Proletarians of all countries, unite!
There is one goal, the conquest of power!



On Friday the 3rd of September, 2021, our website, The Red Flag, which provides revolutionary news coverage and analysis and unrivaled access to communist theory, was taken down all over the world under pretenses of „terrorist propaganda“. This is a counterrevolutionary act. In the interest of Swiss imperialism, the U.S.-dominated international system of Internet hosting services and providers has taken down our website.

We have been a thorn in the side of the imperialists, reactionaries and opportunists. In our writings, we have exposed the crimes of imperialism and reaction. This can be seen, for example, in our article: „The 19 Martyrs of Dolores Are Immortal“, in which we pay homage to 19 fallen Filipino colleagues of the New People‘s Army who died for the people to assist with fighting the genocidal covid-19 pandemic. It is clear from our preface to Comrade Rashid‘s article „Promoting Proletarian Consciousness as Prisoner Rehabilitation“, in which we condemn the attempts by the U.S. modern-day slaveowners of the prison system to murder our comrade who fights for the socialist revolution in the U.S. and the national liberation of the Black nation through his imprisonment in a Neo-Nazi cell bloc. And it is clear from the many People‘s War Bulletins and action reports which have been published by us.

We are a thorn in the side of the revisionists and opportunists internationally and domestically, meaning the false revolutionaries and pretend communists. Our website has, for example, worked tirelessly to expose and condemn the dogmatic, nationalist revisionism of a specific German sect, calling itself the „Committee Red Flag“, who want a Greater German Empire under red flags, with Switzerland as a part of it. We have, in the struggle against opression and discrimination, exposed the racist and queerantagonistic positions of the U.S. blog Struggle Sessions and its supporters. And we have exposed how specific groups in the Swiss „left scene“, such as „Revolutionary Youth Basle“ and „Lotta“ collaborate directly with the police and protect known rapists in order to wage their failed campaign against the communists and proletarian revolutionaries. Our thorough debunking of the two-faced character of these opportunists serves to make it clear to the working class who the enemies in its own ranks are, so they can be isolated and expelled.

For all of these reasons, we have become a target for censorship by the imperialists and reactionaries, morally (and practically) supported by the cries of „‚Left‘-radicalism“ and „readiness for violence“ from the opportunist swamp.

We think that it is necessary to make something clear here: there is nothing — no act of cyberwarfare, psychological warfare and no amount of technical solutions — which the imperialists, reactionaries and opportunists can do to stop the working class finally standing up, nothing they can do to hinder development of the proletarian revolution in Switzerland and Liechtenstein. The struggle for refounding of the genuine and revolutionary Communist Party of Switzerland for the class war will continue, no matter what kind of fascist repression is heaped upon the communists and proletarian revolutionaries. As is already proven now by the appearance of this very declaration, we cannot be stopped.

Chairman Mao said:

Weapons are an important factor in war, but not the decisive factor; it is people, not things that are decisive. The contest of strength is not only a contest of military and economic power, but also a contest of human power and morale. People necessarily wield military and economic power.“1

This point is extremely important. We rely on people, not on any weapon or technology. Our technological efforts are a product of the people belonging to the Swiss revolutionary movement. The proletariat and the toiling masses of workers, of peasants and of soldiers — we are the ones who create everything in this society. This world is built on our shoulders. Anything the imperialists can do is only possible because of their coercion of the people into serving their „counterinsurgency“ warfare and repression. We can do a thousand things more, because we truly serve the masses.

It should come as no surprise that our website was taken down as opposed to other ones. Our website is secure. It has been built to prevent surveillance of those who operate it and read it, so it is not useful for the State — unlike other websites and social media, which are useful tools for imperialist mass surveillance as well as targeted surveillance of revolutionaries. Ironically, taking our website down has forced us to set it up in an even more secure manner.

This website has now been set up based on a onion service, i.e. a Tor back-end. Based on this back-end, we will set up a front-end for this website, which is almost impossible to take down in essence. If a front-end is banned, a URL is taken down or access is blocked by Internet providers, a new front-end will arise. We have set up the following .onion link, which we encourage our readers to save and use — both for their own security and in case of a front-end being taken down as well. More will be set up in the future.


