives issued at a meeting with the Metropolitan Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Peru in May 1991. In these directives, Comrade Gonzalo put forward his significant thesis on the development of new power in the cities as part of the unified people‘s war in Peru.



Promote and ensure that the masses arm themselves, get organized and administer justice by themselves, as they are the base force of the revolution. The Party must direct and teach them how to do it. In addition, since they are fighting tirelessly, the masses create many forms of organization and struggle. We must direct and elevate their potential to struggle for the revolution to higher levels.


Oppose the army‘s «distribution» or «civic actions». The masses must get organized to handle the food and medical attention that they are rightfully entitled to get. Therefore, they should manage and distribute it themselves. The rule to apply this policy is simple: the first served should be the poorest of the poor, then the poor in general, the little ones, the middle ones, and least of all, the rich. Thus, the people understand that they must appropriate these products, since the handouts given to them are not gifts by the government, nor by imperialism, but are byproducts of the revolution, and part of the rights benefitting them. The masses rightfully demand for more and better services, and must refuse to do any counter-revolutionary work in return, such as cleaning the walls from the writings of the Communist Party of Peru, or snitching in exchange for these handouts. The walls are the pages whereon the people express their ideas, since they have nowhere else to write on, neither radio, nor T.V., nor newspapers. This is because the entire media is in the hands of their exploiters. When have they allowed the poor to express themselves? The only ones they allow to speak in the media are the opportunists, the revisionists, the scabs, the lackeys, the labor aristocracy, and the false leaders of the masses.

Educate the masses about the political objective of these actions by the State: they are part of its low-intensity warfare, aimed against the people‘s war, and at containing the explosiveness of the masses. Teach the people that these crumbs, which they have wrested away with their ceaseless struggle, are not going to solve their problems, and that only the revolution can truly address the rights of the people, and the revolution is made with the people‘s war. Educate them on the State‘s economic objectives, and teach them that the essence of these handouts is to minimally compensate the monstrous cut in wages, and how and why this is done by the reactionaries in times of crisis. This has been already taught to us by Marx (reproduce his quotations or those of the Party documents).

Denounce and unmask how imperialism and reaction use that compensation of salary to buy consciences and try to tie the people to their ideological, political and economic plans. The oppressors and the exploiters want to use the masses to support fly-by-night ideologies and reactionary idealism. To this end, they traffic with the people‘s religious fervor. This is done in order to sell them the ideology of an old backward, hypocritical and false Catholic religion, which historically has always been against progress, and science.

Didn‘t the Church organize and support armies, crusades, thousands of intrigues leading to mass slaughters, conquests and oppression of people? The Inquisition was used here in these lands and its tortures were savage. Did Pope Pius the 12th ever condemn Hitler‘s fascism and his genocides in the 2nd World War? With regard to Protestantism and its proliferating sects, aren‘t they developing plans of penetration of imperialism, mainly U.S. imperialism? The Catholic Church not only does the same but also uses these compensatory crumbs to help revisionists and opportunists continue manipulating the masses and riding on their backs.

Politically, they want to convince the masses of the need to preserve the old State, which gives them «freedom» and «democracy», when in reality the masses experience repression and death on a daily basis, add to that their hunger and misery. The «freedom» they talk about is freedom for the powerful now ruling, and not for the downtrodden. The «democracy» they preach is simply the dictatorship of the rich ruling classes of the old State: the big bourgeoisie and the landlords, and both of these classes are accountable to U.S. imperialism. This is the «democracy» that the cynical mercenary Fujimorii steps daily on, undermining the State‘s supposedly bourgeois-democratic order, and expressing fascist ideas and positions.

Again, reaction is launching the old treacherous slogan of «sacrifice today for a better tomorrow», and as usual, «in defense of freedom and democracy», covering up new capitalist accumulation based on the largest feasible surplus value. The result is the increase of exploitation and oppression in which they are sinking us. Furthermore, for example during the Drug Agreement, what poor coca growing peasants express their ideas? Oh, of course! Some of them might have been called in to «express their views» but no one would pay attention to them. This is because here only those in power listen to each other, all decisions are made among reactionaries. But above all, they obey anything that their imperialist masters order them to do.

When did they have any interest in solving the problems of the people? Never, and today even less. Other examples of their «freedom and democracy» are the decrees against the working class or the marketing of lands, which is just despoiling the peasants off what little land they had. Another example occurs when the masses get out on the streets to demand their rights. Aren‘t they then repressed, arrested, disappeared and murdered? This happens at the minor sign of political opposition, which is more brutal against those who profess marxism. Aren‘t they trying to annihilate us? The genocide of the Shining Trench of Combat on June 19th, 1986 must be remembered. The genocides committed by Fujimori too. Show facts and concrete examples of struggles to teach the masses. Allow them to express their opinions, their legitimate grievances and demands freely.