The Red Flag will never be completely taken down. No measure taken by the imperialists and the reactionaries can force us to do so. Even if they were to block the Internet in the entire country, they would not be able to ban our presence — it will simply take on other forms.


According to title 2, chapter 1, article 17: „Freedom of the media“ of the Swiss constitution:

1. Freedom of the press, radio and television and of other forms of dissemination of features and information by means of public telecommunications is guaranteed.

2. Censorship is prohibited.

3. The protection of sources is guaranteed.“2

Censorship is defined as follows:

The suppression or proscription of speech or writing that is deemed obscene, indecent, or unduly controversial.“3

Censorship, properly speaking, is not punishment for one‘s writings, but the prevention („suppression or proscription“) of the publication of one‘s writings in the first place.

To ban a website due to political disagreements („terrorist propaganda“) with its content is censorship. It contradicts the Swiss constitution openly, which shows its sham, bourgeois character. Already in the 19th century, Karl Marx pointed out that every bourgeois constitution contains its own negation — rights are „guaranteed“ but at the same time restricted:

To be sure, the constitution forbade any attack on the liberty of foreign peoples, but what the French army attacked in Rome was, according to the ministry, not ‚liberty‘ but the ‚despotism of anarchy‘. Had the Montagne still not comprehended, all experiences in the Constituent Assembly notwithstanding, that the interpretation of the constitution did not belong to those who had made it, but only to those who had accepted it? That its wording must be construed in its viable meaning and that the bourgeois meaning was its only viable meaning. That Bonaparte and the royalist majority of the National Assembly were the authentic interpreters of the constitution, as the priest is the authentic interpreter of the Bible, and the judge the authentic interpreter of the laws.“4

That is why, in article 31, „Deprivation of liberty“, the Swiss constitution states:

No person may be deprived of their liberty other than in the circumstances and in the manner provided for by the law.“

As Switzerland became a monopoly capitalist, i.e. imperialist country in the late 19th and early 20th century, it became the case that every once progressive and democratic aspect of Swiss society turned into its opposite — a reactionary aspect. Lenin said:

Political reaction all along the line is a characteristic feature of imperialism.“5

He also said:

The local socialists call Switzerland a ‚republic of lackeys‘. This small bourgeois country, in which inn-keeping has long been a major industry, has depended too much on wealthy parasites squandering millions on summer travel in the mountains. A small proprietor toadying to rich tourists — such, until recently, was the most widespread type of Swiss bourgeois.

Things are changing now. A large-scale industry is developing in Switzerland. […]

The industrialisation of Switzerland, i.e., the development there of a large-scale industry, has put an end to the former stagnation in the working-class movement. The struggle between capital and labour is assuming a more acute character. The drowsy, philistine spirit which often in the past pervaded some of the Swiss workers’ associations is disappearing to give way to the fighting mood of a class-conscious and organised proletariat that is aware of its strength.

The Swiss workers entertain no illusions about the fact that theirs is a bourgeois republic upholding the same kind of wage slavery as exists in all the capitalist countries with out exception.“6

This is the background for the constant violation of the democratic rights of the Swiss people, including the ban against our website.


The ban of our website is part of the cyberwarfare of the imperialist and reactionary States. It is a question which is being taken seriously as a new trench of combat in the „war against terrorism“ by the U.S., Russian, Chinese, Swiss and other imperialists — it must be taken seriously by the communists, revolutionaries, progressives, democrats and patriots of the world as well. And especially in Switzerland and Liechtenstein, the single most repressive of the bourgeois-democratic imperialist States, which is developing toward fascism at high speed through the militarization and corporativization of society. Recently in an opinion article („First They Came for the ‚Terrorists‘…“) we analyzed the implications of the fascist law „Police Measures Against Terrorism“ (PMT). We have also seen pushes toward more intensified corporativization, as in the proposal by Swiss Minister of Defense, Civil Protection and Sports Viola Amherd to expand the draft to include not only militia service, but also „community service“ in the local bourgeois politics, as part of the „legitimization“ of the old State in an effort to expand the „amnesty and enlistment“ into the ranks of bourgeois society, which already affects the leaders of the so-called „revolutionary movement“ in this country. By repressing the genuinely fighting revolutionaries while at the same time allowing for pacified, lap-dog opportunism shouting about „movement from below“, „basis structures“, „libertarian communism“, „anti-authoritarianism“, „build gangs“, „anti-national solidarity“ and „connecting struggles“ at mostly legal demonstrations and for promotion of electoral participation, it has become possible for the Swiss reactionaries to generate a falsified, pacified „revolutionary movement“ in most Swiss cities which passively „resists to survive“, promoting the psy-op of „Rojava support“ as political justification for its empty, small bourgeois and lumpen „practice“. This is amnesty for opportunists and repression for revolutionaries, leading to enlistment of the false „revolutionaries“ into the ranks of the real reactionaries. Comrade Stalin said completely correctly:

Firstly, it is not true that fascism is only the fighting organisation of the bourgeoisie. Fascism is not only a military-technical category. Fascism is the bourgeoisie‘s fighting organisation that relies on the active support of social-democracy [that is to say, opportunism]. Social-democracy is objectively the moderate wing of fascism. There is no ground for assuming that the fighting organisation of the bourgeoisie can achieve decisive successes in battles, or in governing the country, without the active support of social-democracy. There is just as little ground for thinking that social-democracy can achieve decisive successes in battles, or in governing the country, without the active support of the fighting organisation of the bourgeoisie. These organisations do not negate, but supplement each other. They are not antipodes, they are twins. Fascism is an informal political bloc of these two chief organisations; a bloc, which arose in the circumstances of the post-war crisis of imperialism, and which is intended for combating the proletarian revolution. The bourgeoisie cannot retain power without such a bloc. It would therefore be a mistake to think that ‚pacifism‘ signifies the liquidation of fascism. In the present situation, ‚pacifism‘ is the strengthening of fascism with its moderate, social-democratic wing pushed into the forefront.“7

Stalin is talking about social-democracy here. But in the Switzerland of today, is it not the case that opportunist false „revolutionaries“ serve the function of pacifying people and undermining the struggle against fascism? By doing so, this opportunist swamp is objectively the „moderate wing of fascism“, it does not oppose fascism but „supplement“ it. Fascism in this country could not succeed in the 1990s and 2000s, because there was an actual revolutionist movement willing to struggle, and mass participation in the demonstrations and riots organized by this movement (even if these masses were not part of it). Today, after decades of „amnesty and enlistment“, it has become possible for the Swiss bourgeoisie to be able to implement fascism, and they are incresingly moving in precisely this direction.

These efforts — militarization and corporativization — as well as the eclectic ideological positions of the bourgeois-fascist political parties — including the „Freethinking Democratic Party“ (FDP) and the „Swiss People‘s Party“ (SVP) as well as the social-fascist „Socialist Party“ (SP), its youth organization „Young Socialists“ (JUSO) and its tail, the „Party of Labor“ (PdA) — constitute the tendency toward fascism in Switzerland, which is mostly completed but not yet culminated. Obviously, all these organizations are a contradiction in themselves, meaning that there is different factions within them — so while this doesn‘t at all mean that all their members or voters are fascists, what we are talking of is not the words, but the deeds of the factions that lead all of them. They are facing a restructuring of their bourgeois State, already expressed in the „magical formula“ („Zauberformel“) of the Federal Council — in which all major bourgeois parties are represented in a „democratic-centralist“ corporative government — which must be extended to encompass the entire State structure in a struggle of the centralized State against the decentralized and reactionary-democratic elements, such as the federal system and the unprofessional militia.