Economically, with the so-called «aid» and «survival organizations» (Glass of Milkii, soup kitchens, and so on) they are trying to compensate for the brutal reduction in wages, so that the workers and laborers who live in situations of hunger and extreme poverty, are forced to work for meager wages that are not even enough to recover their labor power. And for what? To apply the so called «neoliberal revolution», which is an obsolete economic concept imposed by imperialism to promote its «market economy» and «sustainable growth». A U.S. imperialist thesis applied through CEPALiii (and the IMFiv), which are only plans for more dependency and exploitation. For this reason, they want to lower inflation by applying deflation, generating recession and reducing the fiscal deficit. All of this is done by squeezing the working class like a lemon, cutting wages, generating more and more unemployment, increasing the cost of living, reducing the people‘s purchasing power, and imposing crippling taxes on those below. In summary, all the recipes of the IMF, the International Development Bankv and the World Bankvi have the goal of demanding the «accumulation of wealth», which is nothing more than the imposition of more draconian measures against the people, to accumulate new capital through increased surplus value, and consequently provide better guarantees to foreign investments. They dream that in 1992 they may get some, since the loans serve to pay the foreign debt. That is what the international finance system calls «reinsertion». Hence, their stabilization plan enslaves the people and the class even more. That‘s why the people must not let themselves be tied down. Their only way out is to struggle to wrest away more conquests. They must advance toward the conquest of power by means of the people‘s war, demolish this old State, and then build the People‘s Republic of Peru, under the directorship of the Communist Party of Peru.

Summarizing, the economic plan of the reactionaries has the following characteristics:

1. It is part of the low-intensity war.

2. It tries to compensate the cut of wages with philanthropy (short term handouts).

3. It uses bourgeois «philanthropy» trying to tie the masses into their neoliberal plans, the market economy, the ideology, politics and economics of imperialism (mainly U.S. imperialism).

The above plans are implemented by the pro-imperialist mercenary Fujimori, sustained by the genocidal armed forces and police, and supported by the Church, principally the Catholic Church, and all the defenders of the old State, revisionism and opportunism of the so-called United Leftvii, the Socialist Leftviii or their offspring, and the collaboration of armed revisionism such as the MRTA.ix

We must unmask the reactionary programs and plans, understand well their essence and purpose, destroy them, and organize the masses to carry on the struggle and wrest away conquests from the oppressors. We must also empower their struggles with armed actions so that the reactionaries are unmasked, undermined, and their plans are blown up through the air. The Party directs, the masses do the rest. We must blow up the sinister plans of Peruvian reaction, imperialism and revisionism, who are tying the masses down to vile exploitation, and are trying to annihilate the people‘s war.


First question, what are the facts? What happened? The report states that a female official ordered a worker to clean the bathrooms. The worker was a technician from another section who was not under her supervision. This colleague refused to carry out her orders. The petty official insisted on humiliating him in front of his coworkers, threatened to fire him on the spot, and apply the new anti-worker decree. This provoked a cardiac arrest from which he died. The petty official did not even allow his fellow workers to get close to the body laying on the floor. It was an unforeseen situation.

How does a communist act in such circumstances? One thing is to be a communist and another is to be an activist. He (another comrade being criticized) was a communist, and this duty was on a higher level. Therefore, his duty was to place himself at the head of the protest of his fellow workers, and to coordinate the planning of the struggle with the activists.

If the workers decided to stop work, they were right in proposing a two-day work stoppage throughout the Central Highway. They could not let that murder of a worker by a company official remain quiet. What was the mistake of the comrade directing the strike? He did not communicate forthwith on this incident to his Party cell, and therefore did not empower additional means to strengthen the struggle. We can‘t criticize him for not counterposing the Party to the Front, because as a communist, he directs the struggle and promotes the response of the masses. Besides, the strike was successful and mobilized the masses.

Another mistake he made was not to call the workers to strike in the name of the Central Highway Struggle Committee. But what gets complicated is that they (inadvertently) agitated for «free trade unions». What does that mean? Let‘s analyze well so as not to err. The so called «free trade unions» follow the false concept that political parties must not direct labor unions, which is contrary, opposed to marxism. Was that his idea? On the other hand, the regime just promulgated «Supreme Decree 016», by which 20 workers associated are enough to form a union; so that in a factory with 100 workers, five unions could be organized. Were they against that disposition? It would be good to scratch the bottom of those criteria exposed and analyzed in the midst of the two-line struggle, in a rectification campaign aiming to educate the new Party members.

A lesson we must take out of this is: Never counterpose the Party to the masses. The Party is the highest social organization of the working class and defends the interests of its class, the proletariat, and other classes that constitute the people. The Party is the general staff of the revolution, the Party is an indispensable tool to direct the revolution, Lenin said: «Give us a Communist Party, and we will overturn Russia!»xi Therefore, he conceived the Party as a lever. Chairman Mao taught us: «We must have faith in the masses and we must have faith in the Party.»xii We reaffirm those truths.

One thing is the obligation of Party members, another is that of activists, and yet another is that of the masses. As an example, the comrade erred in not notifying the Party, and applying the Party line to the slogans used in the strike. This is corrected internally and by persuasion, by education, by analyzing what those ideas entail, by looking up the experiences of the Party, the teachings of marxism, and by distinguishing us from the criteria spread by reaction and revisionism on the subject. We must never counterpose the Party to the masses or the Party to the Front, because they are two distinct parts of a contradiction. The Party directs the revolution and the masses make history.

A geographically limited strike is not bad, and that event was very good for agitation. The event was correct. But if he had communicated his directors on time, the Party would have made the strike more powerful with marches, and would have made that reactionary woman accountable for her actions. Furthermore, the struggle would have given impetus, the class interests defended, and the Party‘s position on the anti-proletarian and anti-people government‘s decree would have been spread. This is part of linking the struggle for economic demands to the struggle for power.

Finally, we always must salute the combativity of the masses, how they struggle despite the difficult conditions in which they are subjected to. Our position is different from the Unified Mariáteguist Party‘sxiii, which is opposed to stoppages and strikes ostensibly for the sake of organizing its «strike wave» (the strike wave is a set of continuous and simultaneous work stoppages and strikes in various sectors of the workers, peasants, laborers, of the people; these intensify specially during an insurrection and are prepared events; to us now it means the march toward the revolutionary crisis and preparing the insurrection). But, what does the Unified Mariáteguist Party do to that end? Today, we see the public employees fighting more than industrial workers because they are being hit harder by the crisis and government measures. But industrial workers are fighting as usual. We must apply our principles (see pages 323-324 of the document of the Preparatory Session of the 2nd Plenary Session of the Central Committee). To carry out strikes is still the main form of an economic struggle, as Lenin taught, and prepare for greater struggles to come. Marx said that the struggle for better wages is guerrilla warfare and Chairman Mao taught us that we must fight the scabs who are capitulants before the reactionaries and traitors to the labor movement. We must push forward strikes, prepare them well, with reason, advantage and limit. Educate the class and the masses that the strike has a limit, yet by the use of this indispensable instrument conquests are won. The strike is right and must be defended, strike days should be paid, not to allow lifting it as a condition to enter into direct negotiations.

Negotiations are reached by pressuring with persistence, and sharpening the struggle. Not like some say now, «stop struggling and let‘s talk». Today everything is dialogue to reaction and revisionism; we must fight against it. In every struggle the time comes to dialogue, but at the negotiating table you can only win what you have already won at the battlefield; that is a fundamental military and political criterion.

The strike, then, must be handled firmly and astutely, not only by teaching the class how it‘s a good and necessary tool, but also by teaching its limitations. With the strike, you do not conquer power, nor break the vicious circle which this old capitalist system (today in its imperialist phase) subjects the class to. The proletariat and the working people have to struggle using all necessary means, especially the main form of economic struggle: the strike. If not, they will not wrest away living wages from their exploiters, nor improve working conditions, neither gain the respect for the eight-hour workday. Always keep in mind that what has been conquered can be lost as a result of capitalism‘s cyclical economic crises. Therefore, what corresponds is to break that vicious circle, to destroy the capitalist system, which in Peru is in its bureaucratic stage, under the control of imperialism and subjected to semi-feudalism. Hence, the need to link the vindicating economic struggle with the struggle for power can only be achieved by conquering power, exercising and defending it. Only then we will be able to change the old system, and create and develop a new one: socialism, with the dictatorship of the proletariat and communism as the final goal. This will be achieved going through the first stage: the democratic revolution, the joint class dictatorship, the People‘s Republic of Peru with the people‘s war, will be achieved. There is no other way to accomplish this objective.

In the country, we have seen how the nurses struggle for more than 50 days. This is a stern strike, which doesn‘t slow down and it continues the fight without any major support. They are brutally repressed, arrested, and threatened that the strike will be declared illegal unless they return to work within 72 hours. However, the deadline expired and the threats were not carried out. Why have not they, being crushed? They were not crushed because the masses trust the strength of their struggle. They march, they mobilize, they take the streets and main squares of the city giving no room to the maneuvers of reaction. They use the tribunes of public opinion to denounce, they agitate in the neighborhoods, they organize pot lucks, and they get on the passenger buses to spread propaganda.

That‘s how they refrained the reactionaries‘ repressive action. And what has the CGTPxiv done? Or the State Employees‘ Union? They did nothing to support the masses, and most of the strikers are nurses and medical technologists. Internally, there are factions in every struggle, that‘s how it is in every front. But the most steadfast sector is imposing itself, and it is made up of women who are giving an example of combat. What are the prospects of this struggle?

1. It‘s good because it hits the stabilization plan and protests take place on the streets.

2. If the strike persists, it will wrest away something. The main thing is not to be broken organizationally, to persist in mobilizing, marching, keeping on the strike, and they will gain some economic, social and political benefits (the support of the Party for this struggle is very helpful: It fortifies, stimulates and supports them, while armed actions press and weakens the exploiters further).

3. But, the little they manage to wrest away will not be enough to cover their needs. The family basket (monthly income needed to survive) will continue to be very expensive compared to their wages. The reduction in their purchase capacity will again confront increases in the cost of living due to inflation.

4. How will that impact others? Industrial workers, laborers, and the people will be in better condition to develop their political conscience, and to understand that they are the ones transforming society, and that only by organizing themselves will they will be able to conquer power with the people‘s war, and break the vicious circle. In addition, they show how within bureaucratic capitalism, they will never be able to achieve what is called a «just» wage. This is because the essence of capitalism is exploitation, and accumulation of capital through the purchase of labor-power. Thus, they can show how the strike educates the masses. To this end, read and reproduce «Wages, Prices and Profit» by Marx; «On Strikes» by Lenin; and «The Scab…»xv by the Chinese comrades; and propagate them among the strikers at a solidarity price.

Later on, since Peruvian society is in a critical situation, with so much unemployment in the cities, and above all, in Lima where 70% of the proletariat is without a job. We must apply other forms of struggles as well, taking advantage for instance, of the workers‘ quitting times to create revolutionary awareness (agitation), and spread concrete facts like the killing of that worker at the Textile Union. We must promote debates, for example, on the need to struggle and get organized with the unemployed since nobody struggles for them, and in Lima, organize with the underemployed. These people reach 95% of the economically active population according to the National Institute of Statistics (unemployed 10%, underemployed 85%, fully employed 5%). We must form groups of workers to air their grievances, put up big-character posters, and sign denunciations in a study group.