Chairman Gonzalo already put forward in 1988, when discussing the emergence of fascism in Peru through a faux social-democratic government (hailed by the SP as a great socialist experiment in the third world at the World Congress of the 2nd International in Lima in 1986), how fascism takes on various forms but based on the same essence of corporative militarism:

Why do we call it fascist? The fascist faction that already existed in APRA [the social-democratic party in Peru] took political measures to implement corporativization, although it was already contained in the first speech by García Pérez in July 1985. What do we understand by fascist and corporativist? For us fascism is the negation of liberal-democratic principles, the negation of the bourgeois-democratic principles which were born and developed in the 18th century in France. These principles are being abandoned by reactionaries, by the bourgeoisie world-wide. So it was that the 1st World War that made us see the crisis of the bourgeois-democratic order, that‘s why later fascism emerged. So, in APRA what is going on is this negation of the principles of the bourgeois-democratic order and we see daily proof of the negation of all the constitutionally established rights and liberties. We see fascism also on the ideological plane as an eclectic system without a defined philosophy. It is a philosophical position made up of fragments chosen from here and there according to what‘s most useful. This is clearly expressed in García Pérez. When he goes to Harare in Africa he‘s an African and he salutes the Africans, salutes Kenneth Kaunda. When he goes to India he salutes Gandhi, he‘s a Gandhian. When he goes to Mexico he hails Zapata, he‘s a Zapatista. When he goes to the Soviet Union, if he ever does, he‘ll be the champion of Perestroika. He‘s like that because this is the ideological and philosophical training of fascism, it does not have a defined stand, it is eclectic and it takes what is at hand.

With regard to its corporativism. We understand corporativism as the setting up of the State based on corporations, which implies the negation of parliamentarism. This is an essential point that Mariátegui gave emphasis to in ‚History Of The World Crisis‘. He said that the crisis of bourgeois democracy expresses itself clearly in the crisis of parliamentarism. Looking at the parliament here, while it is true that in the last decades it has been the executive branch that has produced the most important laws in this country, it is during this APRA government that the executive has monopolized the creation of all the fundamental laws for its own purposes. No important laws have come from the parliament. This is a fact, and everything has been aimed at giving powers to the executive so that it can do and undo as it pleases. Everything is a negation of parliamentarism.

[…] And what are they trying to do? What do they want? They want the formation of corporations, that is to organize the producers and all members of society along corporativist lines. Let‘s assume that the small factory producers, the agricultural producers, merchants, professionals, students, the Church. the armed forces, and the police forces all name their delegates and, in this way form a corporative system. This is what they are seeking to do and what APRA is doing. […] These are extremely serious matters. For these reasons we say it is a fascist and corporativist government. […]

With regard to identifying fascism with terror, with repression, we think that this is a mistake. What‘s involved is the following: if one remembers marxism, the State is organized violence, that is the classic definition. All States use violence because they are dictatorships. How else would they assert themselves to oppress and exploit? They couldn‘t do it. Consequently what happens is that fascism develops a broader, more refined, more sinister violence. But to identify fascism as being the same as violence is a crass error. […]

Identifying fascism with terror means not understanding […] that the bourgeois State goes through a process of development and that it is this process that leads to a fascist and corporative system. […]

In this country, we have to look at fascism in its different aspects beginning with its ideology, its politics, and its organizational form, how it uses violence, its terror. Today we see how it practices a skillful violence, more developed, broader, more brutal and vicious. This is what is called terror. But apart from this, white terror has always been practiced, has it not? The reactionaries, when they have encountered difficulties, have always applied white terror. So we should never identify and reduce all fascism simply to terror. We must understand that fascism means a more refined violence, and the development of terrorism, yes, but that is not the totality of it but a component, it is fascism‘s means of unfolding reactionary violence.“8

Further, in 1991, he analyzed the various ways in which fascism is expressed by the two factions of the big bourgeoisie — by the non-State monopoly bourgeoisie as presidential absolutism, and by the State-monopoly bourgeoisie as a corporative restructuring of the State, both in essence being expressions of the same „vertical“ reorganization of bourgeois society. He said:

The advantage of this commentary is that it establishes for us, it gives us elements to be able to differentiate in the process of the reactionarization of the State what is the position of the comprador [non-State monopoly] bourgeoisie from that of the bureaucratic [State monopoly] bourgeoisie. The bureaucratic bourgeoisie advocates ‚corporativization based on union and institutionally organized participation‘, this is the characteristic note of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie; on the other hand, the comprador bourgeoisie ‚does not propose corporatization but the greater strengthening of presidential power, as the axis of the executive […]‘, this is the tendency of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie to ‚strengthen the presidential power, as the axis of the executive […]‘. This is the tendency of bourgeois democracy that Marx already established for us, although fascism is of this century, the reactionarization is already in the last century, and that is what Marx analyzed when he sees the government of Louis Bonaparte, Napoleon the 3rd as they call him, in ‚The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte‘, then that is what we are seeing: ‚further strengthening of presidential power as the axis of the executive‘, that allows, there is a different note than the one we are putting here ‚further strengthening of presidential power as the axis of the executive‘ that is to say concentrates power even more: ‚that allows monopolistic economic power, in essence imperialism, to directly exercise legislative functions‘, that is the key ‚and of State administration‘, that is to say that allows it to give laws to imperialism, to the monopolies, to give laws and to manage ‚democracy‘. ‚Obviously it points to the growing restriction of legislative power‘ but not in the same way as fascism, is that clear, is it not, ‚and to direct management of the executive power aimed at absolute concentration of functions, issues that undermine the State structure and correlation of powers of the traditional bourgeois-democratic State‘. This seems to us to be a good thing, it allows us to see characteristics of the reactionarization of the State; so what do we call this? As we saw before, it is the law of absolute concentration and we said that in this transit they are on the way, so what we were asking ourselves was if it could be said in this way: that the bureaucratic bourgeoisie aims at a new fascism while the comprador bourgeoisie aims at and develops executive absolutism, or it could be a presidential absolutism, these are things to be analyzed. We believe that in this way we have elements to understand it. That is the issue of the greatest reactionarization in Peru, those are the two positions and we have made progress in defining them. Now, if you ask us, and what are the laws or Decree Laws for this, we have said that privatization aims at changing that State guarantee, that part of State monopoly to pass everything to non-State monopoly, to imperialism, right? Well, that is what is happening to the restructuring; just as there are also laws to reduce the nationalization, the functions, the services of the State, this is what they aim at with laws on employees, simplification and all those things, we have not separated them, but those are, if necessary we will separate them here.“9

We should understand this question. The push for fascism in Switzerland today is an expression of the State monopoly bourgeoisie, represented through the fascist FDP and its figurehead Karin Keller-Sutter in the Federal Council, which has changed its allegiance in recent years from the non-State to the State monopoly bourgeoisie. This has been expressed in support for the failed „climate law“ of the last referendum (which already runs counter to the FDP‘s former allegiance), which would have strengthened the position of State-monopoly transportation companies like the SBB through heavy taxation on the carbon-powered transportation industry. The SP, FDP and the Center Party all promote the push for a corporative reorganization of Swiss society, with their obvious disagreements.

This is different from the earlier fascism practiced in Switzerland as well as that of the non-State monopoly bourgeois fascist party SVP — which seeks a break with the „Zauberformel“10 and an implementation of a presidential absolutism, be it centered around a „democratically“ appointed General or around the person of Christoph Blocher11.

Historical fascism in Switzerland was represented in the person of the General. Switzerland does not have generals, but in times of crisis, it may appoint one to head the government and the military — an absolutist fascist dictatorship. Such was the case with General Henri Guisan, appointed by the government to protect Swiss imperialism against the potential threat of an invasion during the 2nd World War (by the Soviet Union, Germany or another power). His domestic task was to fight communism, banning the Communist Party in 1940. He openly expressed his admiration for Mussolini‘s Italy and proclaimed that Switzerland „would have a place in the new Europe headed by Germany“. He promoted the idea of a „Swiss nation of will“ and a Swiss „people‘s community“ („Volksgemeinschaft“, the same concept promoted by Hitler). Guisan proved to be the leader needed by the Swiss bourgeoisie and he was buried with the highest honors in the 1960s, with his portrait hanging in every Swiss classroom until the 1990s and many town in the country having at least one public place bearing his name even today.