Start with live, current, red-hot facts to promote the need for work stoppages, and propose them as a discussion theme: What difficulties can be expected and what other creative forms of struggle can be used? Disseminate the theses of marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought on the proletariat, share the Party experiences. Is a strike convenient or not? Let the masses participate. Organize marches at the workplace during quitting times, and wait for the right time to post banners and posters, then put up big-character posters, expressing grievances and propaganda. Agitate and organize according to a plan, and promote marches. At first, organize a small and short march around the plant, then a larger one with the participation of other plants or factories. Thus, it can be expanded up to a march of an entire industrial zone, supported by the neighborhoods, which are always close by the industries, such as the Central Highway. Call the T.V. and newspapers and the workers themselves will expose their situation. The implementation of this plan requires the incorporation of more activists, fighters or comrades at the plants; put into practice the role of being a «soldier-spy», worker by day and militia by night. Wherever the fulfilment of these acts at the plant generates repression or risk, they should be exempted from such tasks at their plants. Organize a struggle committee amidst this struggle. Fight the false leaders ideologically, unmask their revisionism, and their role as «firefighters» and aim at overthrowing them and penetrate more and more of these workers into organizations, or neighborhoods plagued with the labor aristocracy, to fight industrial or trade union bureaucracy.

Let‘s think of the following relationship: Big-character posters and bannersExpression of grievancesRallyStoppageStrikePeople‘s War (Insurrection). What for? To prepare for the greatest actions to come!

Let art fulfill its role as an instrument of class, let the masses take over the stage, let actors and actresses represent them, that the masses see themselves represented there. Let daily life be enacted, «the artist and their epoch» is not merely a phrase, sowing is done that way too. It‘s part of propaganda. Let big-character posters be generalized in the workplace, neighborhoods, schools, universities, centers of street vendors, or workers in general. Let big-character posters be in big bold letters on the walls, because only there can the people really see and express their democracy. The walls are the sheets of books where the people write their prose, their poems, their poems, their literary works to air their demands, their struggles and the songs of the revolution. This is the only way to conquer power: the glorious people‘s war.

And let‘s not care if the masses make spelling mistakes. They will learn later on. Let them write on the walls how they participate in the war. Let them criticize what is wrong. Let them fight imperialism, the Peruvian reactionaries and revisionism. For instance, what does the CGTP do for the proletariat? They no longer even like to use the word «proletariat». They have betrayed the class completely. Instead, they repeat the way fascist dictator Velascoxvi used the term «laborers». A wage-earning worker can never equal an employer even if both do work; one exploits, the other is exploited; one is a bourgeois or a landowner, the other is a proletarian or part of the people. Let there be talk of classes and of class struggles, of dictatorship of the proletariat, of joint dictatorship. Let them express how the CGTP has betrayed the principles of the class, and how it is an instrument to harm their interests, which does not represent the class and must be destroyed and replaced by a truly class-conscious body, and one that struggle under the ideology of the class: marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought. Disown those false leaders and bosses, who capitulate before imperialism, the reactionaries and revisionism. We must struggle against the revisionist CGTP and for a class-conscious worker‘s central directed by the proletariat.

Let the youth, in big-character posters, compare the phrases of the opportunists and revisionists with those of the imperialists and reactionaries. For instance, the known phrase by bourgeois philosopher Maritainxvii, «youth is barbarism», with those of Enrique Bernales,xviii «the response of university students against President Fujimori is barbaric» (on Fujimori‘s visit to San Marcos University when he was thoroughly repudiated by students and faculty), and counterpose them with those of Chairman Mao: «The world is yours, as well as ours, but in the last analysis, it is yours. You young people, full of vigor and vitality, are in the bloom of life, like the Sun at eight or nine in the morning. Our hope is placed on you. The world belongs to you. China‘s future belongs to you.»xix

Women too must write big-character posters: Under the law, women workers have the right to have cradles for their children at the factories where they work. What employer abides by that law? Does the State force any enterprise to obey that law? No. The mothers stretch the wages in order to feed their children, and many times themselves remain with an empty stomach for lack of food. Reject working overtime without pay. Actually, family work is being used to promote mini-enterprises in which all must labor: Children, parents or other relatives work 12 or 14 hours a day, selling their products at a miserable price, and what social and health benefits do they receive? None. Let them denounce and condemn those types of exploitative family work.

The expression of grievances must be encouraged at all manufacturing centers, neighborhoods, community centers, mothers‘ clubs, street vendor markets, merchants, artisans, and so on. The people have the right to expose their situations of exploitation so all can hear it. Let the masses speak up with deep class consciousness, instead of those scabs and demagogues. At the market, a bench or wooden box is sufficient to agitate. The elderly must also speak on how the situation becomes worse with each successive government, and how long this deterioration will continue? The elderly have heard before from the exploiters the same empty chatter: «Sacrifice today so things will be better tomorrow.» Thus, with the big-character posters, the masses express true people‘s democracy in writing, and verbally with the expression of grievances.

Marches and rallies are good and make the reactionaries tremble. When workers march, they give tone to the struggle. It is a good example the way construction workers march with sticks, rocks, burning tires and agitating the people with revolutionary slogans. The same thing is done by miners, textile workers, teachers, women, youth, State employees and health workers. The people must march against the exorbitant price hikes on kerosene, water, light, gas, and so on, and against the grievous taxes imposed on them. The merchants, must protest the fines, coercive penalty payments, and so on. In some marches, they merely agitate with slogans; in others rocks are thrown at exploitative or repressive institutions. In other marches, groups are formed to block passages of troops with anything they can find, such as tree trunks, rocks, tires, garbage cans, traffic cones, pavement stone and anything else that the masses can find to support their initiative.

This type of march can be applied at the workplace exit, at the end of the work-day, and that way wages are not affected: In times of crisis the masses see themselves economically overwhelmed and fear losing what little they earn; yet they still want to struggle and indeed are struggling. Marching during non-working hours is efficient. Why aren‘t marches done again from the Old House of San Marcos, from University Square, now surrounded by a steel bar fence? Let us provide Lima again with its tradition of the struggle, why should those places be like museums? Let us march in the industrial neighborhoods, in the young towns, at Lima‘s main spots, in Miraflores, San Isidro, at Manco Capac Square, blocking highways, avenues, such as the «big ditch» in Lima, and so on. At the marches, apply picket lines, looting and riots.

The mobilization is a more developed form of marching, in quality and quantity, and so it must be well prepared. The detachments and militias must teach the masses how to repel aggression. It is completely false that in Peru there is unity between the Army and the people. The opposite is true: the people reject, hate and repudiate the genocidal armed forces. We must rescue those arrested by the police. Aiming against armored trucks (it‘s a political stupidity to call them «Little Pinochets», these are vehicles used to break up demonstrations, it‘s repressive and not a little puppet with a growing nose nor a harmless Pinochet, that‘s what T.V. announcers spread in order to defuse the wrath of the masses). Attack the vehicles transporting people who were arrested, block them with other cars or trucks, overturn them. We should be already dynamiting the armored military trucks. Will the Army then intervene? That‘s a given. It has already been decided, and soon we‘ll have them on the streets of Lima anyway. They should not be feared either, but loudly denounced as they really are: genocidal, murderers, rapists, butchers, shameless traitors to their patrons Grauxx, Bolognesixxi, Quiñonesxxii, brave when confronting unarmed masses, but scared like rabbits when facing the guerrillas. What morale do they have when fighting the people‘s war? None. Their desertions grow. Their officers force the soldiers to be their servants and to eat dogs. What can they do against a march of 1,000 people just from one neighborhood? They just use brutal repression. Their regulations say that to break up a demonstration, they should first shoot to the air, However, it is a norm that they shoot to kill from the onset, not even at the feet. Could they kill 10, 100? It‘s difficult but possible. The masses would react still more explosively, since blood does not drown the revolution but waters it, and internationally, a goodbye to «respect for human rights»! The Peruvian situation is going to get worse and the masses will have to apply even more developed forms of struggle. They do not fear to pay the price paid for a true change of system. These are not longer the 1930s, nor the 1960s, but they are the 1990s, and there is a Communist Party directing the people in a marxist-leninist-maoist, Gonzalo thought people‘s war. The Party is assuming its role of directing them, preparing them for days to come, to conquer power. We are going from a revolutionary situation in development, to a revolutionary crisis, which is coming anyway. That is today‘s tendency. The slogan of today is «Fight and resist for the people‘s war!» and it is a very good one.

The strike, whether localized or general, is another form that must be applied. The armed strike is a military form of struggle, which allows the masses to participate widely in the people‘s war, it propagandizes, agitates, mobilizes. In this strike the masses express themselves in their protest, their repudiation of the old State, the government, the genocidal armed forces and police. It allows the blocking of vital parts of the city, preparing the future insurrection. It manages the four forms of guerrilla action: agitation and propaganda, sabotage, selective annihilation, and guerrilla combat; and all the appropriate procedures. Local, zonal or regional strikes can be organized. With respect to the common work stoppage, it‘s a form of an economic struggle that is generating conditions for a higher form of economic struggle: the strike.

Strikes are, we reiterate, the main form of economic struggle. In essence, they are «guerrilla warfare»xxiii fighting for wage increases. Marx said that strikes vindicate demands of part of the class (for example, a plant or productive sector) as such is an economic struggle. But those strikes developed by the general interests of the class (for example, general wage hikes, in defense of unions, against the economic policy, and so on) are political struggles. Furthermore, we must not forget that nowadays every class struggle is political, and part of the struggle for power. So when revisionists and opportunists attack the strike movement calling it as merely a struggle for daily demands, they (as usual) attack the class and defend the bourgeoisie. Therefore, in these times the struggle for better wages is eminently political because Fujimori‘s government plan is to impose the lowest possible wages («salaries» are also «wages», that‘s the terminology we must use, on the hand it denounces the exploitation, and on the other the proletariat link its struggle with other non-industrial workersxxiv). Yes, struggling for better wages is economic, but the crux of the government‘s economic plan is to achieve stabilization for the «reinsertion». And to do so the Government increases surplus value and cut wages. That‘s why we must smash it because it goes against the class and the people. Their phrase, «sacrifice today to have it better tomorrow», is nothing but pathological lying.

Thus, the key of this struggle, the strike, or localized or general work stoppages, is surplus value, the wages. Its political essence is to overthrow this old order because it generates hunger and exploitation. The greatest political demand of all is the conquest of power. This guerrilla war prepares for grand moments. It is tied to the final struggle for the conquest of power and the main form of political struggle, the people‘s aar.