During the 1st World War, the task of „carrying out the counterrevolution before the revolution“ (as he himself put it) fell to General Ulrich Wille-Bismarck, the nephew of German leader Otto von Bismarck, and a later firm supporter of Nazi-Fascism (inviting Adolf Hitler to his private villa in the 1920s to win support for Nazi-Fascism from Swiss monopoly capitalists). General Wille-Bismarck was a proto-fascist, heading the Swiss State in attempting to destroy the emerging communist movement headed by Lenin and later Kascher and Herzog. It was he who crushed the armed workers‘ and soldiers‘ struggles in Zürich in 1917 and ‘18.

The continuation of the line of Bismarck and Guisan finds its expression in the current Federal Council. They realize that Swiss society is tearing itself apart at the seams — Glencore is investigating potential lithium mining in the Rhine river due to sabotage by the New People‘s Army against their mining operations on the Philippines; the voter count‘s general tendency to fall in this country is increasing on average, with only roughly 50% voting count at any given election or referendum; riots continue to occur despite heavy repression, as in Zürich on the 1st of May, in St. Gallen for several days straight, and even in the backward Urschweiz canton of Schwyz. Although these struggles occur with less frequency and intensity compared to the last years and decades, they enjoy a much larger sympathy — our coworkers, neighbors, friends and classmates speak of their admiration for this direct action carried out by the masses themselves. A storm of revolutionary public opinion is brewing, which the ruling class knows as well as we do. The Swiss bourgeoisie realizes that its only solution is to „do the counterrevolution before the revolution“, because the revolution is necessary and is coming. As expressed in the position paper of the Federal Intelligence Service, „Switzerland‘s Security 2020“:

The gulf between the Western-style liberal model and authoritarian State capitalism will continue to widen. […] Switzerland could come under increasing pressure to chose and to restrict certain economic activities to one of these spheres.“12

Clearly, two roads are being expressed: a backwards, reactionary bourgeois-democratic road and a backwards, reactionary bourgeois-fascist road. Currently, the road being taken by Swiss imperialism is that of „authoritarian State capitalism“, of a corporative restructuring of the old State, but it is possible that other factors (such as the presidential absolutist fascism of the SVP or the reactionary bourgeois-democratic model) may predominate in the future.

This is the domestic context in which the ban against The Red Flag takes place.


As for the international context in which the ban against The Red Flag takes place, we need to look at the so-called „war against terrorism“ of U.S. imperialism, in which many of the imperialist and reactionary States of the world participate, with the enthusiastic support of opportunism, those who pretend to be revolutionaries or even communists, but close ranks with the old State.

The domain has been registered as a website promoting „terrorist propaganda“ through a DNS report, leading to its ban. This is a continuation on the side of the reaction of what a specific group of opportunist cop-collaborators in Germany (calling themselves „Committee Red Flag“) has chosen to portray the Swiss communists and proletarian revolutionaries as „‚Left‘-radicals“, „‚Left‘-opportunists“, „ready to commit violence“ etc. The rhetoric about „‚Left‘-radicalism“ and „readiness to commit violence“ fits the imperialists and the reaction like a hand in a glove. The opportunists generate public opinion, which is taken up to justify repression. In the end, thez are playing the same game, passing the ball to another. This is nothing but a continuation of the same policy which these opportunists applied in Basle last zear, that led to the arrests of several communist sympathizers (for more information see „Repression and Resistance“ by the Editorial Board of Conquest of Power).

In an interview carried out in the 1980‘s in Peru by a revolutionary news service like ourselves, The Daily, with the leader of the Communist Pary of Peru, Chairman Gonzalo, the accusation of terrorism is addressed:

As for terrorism, they claim we‘re terrorists. I would like to give the following answer so that everyone can think about it: has it or has it not been Yankee imperialism and particularly Reagan who has branded all revolutionary movements as terrorists, yes or no? This is how they attempt to discredit and isolate us in order to crush us. That is their dream. And it‘s not only Yankee imperialism and the other imperialist powers that combat so-called terrorism. So does social-imperialism and revisionism, and today Gorbachev himself proposes to unite with the struggle against terrorism. And it isn’t by chance that at the 8th Congress of the Party of Labor of Albania, Ramiz Alia dedicated himself to combatting terrorism as well.