In the midst of all these struggles, various kinds of apparatuses are built and organized, and obviously the clandestine Party manages them all, and ideology unites them all. An existing struggle committee can be consolidated, or new ones formed in various areas to support the Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People, which makes possible a new and greater leap in the incorporation of the masses into the people‘s war. Finally, do not fear reaction‘s bloody response.

That is part of implementing the Party‘s Mass Line in the cities, in and for the people‘s war following the following directive: The basis is the proletarian neighborhoods and shantytowns. The proletariat is the leading aspect and its militarization is being developed.


About three years ago, at a meeting of the Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People in Lima, we discussed the names of organizational forms, which will manage the new forms of struggle that will link the labor struggle with the struggle in the proletarian neighborhoods and shantytowns: people‘s committee, people‘s struggle committee or simply struggle committee. We saw how the people‘s committee was not convenient because it could be confused with the people‘s committee we organize only in the countryside due to the character of the democratic revolution. Later on, we discussed how to go on finding forms of power in the city, because if we are going to conquer power in the whole country, we must organize the cities to control them clandestinely, and manage everything until the time comes for the final insurrection. We concluded that a struggle committee was convenient.xxv However, this is to undermine the old State in the cities and have the masses follow an organized directorship. It is a germinal basis that allows the management of power. The issue is to create means of united action under the directorship of the Party or joint actions united organizationally with the exercise of authority. We can conceive it as another form of struggle of the people‘s power, along with the other five forms, as an additional form of war only in the city. Then the struggle committee would be a sixth form of power and the first germinal form in the city.

The struggle committee would have three milestones. The 88th Meeting of the Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People is to apply the 2nd Session of the Congress: struggle committee to coordinate workers and masses in the proletarian neighborhoods and shantytowns, assuming functions; Preparatory Session of the 2nd Plenary Session of the Central Committee, October-November 1990: struggle committee to provide unity, organization and authority; and today, in 1991, the struggle committee as we said before, the sixth form and first germinal form in the city. Why so today? Because of the development of material reality, These are the facts. The growth of our mass work in and for the people‘s war has generated it that way.

The main thing is to apply the principles and not to lose direction. Ideas come from practice. We would not have achieved that much by only brainstorming in 1988, nor would we have accomplished it how we have today. At the time it was correct to discuss it, and that is how we delineated the general road. Now the moment has come and reality shows us how to build it. It is the sixth form of power and first form of power in the city, a model to organize germinal forms of the new power in the cities. We insist that it is not the form of power we created in the countryside, but a different form. Let‘s keep in mind its direction and purpose:

1st Struggle Committee: To coordinate workers and shantytown masses.

2nd Struggle Committee: Unity, organization and authority.

3rd Struggle Committee: Sixth form of power and first germinal form of power in the city. It is not the new power as in the countryside, but a different form of new power. To prevent and oppose it should be considered the same way as in the countryside. Consider it as a germinal form, a new and sixth form of power arising in the city linked to preparing the insurrection and serving the conquest of power country-wide. An accomplishment of building the conquest of power in the city. It is not a complement to the actions the old State tries to carry out. On the contrary, it aims to negate the old State, undermine it and, in perspective, destroy it in order to form the new power.

With regard to the situation of squatting of Raucana the issue is how to develop it and how to defend it. The key is to spread and ingrain the ideology of marxism-leninism-maoism, Gonzalo thought in children, youth and adults. Forge the Party, the People‘s Guerrilla Army, generated organizations and struggle committees; to promote collective labor; to write big-character posters, people‘s democracy. To have a people‘s defense plan because the masses are going to be hit, infiltrated or undermined with the reactionaries‘ «civil action» plan and repression. In open work, don‘t make everything too red; use clear slogans and support them with concrete actions.


Always keep a high vigilance but even higher today, because we are in more developed, therefore more complex, political moment. We are in a strategic stalemate and both sides in the war. The enemy and ourselves are preparing for a definitive situation.

Always, investigate fully any signs of infiltration or entryism, specifically from MRTA and the reactionaries. We must develop a political-ideological unmasking campaign against the revisionism of the MRTA, based on what the document of the Preparatory Session of the 2nd Plenary Session of the Central Committee says, and what was set forth at the July 1990 Meeting of the Political Bureau. Publish leaflets, do group discussions, promote debates, emphasize the latter since they always run away from it, they can‘t stand a political-ideological attack. What have they answered to the publication of the document «Elections, No! People‘s War, Yes!»? Nothing. They babble based on bourgeois papers‘ headlines and editorials, repeating the old tale of reaction: «Division exists in Sendero…». And do they ever prove anything? No, they remain as parasitical as ever, fulfilling their role of «dividing tasks» to annihilate us, as active and armed complements of Peruvian reaction and of social-imperialism. It is besides ironical that they are not only wrong about us, but are very likely split, it suffices to read that pamphlet which The Exchange (Cambio) are being allowed to distribute freely. Even Lima‘s T.V. Channel 5 is at their disposal, and it wouldn‘t be surprising if ever Lima‘s TV4 soon is placed at their disposal too.


With respect to actions of the ongoing 3rd Campaign in Lima, as well as in the entire country, these increase in quantity and quality. The political objectives of these actions are higher and on the rise, including the fighting capacity of the people‘s militias and detachments. A problem we notice is conservatism of the special detachments. The percentage of growth is low compared to the People‘s Guerrilla Army. And why is that? Because of the erroneous criterion of «lack of sophisticated weapons». They must apply the agreement of the Central Committee about «Building Three Bases and Three Guides»xxvi and worry about capturing more developed weapons. In addition, the new special detachments now being formed will wrest them away and that will be part of their own forging.

We ask ourselves, are something like that happening with the main forces throughout the People‘s Guerrilla Army? Is conservatism showing up there to?

We emphasize about the need to increase the actions by the special detachments, coordinated acts, and synchronization of forces. A good example is how on the day of the April blackout in Lima (which was politically very timely) there were 200 actions against imperialism, among then actions against the embassies of the countries, which will be in the economic «Support Group».

The 80 armed sabotages against the banks, precisely on the eve of the promulgation of the Banking Law. It was expressed in the complexity of the actions, handling of double plans, fulfilling acts pending in the process of people‘s war in Lima such as «Arms for the revolution! Money for the people!». It supports mass struggles, with armed actions we provide success and political perspective to their actions for daily demands, which is strategic because it advances preparations for the insurrection.

There are limitations in the annihilation of living enemy forces, police and armed forces, high bureaucracy and financial oligarchy. We insist: We do not hit the plain street cops, but those specialized in counter-insurgency actions — those with blood on their hands. We apply the norm of selective annihilation: First against the Armed Forces (Army, Navy, Air Force); then against the Police Forces specialized in counter-insurgency actions; then against those who have committed genocide, the torturers, to all who have a debt of blood; then against the peasant patrols. The reactionaries now aim at organizing urban patrols as well.xxvii Apply differentiation:

First target the worst ones; leaflets must be spread explaining why the specific action is being carried out by leaving signs and painting graffiti. Differentiate between the «black heads» (leaders of patrols who willingly and willfully commit crimes against the people), and the masses who are pressured or coerced by the armed forces into the paramilitary patrols (who must be respected and educated to defend themselves). Apply double politics, infiltrate them, undermine them until they rebel. For the pressured masses, make them understand they are being used against their own interest, how the reactionaries traffic with their unemployment, their hunger, their needs so as to use them as cannon fodder for lack of soldiers and police.

Hit the high bureaucracy and financial oligarchy; the bureaucrats and representatives of the old State, their institutions and explain clearly why it is done. In the city of Acari, for example, we executed the Mayor because he was a corrup despot hated by the masses, and acted after we received 40 written petitions from them explaining the reasons for revolutionary justice. The letters described what the masses wanted, and he only got three bullets because we do not apply cruelty or humiliations. People‘s justice is swift but fair. We do not seek to create suffering. But in Lima, The Commercial (El Comercio), Express (Expreso), The Republic (La Républica), what did these sewers publish on this action? That an elected representative of the people, beloved by all, had been dynamited, and so on.

Specially let selective annihilation actions help two objectives: To disintegrate the enemy forces and to develop the United Front. Explaining in a clear and simple manner the causes help the Front, and not explaining undermines it. To help develop the Front, the targets must be selected very well, and in Lima the targets must be very high. We are near the celebration of the 5th Anniversary of the Day of Heroism, select those who have committed genocide well, and wherever they are we must apply their well-deserved punishment. What to do if they know we prepare something? They cannot know where, whom, or when. We must prepare more and better actions.


Another issue we must address is the forthcoming armed strike. We are in agreement with it. Prepare it well. There are good conditions for its success, but take into account the following:

1. Propaganda on whether the strike was a victory of the people or the reaction is part of the process of the strike.

2. Apply what we have set forth on work with the masses.xxviii

3. Link the strike to the celebration of the 5th Anniversary of the Day of Heroism.

Keep this in mind and be prepared, because the reactionaries and the Government will move everything to defeat the strike, in collusion and contention, obviously. The success of the armed strike will depend on how well it is conceived of, prepared and implemented! The achievement of a new victory with the armed strike is necessary, and it is up to us to develop and direct it; the rest, the masses will do!

May, June and July will bring hard battles. The Government needs successes to present to the people in July, let‘s defeat them! On these months the reactionaries gamble with the whole «stabilization» and must show some «victories» by July 28th: let‘s defeat them!

In conclusion, the 3rd Campaign to Impulse the Development of the Base Areas is ample and overwhelming. From the onset, it sets forth solid bases for the new plan.

i Alberto Fujimori (1938-) — Elected President of Peru in 1990 and served as its fascist dictator from 1992 to 2000 following a self-coup. Under his directorship, the Peruvian reactionaries managed to defeat the people‘s war in Peru with the assistance of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency and the help of traitors inside the Communist Party of Peru. He is currently imprisoned in the concentration camp on the Callao Naval Base in Lima alongside Vlademiro Montesinos, former head of the Peruvian secret police, Víctor Polay, former head of the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement and several former members of the Communist Party of Peru.

ii Glass of Milk — A «social aid» program created by the Peruvian reactionary State as a complement to its counter-subversive campaign. It was administered by the United Left party. Poor people were expected to offer intelligence on the Communist Party of Peru in exchange for receiving «aid». One of its prominent leaders was María Elena Moyano, an opportunist politician who was liquidated by the People‘s Guerrilla Army in 1992.