But it will be very useful for all of us to remember what Lenin wrote:

Long live the pioneers of the people‘s revolutionary army! It is no longer a plot against some detested individual, no act of vengeance or desperation, no mere ‚intimidation‘ — no, it was a well thought-out and well prepared commencement of operations by a contingent of the revolutionary army. […] Fortunately, the time has passed when revolution was ‚made‘ by individual terrorists, because people were not revolutionary. The bomb has ceased to be the weapon of the solitary ‚bomb thrower‘ and is becoming an essential weapon of the people.‘

Lenin taught us that the times had changed, that the bomb had become a weapon of combat for our class, for the people, that what we‘re talking about is no longer a conspiracy, an isolated individual act, but the actions of a Party, with a plan, with a system, with an Army. So, where is the imputed terrorism? It‘s pure slander.“13

Communists and revolutionary and national liberation movements all over the world are being flagged as „terrorists“. In Switzerland, „terrorism“ is defined by the „Federal Law on Police Measures to Combat Terrorism“:

1. As terrorist endangerer counts a person, for whom it can be concretely and currently assumed that they will commit a terrorist act.

2. As terrorist activity counts efforts to influence or change the State order through the conduction or threats of heavy criminal acts or wanting to realize spreading of fear and terror.“14

Is that not any desire for change in the State order really? Support for the people‘s wars in India and on the Philippines, support for the national liberation struggle of the Tamil people on Ceylon (Sri Lanka), support for the class struggle of the workers in all countries — we hold these positions and are not afraid to make them public. But the fact of this ban proves that we are correct to call for the violent overthrow of this imperialist system. If spreading opinions on a website is illegal, how much more illegal is it to create genuine societal change? The Swiss State is outdated, dying, but not yet dead. Like a deeply backwards and reactionary old man in a hospice who needs to be smothered with a pillow, it takes every measure possible to maintain its class rule and to stay alive. But this old man, who beat us, his own children — the masses — for decades, will not escape fate. We will not pay his hospice stay much loinger — instead we‘re going to finish off this State, pull the plug on its life support. Everything new in this country has been won through revolutionary violence, while everything old has always protected itself with reactionary violence. The old rule of the landlords was overthrown with guns and cannons in 1847, and bourgeois-democratic Switzerland emerged. The rights of workers, peasants and soldiers were conquered at strikes, riots and blockades. We do not like or want violence or war, but the bourgeoisie forces us by repressing every attempt at progressive change. The peaceful road has not been possible in this country for more than 100 years, the „PMT“ is only the newest expression of this age old truth. Mao Tse-tung said:

War, this monster of mutual slaughter among men, will be finally eliminated by the progress of human society, and in the not too distant future too. But there is only one way to eliminate it and that is to oppose war with war, to oppose counterrevolutionary war with revolutionary war, to oppose national counterrevolutionary war with national revolutionary war, and to oppose counterrevolutionary class war with revolutionary class war. […] When human society advances to the point where classes and States are eliminated, there will be no more wars, counter-revolutionary or revolutionary, unjust or just; that will be the era of perpetual peace for mankind. Our study of the laws of revolutionary war springs from the desire to eliminate all wars. Herein, lies the distinction between us communists and all the exploiting classes.“15

The hypocrisy of the bourgeoisie is obvious — we are only exercising the same right to revolution as they once did against the landowners of old. We advocate the same which Karl Marx did:

We have no compassion and we ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror. But the royal terrorists, the terrorists by the grace of God and the law, are in practice brutal, disdainful, and mean, in theory cowardly, secretive, and deceitful, and in both respects disreputable.“16

And concerning Switzerland, we are advocates of what Friedrich Engels put forward:

At last the ceaseless bombast about the ‚cradle of freedom‘, about the ‚grandsons of William Tell and Winkelried‘, about the heroic victors of Sempach and Murten is being brought to an end. At last it has been revealed that the cradle of freedom is nothing but the centre of barbarism and the nursery of Jesuits, that the grandsons of Tell and Winkelried can only be brought to reason by cannon-balls, and that the heroism at Sempach and Murten was nothing but the desperation of brutal and bigoted mountain tribes, obstinately resisting civilisation and progress.