iii The Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean — A U.N. regional commission which promotes the development of bureaucratic-comprador capitalism in the Americas through «economic cooperation».

iv The International Monetary Fund — An international financial institution headquartered in Washington which represents the economic domination of U.S. imperialism in the world.

v The Inter-American Development Bank — An international financial institution headquartered in Washington which represents the economic domination of U.S. imperialism in the Americas.

vi The World Bank — An international financial institution headquartered in Washington which represents the economic domination of U.S. imperialism in the world.

vii The United Left was a «coalition party» formed by various revisionist groups in Peru, including the «Unified Mariáteguist Party», in 1980. It was dissolved in 1995.

viii The Socialist Left was a «coalition party» formed by three political parties which left the United Left in 1989. It was later dissolved.

ix The Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement was a focus-theorist guerrilla organization in Peru, active from 1982 to 1997. The MRTA openly collaborated with the reactionary State in questions of fighting the people‘s war, and its leader, Víctor Polay, proposed several times to make ceasefires with the government so both forces could concentrate on fighting the people‘s war. They were routed from the countryside by the Communist Party of Peru and capitulated to the reactionaries.

x The strike referred to here took place at Carretera Central, Lima, on April 29th and 30th, 1991.

xi V. I. Lenin: «What Is To Be Done?» (End of 1901-February 1902)

xii Mao Zedong: «On the Question of Agricultural Cooperation» (31.07.1955)

xiii The Unified Mariáteguist Party was a revisionist party active in Peru from 1984 to 1996. It mainly operated through the United Left.

xiv The General Confederation of the Laborers of Peru is Peru‘s main federation of labor unions. It was founded by J. C. Mariátegui in 1929 and banned in 1930. In 1966, it was refounded under revisionist directorship.

xv It is unclear to which document of the Communist Party of China this is referring to. Most likely, it was a document which received some circulation in Peru, but not in the imperialist countries. We have been unable to locate any Chinese document the name of which starts with «The Scab…».

xvi Juan Velasco (1910-77) was the fascist military dictator of Peru from 1968 to 1975. Under his rule, bureaucratic-comprador capitalism was strengthened through a series of reforms which evolved the semi-feudal Peruvian agriculture into a corporative system of peasant «cooperatives» under State control. Velasco portrayed himself as a «socialist» and a «revolutionary» and was falsely viewed as a «national-bourgeois» leader by the Peruvian revisionists.

xvii Jacques Maritain (1882-1973) was a French Catholic philosopher and one of the driving forces behind the 2nd Vatican Council.

xviii Enrique Martín Bernales Ballesteros (1940-2018) was a Peruvian lawyer who served for three periods (1980-92) as a Senator. In 2001-03 he was a member of the «Truth and Reconciliation Commission», the organ set up by the Peruvian reactionary State to justify its genocide against the Peruvian people and to validate the lies of the 2nd Right-opportunist line, in order to defame Comrade Gonzalo and the Communist Party of Peru.

xix Mao Zedong: «Talk at a Meeting with Chinese Students and Trainees in Moscow» (17.11.1957)

xx Miguel María Grau Seminario (1834-79) was a Peruvian politician and commander of the battleship Huáscar who sacrificed his life at the naval battle of Angamos. He is considered the greatest war hero in Peruvian history.

xxi Francisco Bolognesi Cervantes (1816-80) was a Peruvian colonel who sacrificed his life in the War of the Pacific with Chile. He was posthumously declared Grand Marshal of Peru.

xxii José Abelardo Quiñones Gonzales (1914-41) was a Peruvian military pilot who sacrificed his life during the War of 1941 with Ecuador. He was declared a Peruvian national hero.

xxiii See Karl Marx: «Wages, Prices and Profit» (May-June 1865)

xxiv The precise difference between a salary and a wage in the bourgeois sense of the terms is that a salary is paid each month and is always the same regardless of sick leaves and vacations, whereas a wage is hourly and is not paid during absences. In the marxist sense of the term, both are wages, for they are both payment for the sale of labor-power.

xxv Later on, the Communist Party of Peru instead adopted the term «people‘s struggle committee» to emphasize that the struggle committees had developed from organs coordinating the people‘s struggles into organs of political power in the cities. In the shantytown Raucana in Lima, which was built up from nothing by squatters directed by the Party, there even existed a higher form of the people‘s struggle committee — the open people‘s struggle committee. However, the Party concluded that this had been premature, as it could not yet be sustained.

xxvi The «Three Bases and Three Guides» were established at the Preparatory Session of the 2nd Plenary Session of the 1st Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru in October-November 1990. It consisted of two general orientations for Party work and construction work, respectively. The general orientation for Party work was: «Construction is the basis, the people‘s war is the main thing and the Congress (basis of Party unity) is the guide.» The general orientation for construction work was: «The Party is the guide, the People‘s Guerrilla Army is the main thing and the new State is the central thing and the basis.» This policy was summed up n the slogan: «Develop, build and conquer!».

xxvii The patrols, or rondas, were reactionary militias set up by the Armed Forces of Peru in order to pit the people against each other. Often, peasants and shantytown dwellers were forces into these patrols at bayonet point. The Communist Party of Peru fought hard to dissolve these patrols, for example through exercising red terror against those who participated actively in them.

xxviii This refers to the Mass Line of the Communist Party of Peru. See Abimael «Gonzalo» Guzmán: «Bases of Discussion for the General Political Line of the Communist Party of Peru» (January 1988).