It is really very fortunate that European democracy is finally getting rid of this Ur-Swiss, puritan and reactionary ballast. As long as the democrats concentrated on the virtue, the happiness and the patriarchal simplicity of these Alpine shepherds, they themselves still appeared in a reactionary light. Now that they are supporting the struggle of civilised, industrial, modern-democratic Switzerland against the crude, Christian-Germanic democracy of the primitive, cattle-breeding cantons, they represent progress everywhere, now the last reactionary glimmer disappears, now they show that they are learning to understand the meaning of democracy in the 19th century.“17

We are the representatives of democracy in the 21st century — the democracy of the proletariat, the masses and the people, the democracy of the people‘s councils, as a continuation of the worker‘s and soldier‘s councils that Kascher and Herzog — the founders of the communist party — built them, as Lenin, Stalin, Mao and Gonzalo taught us, democracy for the people and dictatorship for the class enemy that has ruthlessly ruled over us for so long — that very bourgeoisie which today represses the communists, revolutionaries and all progressive, democratic and patriotic people in this country and which robs, plunders and rapes the migrants, the third world and its people. We want the liberation of humanity from capitalism. That freedom, that true democracy, stands in opposition to the backwards, reactionary „democracy“ of Switzerland, which „can only be brought to reason by cannon-balls“.

The imperialists and reactionaries are the real terrorists. They spread fear through reactionary violence to maintain their outdated regime of exploitation, repression, rape, torture, deportations and war. The U.S. imperialists have killed millions of people in their wars of conquest against the people of Afghanistan, Yemen, Mali, Somalia, the Philippines, Syria, Iraq, etc., which are still ongoing. The Swiss imperialists preach to the world about how rich they are and open up their „secret bank“, the BIZ, for public vieweing — while they hide away the swastika-branded Jewish gold kept in that very building in Basle. The reactionaries of all countries are complicit in genocide. We are only pointing this out to the world and offering ways to fight and resist imperialism. To call this „terrorist propaganda“ is not only wrong — it is a delusional lie.




September 2021


1Mao Tse-tung: „On Protracted War“, May 1938.



4Karl Marx: „The Class Struggles in France, 1848-50“, 1850.

5V. I. Lenin: „Imperialism and the Split in Socialism“, October 1916.

6V. I. Lenin: „In Switzerland“, 12.07.1912.

7J. V. Stalin: „Concerning the International Situation“, 20.09.1924.

8Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru: „Interview With Chairman Gonzalo“, July 1988.

9Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru: „May the Strategic Stalemate Shake the Country More!“, November 1991.

10Here, it should be mentioned that the „Zauberformel“ was implemented as a response to a federal crisis in the 1950s, after the immense concentration of power in the executive during Guisan‘s rule had been abolished in 1952 through a referendum — a question which is relevant, but cannot be discussed here.

11Christoph Blocher is the long-time leader of the SVP. In 2004, he publicly went against the policies of other members of the Federal Council, in violation of the „Zauberformel“. He has shown open discontent with what he calls „the cozy post-war consensual system prevailing in neutral Switzerland“ and in general advocates measures toward a presidential absolutist form of fascism.


13Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru: „Interview With Chairman Gonzalo“, July 1988.


15Mao Tse-tung: „Problems of Strategy in China‘s Revolutionary War“, December 1936.

16Karl Marx: Editorial of the New Rhenish Gazette, 18.05.1849.

17Friedrich Engels: „The Civil War in Switzerland“, 10.11.1847.